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MEMOIRS 


OF 

SIMON  BOLIVAR, 


PRESIDENT  LIBERATOR 

OF  THE  , 

REPUBLIC  OF  COLOMBIA; 

AND  OF  HIS 

PRINCIPAL  GENERALS; 


SECRET  HISTORY  OF  THE  REVOLUTION,  AND  THE  EVENTS 
WHICH  PRECEDED  IT,  FROM  1807  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME. 

WITH  AN 


INTRODUCTION, 

CONTAINING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  STATISTICS,  AND 
THE  PRESENT  SITUATION  OF  SAID  REPUBLIC  ; . 

EDUCATION,  CHARACTER,  MANNERS  AND 
CUSTOMS  OF  THE  INHABITANTS. 

v' 

BY  GEN.  II.  L.  V.  DUCOUDRAV  HOLSTEIN, 

Ex-Cliief  of  the  Staff  of  the  President  Liberator,  and  now  a citizen  of  the  United 
States,  Professor  of  modern  Languages  at  the  College  in  Geneva , IV.  York,  §-c. 


“ II  n’y  a que  la  v£rite  qui  blesse 
Et — elle  blessera. 


BOSTON— S.  G.  GOODRICH  & CO. 
1829. 


DISTRICT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  to  wit : 

District  Clerk’s  Office. 

Be  it  remembered,  that  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  June  A.  D.  1829,  in  the  Fifty 
Third  Year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  S.  G.  Good- 
rich & Co.  of  the  said  District,  have  deposited  in  this  Office  the  Title  of  a Book, 
the  Right  whereof  they  claim  as  Proprietors,  in  the  -words  following  to  wit : 

“ Memoirs  of  Simon  Bolivar,  President  Liberator  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia ; 
and  of  his  principal  Generals  : Secret  history  of  the  Revolution,  and  an  account  of 
the  events  which  preceded  it  from  1807  to  the  present  time.  With  an  Introduction, 
containing  an  account  of  the  Statistics,  and  the  present  situation  of  said  Republic  ; 
Education,  Character,  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Inhabitants.  By  H.  L.  V.  Du- 
coudray  Holstein,  ex-chief  of  the  staff  of  the  President  Liberator,  now  a citizen  ot 
the  United  States,  and  Professor  of  Modern  Languages  in  the  College  at  Geneva, 
New-York,  &c.  •» 

II  n’y  a que  la  verite  qui  blesse 
Et — elle  blessera. 

In  Conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled  “An  Act 
for  the  Encouragement  of  Learning,  by  securing  the  Copies  of  Maps,  Charts  and 
Books,  to  the  Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  Copies,  during  the  times  therein 
mentioned:”  and  also  to  an  Act  entitled  “An  Act  supplementary  to  an  Act,  en- 
titled, An  Act  for  the  Encouragement  of  Learning,  by  securing  the  Copies  of 
Maps,  Charts  and  Books  to  the  Authors  and  Proprietors  of  such  Copies  during  the 
times  therein  mentioned  ; and  extending  the  Benefits  thereof  to  the  Arts  of  Design- 
ing, Engraving,  and  etching  historical  and  other  prints.” 

1NO  W DAVIS  5 Clerk  of  the  District  of 
J1NU.  W.  UAVlb,  j Massachusetts. 


Waitt  &.  Dow,  Printers, 

362  Washington-St.... Boston. 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Section  1.  Statistical  account  of  Colombia. — Geographical  divisions  and  form- 
er government  of  the  countries  at  present  comprehended  within  the  limits  of  Colom- 
bia ; Revolution  from  1810  to  the  present  time  ; Extent  of  territoy,  number  of  inhab- 
itants ; Debt  and  revenue  ; Forts  and  fortifications  ; Seaports  ; Judicial  administra- 
tion ; Form  of  government,  slavery,  Indians,  common  schools,  colleges,  universities, 
roads,  rivers,  mines,  diseases,  burial  places,  poor  houses  and  beggars,  the  clergy; 
Executive  influence  ; Obstacles  to  the  establishment  of  a regular  efficient  free  gov- 
ernment, and  prosperity  iu  Colombia. 

Section  2.  Education,  Manners,  Habits  and  Characteristics. — Education  of  the 
Colombians  ; their  vanity,  ambition,  contempt  of  trades  and  mechanic  arts  ; classes 
and  ranks  in  society ; marriages,  intrigues,  and  dissoluteness  ; Women,  their  man- 
ners, character,  education,  dress ; those  of  Bogota  as  distinguished  from  those  of 
Caracas  and  Carthagena  ; houses,  furniture,  luxuries  and  extravagance  ; supersti- 
tion, influence  of  the  priests  ; characteristic  habits,  traits  ; Llaneros,  their  dress, 
equipments,  &c  ; Perez,  Zarasa ; the  Margaritans  ; religious  ceremonies  ; former 
punishment  for  murder  and  robbery,  instance  of  the  public  punishment  of  a young  fe- 
male at  Bogota,  for  an  attempt  to  steal  the  jewels  of  the  image  of  the  virgin  Mary. 

MEMOIRS,  &c. — Chapter  I. 

Causes  of  the  present  imperfect  knowledge,  and  erroneous  opinions  respecting  the 
political  events  and  leading  characters  in  Colombia. 

II. 

Birth  of  Bolivar,  his  family,  visit  to  Europe,  marriage.  Errors  in  the  biographical 
sketch  of  his  life  iu  Ackerman's  Magazine. 

III. 

Events  previous  to  the  entry  of  Bolivar  into  the  regular  army  of  Venezuela  ; 
first  cause  of  the  Revolution  at  Caracas ; Napoleon’s  invasion  of  Spain,  and  its  in- 
fluence upon  the  Spanish  colonies  ; propitious  moment  for  the  Americans  to  rise 
against  their  oppressors  ; policy  of  the  cabinets  of  St.  Cloud  and  St.  James  in  regard 
to  the  Spanish  colonies — years  1807 — '8. 

IV. 

Situation  of  Venezuela  in  1808  ; arrival  of  captain-general  Emparan,  and  lieutenant- 
colonel  Simon  Bolivar,  at  Laguaira,  from  Spain  ; Emparan’s  administration  ; details 
of  the  revolution  at  Caracas,  19th  April,  1810  ; Venezuelan  Junta  ; Spanish  regen- 
cy ; conspiracy  of  Linares  ; commencement  of  hostilities ; Marquis  del  Toro  ; Mi- 
randa’s arrival  at  Caracas  ; congress  ; executive  power  ; patriotic  society  ; Isle- 
nan  conspiracy ; declaration  of  independence  ; military  operations  of  Miranda ; 
project  of  a constitution  ; situation  of  the  republic  in  1811 — years  1808 — 11. 

V. 

Earthquake  at  Caracas,  and  its  consequences;  particulars  of  Bolivar’s  entry  in- 
to the  arm  v,  and  of,  his  nomination  as  governor  of  Porto  Cabello  ; capitulation  of 
Vittoria;  dissolution  of  the  republic;  arrest  of  Miranda  at  Laguaira  ; anarchical 
state  of  Venezuela  under  the  government  of  Monteverde  ; cruelties  of  the  Spaniards, 
Monte verde’s  solemn  entry  into  Caracas — 1812 


4 


CONTENTS. 


VI. 

Departure  of  lieutenant-colonel  Bolivar  from  Caracas  to  Curacao  and  Carthage- 
na ; expedition  of  Bolivar  against  the  Spanish  in  Venezuela,  his  entry  into  Caracas, 
his  nomination  as  Dictator — 1813. 

vn. 

Discontent  of  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela  with  the  dictatorial  government;  con- 
vention held  at  Caracas;  skirmish  of  Flora;  execution  of  1200  Spaniards  by  Boli- 
var ; action  of  San  Mateo  ; sending  of  deputies  to  London,  by  order  of  the  dictator  ; 
victory  of  the  patriots — 1813 — ’14. 

VIII. 

Boves  ; battle  of  La  Puerta,  defeat  and  flight  of  the  two  dictators  ; Caracas  in  the 
power  of  the  Spaniards  ; Bolivar  and  Marino  embark  at  Cumana  ; their  reception  at- 
Margarita  and  Carupano,  their  arrival  at  Carthagena;  memoir  justificative;  se- 
cret history  of  their  conduct  at  Carthagena,  factious  and  party  spirit  in  this  city ; 
particulars  of  what  happened  in  the  assembly  of  the  legislative  body  at  Carthagena; 
persecution  of  the  author — 1814. 

IX. 

Situation  of  New  Grenada ; arrival  of  general  Bolivar  at  the  congress  of  Tunja, 
his  reception,  his  march  against  Bogota  and  Carthagena,  his  stay  at  Mompox,  cor- 
respondence between  him  and  general  Castilho  ; Bolivar’s  secret  motives  in  besieg- 
ing Carthagena,  details  of  this  siege  ; Bolivar  embarks  for  Kingston,  in  the  island  of 
Jamaica — 1814— ’15. 

X. 

Consequences  of  Bolivar’s  besieging  Carthagena  ; situation  of  New  Grenada  and 
Venezuela  ; Marquis  De  San  Leon,  and  captain-general  Cagigal  ; death  of  Boves, 
execution  of  Ribas,  cruelty  of  Morales,  conspiracy  of  the  blacks — 1815. 


XI. 

Events  of  Carthagena ; siege  of  that  place  by  Morales  ; Bermudes,  Ducoudray 
Holstein,  Brion  ; evacuation  of  Carthagena  and  Boca  Chica — 1815. 


XII. 

Particulars  of  the  stay  of  general  Bolivar  in  Aux  Cayes  ; 
dotes. 


XIII. 


eharacteristical  anec- 


Sailing  of  the  expeditionary  army  under  the  command  of  general  Bolivar,  from 
Aux  Cayes  to  Margarita  ; Naval  action  on  the  2d  of  May,  and  how  general  Bolivar 
behaved  in  it ; events  in  the  Island  of  Margarita  ; arrival  of  the  expedition  at  Caru- 
pano ; characteristic  anecdotes  of  general  Bolivar ; the  author  takes  final  leave  of 
the  service  ; what  happens  between  general  Bolivar  and  him  at  Aux  Cayes,  and  at 
Port  au  Prince.  Year  1816. 


XIV. 

Evacuation  of  Carupano  ; skirmish  at  Ocumare ; fifth  flight  of  general  Bolivar, 
and  his  retreat  to  the  island  of  Hayti ; McGregor’s  retreat  towards  Barcelona. 


XV. 

Cause  of  general  Bolivar’s  recal  to  the  Main  ; his  arrival  at  Barcelona  ; siege  and 
occupation  of  Barcelona,  by  the  Spaniards  ; behavior  of  general  Bolivar  at  Barce- 
lona—1816— ’17. 

XVI. 

Conquest  of  the  Provinces  of  Guayana  by  general  Piar  and  admiral  Brion  ; trial 
and  execution  of  general  Piar;  Bolivar  and  Marino;  Anecdotes — 1817. 

xvn. 

Campaign  of  1818  ; foreign  legions  ; conspiracy  against  Bolivar’s  power. 


XVIII. 

Bolivar  and  Sanander  ; council  of  government  at  Angostura  ; Roscio  and  Torres  ; 
situation  of  both  contending  parties  ; general  Urdaneta  and  English  ; Bolivar’s  ex- 
pedition against  New  Grenada ; his  return  to  Venezuela  ; events  at  Angostura ; fun- 
damental law  of  the  republic  of  Colombia — 1818 — ’19. 


XIX. 

Events  from  the  proclamation  of  the  Fundamental  Law  of  the  republic  of  Colombia, 
December  1819,  until  the  Armistice  between  general  Bolivar  and  Morillo,  November 
1820  6 


CONTENTS. 


5 


XX. 

Renewal  of  hostilities;  Manifest  of  general  de  La  Torre;  battle  of  Carabobo  ; 
conduct  of  La  Torre  and  Morales  ; Bolivar  at  Caracas;  surrender  of  Carthagena, 
Maracaybo,  and  Porto  Cabello;  entire  evacuation  of  the  Main  by  the  Spanish  forces. 
1821 — ’24. 

XXI. 

Conduct  of  the  dutch  government  in  the  Island  of  Curacao  against  the  republic  of 
Colombia  and  the  Spaniards  ; of  the  expedition  against  Porto  Rico,  and  spoliations 
committed  by  the  Dutch  government  of  Curacao,  under  pretence  of  the  criminality  of 
general  D.  H. 

XXII. 

Biographical  sketches  of  Louis  Brion,  Francisco  Pablo  de  Sanander,  and  Francis- 
co Antonio  Zea. 

XXII 

Biographical  sketches  of  general  Paez  and  Arismendy. 

XXIV. 

Recapitulation  of  Facts ; general  Bolivar  as  he  is,  and  not  as  he  is  commonly  be- 
lieved to  be. 


APPENDIX. 


PREFACE. 


The  author  of  these  memoirs  has  been  constantly  at- 
tached to  the  cause  of  liberty  in  both  hemispheres.  He 
served  in  France  during  the  whole  time  of  the  French 
revolution,  and  was  after  the  year  1 800  attached  to  the 
particular  staff  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 

Attracted  by  the  sacred  cause  of  the  Spanish  Ameri- 
cans, he  came  to  Carthagena,  where  the  government  of- 
fered him  service,  and  conferred  on  him  the  highest  mil- 
itary rank  in  its  power  to  grant,  that  of  Gefe  de  Brigada. 
He  had  the  fortune  to  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  forts 
of  Boca  Chica.  What  other  service  he  rendered  in  Co- 
lombia will  be  related  in  the  course  of  these  memoirs. 

He,  as  one  of  the  chieftains  of  the  Republic,  had  a 
good  opportunity  to  be  well  informed  of  facts,  w heth- 
er secret  or  open,  and  to  study  at  leisure  the  char- 
acter and  talents  of  the  chiefs,  who  were  his  daily 
companions,  and  many  of  them  his  subordinates.  He 
particularly  admired  general  Bolivar,  with  whom  he  liv- 
ed in  such  intimacy,  that  he  slept  on  various  occasions 
in  the  same  room  with  him. 

After  he  had  left  this  service  and  retired  to  private 
life,  in  which  he  supported  his  family  by  instruction, 


PREFACE. 


7 


and  literary  occupations,  some  friends  suggested  to 
him  the  idea  of  writing  a history  of  Colombia,  as  he 
had  been  an  eye  witness  of  so  many  interesting  facts. 
He  complied  with  this  suggestion,  but,  not  satisfied  with 
his  own  observations,  he  consulted  many  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished leaders  of  both  parties,  (Spaniards  and  Patriots) 
opportunities  for  which  were  frequently  offered  to  him  du- 
ring his  long  residence  in  Hayti,  Curacao,  and  St.  Thom- 
as ; and  accordingly  he  derived  from  them  information 
upon  certain  facts,  to  which  he  had  not  been  person- 
ally knowing.  He  afterwards  diligently  and  faithfully 
compared  the  various  statements,  and  adopted  what 
seemed  to  him  to  be  the  plain  intermediate  result.  He 
thinks,  therefore,  he  has  approached  as  nearly  as  possi- 
ble to  a correct  and  impartial  relation  of  facts.  He  has, 
besides,  kept  up  an  active  correspondence,  collected  the 
bulletins,  the  proclamations,  the  manifestoes,  as  well  as 
memoirs,  both  of  Spaniards  and  patriots,  and  compared 
them  with  each  other  ; and  lastly,  he  commenced,  and 
has  continued  to  make  short  notes,  after  consulting  dis- 
tinguished and  well  informed  gentlemen,  to  whom  he 
has  been  indebted  for  information. 

He  has  been  occupied  in  pursuing  this  subject  more 
than  five  years  ; and  as  these  memoirs,  now  respect- 
fully submitted  to  the  public,  contain  a great  many  facts 
hitherto  unpublished,  the  authoi  hopes  they  will  not  prove 
to  be  without  some  interest  to  the  reader. 


Geneva  College  February  4th,  1829. 


INTRODUCTION. 


SECTION  I. 

STATISTICAL  ACCOUNT  OF  COLOMBIA. 

Geographical  divisions  and  former  government  of  the  countries  at 
present  comprehended  within  the  limits  of  Colombia — Revolu- 
tion from  18)0  to  the  present  time — Extent  of  territory — Num- 
ber of  inhabitants — Debt  and  revenue — Forts  and  fortifica- 
tions— Seaports — Judicial  administration — Form  of  govern- 
ment— Slavery — Indians — Common  schools,  colleges,  universi- 
ties— Roads — Rivers — Mines Diseases Burial  pi  aces 

Poor-houses  and  beggars — The  clergy — Executive  influence, 
provincial  officers — Obstacles  to  the  establishment  of  a regular 
efficient  free  government,  and  to  improvements  and  prosperity 
in  Colombia. 

The  Spaniards  gave  the  name  Costa  o'  Tierra  Firma  to  those 
provinces  which  now  form  the  territory  of  the  Colombian  re- 
public. By  Tierra  Firma  Del  Oriente,  was  understood  the 
captain-generalship  of  Venezuela.  By  Tierra  firma  Del  Occir 
dente  was  understood  the  viceroyalty  o (New  Grenada.  Under 
the  name  Tierra  Firma  were  included  the  provinces  of  Vera- 
gua  in  North  America,  and  of  Panama  and  Darien  on  the 
Isthmus. 

Venezuela  was  governed  in  the  name  of  the  king  of  Spain, 
by  a captain-general,  who  presided  in  the  Real  Audiencia,  or 
great  council,  in  civil  matters.  This  officer  was  invested, 
vvitli  great  powers,  and  accountable  only  to  the  king,  through 

I 


10 


INTRODUCTION*. 


the  council  of  the  Indies.  He  decided  in  the  last  instance 
on  all  legislative,  judicial  and  military  affairs.  The  ecclesi- 
astical concerns  were  regulated  and  conducted  by  a tribunal, 
composed  wholly  of  ecclesiastics,  in  which  the  archbishop 
of  Caracas  presided.  The  captain-general  had  no  authority 
to  interfere  in  any  manner  whatever,  with  this  tribunal. 

The  time  of  the  captain-general’s  remaining  in  power  was 
limited  to  a period  of  from  four  to  six  years.  Very  few  of 
these  governors  returned  poor  to  Spain. 

The  captain-generalship  of  Venezuela  was  divided  into 
eight  provinces,  and,  in  1S09,  consisted  of  Cumana,  Barcelo- 
na, Caracas,  Barinas,  Maracaybo,  Coro,  Guayana  and  the 
island  of  Margarita. 

The  ancient  vice-kingdom  of  New  Grenada  was  governed 
by  a viceroy,  who  presided  over  the  Real  Audiencia,  and  was 
accountable  to  the  king  alone,  through  the  council  of  the  In- 
dies, in  which  the  king  was  supposed  to  preside. 

New  Grenada,  in  1809,  stood  divided  into  three  audien- 
cias,  and  twenty-two  provinces. 

Under  the  Audiencia  of  Panama,  were  the  provinces  of  Vera- 
gua  and  Panama. 

Under  that  of  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  were  the  provinces 
Coro,  Sinu,  Carthagena,  Santa  Martha,  Mariquita,  Santa 
Fe,  Antioquia,  Neyva,  Popayan,  Pamplona,  Tunja  and  Lo- 
cono. 

Under  the  Audiencia  of  Quito,  were  the  provinces  of  Quito, 
Quijos,  Maynas,  Atacames,  Guayaquil,  Cuenta,  Loja  and  Ja- 
en  De  Bracamoros. 

No  intercourse  was  held  between  Venezuela  and  New 
Grenada.  A traveller  wishing  to  pass  from  one  to  the  other, 
was  obliged  to  submit  to  all  those  tiresome  and  humiliating 
formalities  required  on  entering  Spain.  The  government  and 
laws  were  quite  different  in  the  two  countries,  as  were  the 
character,  habits,  manners  and  customs  of  the  inhabitants. 

The  Spanish  colonial  system  is  so  generally  understood, 
that  it  would  be  superfluous  to  speak  of  it  here.  But  the  fol- 
lowing particulars  of  the  Philippine  Company,  are  little  known. 


INTRODUCTION. 


11 


This  was  a society  of  merchants  and  other  wealthy  individu- 
als of  the  province  of  Biscay  in  Spain,  who  purchased  of  the 
king  the  privilege  of  importing  and  exporting,  to  and  from 
his  colonies,  merchandise  of  every  description,  and  of  fixing 
the  prices  of  all  kinds  of  produce  and  merchandise.  On  the 
Main,  neither  the  captain-general  or  the  viceroy  could  alter 
any  price  fixed  by  the  company.  Capital  punishments  were 
ordained  against  every  one  who  traded  with  the  inhabitants 
without  being  authorised  by  the  company.  The  natives  were 
forced  to  sell  their  produce  at  the  price  fixed.  The  compa- 
ny had  armed  vessels  called  Guarda  Costas,  employed  to  pre- 
vent the  intercourse  with  any  vessel  or  individnal  not  author- 
ised by  the  company. 

Their  net  profit  was  about  three  hundred  percent,  and  this 
mode  of  conducting  their  trade  may,  alone,  serve  to  show  the 
wretched  condition  of  the  Main. 

The  following  are  the  principal  revolutions  and  changes  of 
government  on  the  Main,  from  April  19th,  1810,  until  Decem- 
ber 1819,  when  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada  united  under 
one  government,  which  took  the  name  of  the  republic  of  Co- 
lombia. 

In  Venezuela  the  Spanish  government  was  changed  by  a 
revolution  which  took  place  at  Caracas  19th  of  April  1810, 
when  the  captain-general  Emparan  and  the  Real  Audiencia, 
were  arrested,  and  a provisional  Junta  was  formed  under  the 
name  of  “ Junta  established  for  the  preservation  of  the  rights 
of  His  Majesty,  the  king  Ferdinand  VII.” 

On  the  2d  of  March  1 SI  1 , the  congress  of  Venezuela  open- 
ed their  sessions  at  Caracas.  It  was  composed  of  the  depu- 
ties of  the  following  provinces:  Margarita,  Caracas,  Merida, 
Cumana,  Barcelona,  Barinas  and  Truxillo.  By  an  act  of  July 
5th  181 1,  congress  declared  the  republic  of  Venezuela  free 
and  independent  of  Spain.  On  the  21st  of  December  of  the 
same  year,  it  sanctioned  a constitution  which  bound  the  pro- 
vinces together  by  a federal  act,  like  that  of  the  United  States 
of  America.  But  these  several  provinces  being  exposed,  both 
to  internal  faction,  and  invasion  from  without,  were  scarcely 


12 


INTRODUCTION. 


able,  separately,  to  bear  the  expense  incurred  for  their  own 
preservation,  so  that  the  expenses  of  the  general  government, 
and  the  support  of  the  army  and  navy,  fell  chiefly  upon  Cara- 
cas. Congress  was  in  a prosperous  state,  when  the  dreadful 
earthquake,  together  with  the  loss  of  Porto  Cabello,  and  the 
capitulation  ofVittoria,  between  general  Miranda  and  Mon- 
teverde,  ruined  the  government,  and  destroyed  the  congress 
and  republic  of  Venezuela,  (July  1S12.)  The  country  was 
left  to  anarchy,  and  subjected  to  the  power  of  the  sword. 

On  the  14th  of  August  1814,  general  Simon  Bolivar  enter- 
ed the  city  of  Caracas  as  conqueror,  and  assumed  the  title  of 
“ Dictator  Liberator  of  the  West  of  Venezuela ,”  and  established 
an  arbitary  military  government.  General  San  Iago  Marino 
had  done  the  same  before,  in  the  provinces  of  Cumana,  Bar- 
celona, &c.  under  the  title  of  “ Dictator  Liberator  of  the  Pro- 
vinces east  of  Caracas .” 

The  17th  of  July  1814,  tbe  Spaniards  again  entered  the  city 
of  Caracas.  In  consequence  of  the  battle  of  La  Puerta,  where 
the  two  dictators  were  beaten  by  Boves,  the  Spaniards,  short- 
ly after,  took  possession  of  the  provinces  which  the  two  dic- 
tators and  their  troops  had  evacuated.  In  the  night  of  the 
24th  and  25th  of  August,  the  dictators  embarked  at  Cumana. 

Venezuela  became  again  subject  to  the  bayonet,  and  each 
military  chieftain  governed  despotically  the  territory  occu- 
pied by  his  troops. 

May  5th  IS]  6,  Simon  Bolivar,  with  some  armed  men,  en- 
tered again  the  territory  of  Venezuela,  (the  island  of  Margari- 
ta,) and  assumed  the  title  of  11  Supreme  Chief  Captain- Gener- 
al of  the  forces  of  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada ,”  &c.  &c. 

On  the  Gtli  of  July  of  the  same  year,  he  lost  that  title,  and 
Venezuela,  when  lie  suddenly  embarked  at  Ocumare,  for  the 
Dutch  island  of  Buen  Ayre. 

On  the  31st  December,  1S1G,  general  Bolivar  landed  again 
at  Barcelona,  and  reassumed  the  title  of  “ Supreme  Chief  Lib- 
erator of  the  Republic  of  Venezuela , Captain  General ,”  &c. 
&c.  He  had  been  called  through  the  powerful  influence  of 
Admiral  Louis  Brion  ; but  under  the  express  condition  that  he 


INTRODUCTION. 


13 


should,  upon  his  arrival,  assemble  a congress  at  Barcelona. 
He  not  only  neglected  to  do  so,  but  he  persecuted  the  mem- 
bers of  the  congress  at  Cariaco,  May  1817. 

In  consequence  of  general  Bolivar’s  very  unfortunate  cam- 
paign in  181S,  against  Morillo,  the  general  dissatisfaction  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Angostura  with  that  campaign,  his  manner 
of  government,  (which  was  the  same  as  under  his  Dictator- 
ship at  Caracas)  and  the  strong  representations  of  Brion,  Zea, 
Manuel  Torres,  Doctor  Roscio,  Doctor  Carli,  and  other  pat- 
riots, the  Supreme  Chief  was  compelled,  at  last,  to  assemble 
a Congress  at  the  city  of  Angostura,  under  the  name  of  the 
Congress  of  the  Republic  of  Venezuela.  Bolivar  was  chosen 
President  of  the  Republic;  and  we  shall  see,  in  the  proper 
place,  in  what  his  power  consisted. 

New  Grenada  was,  during  that  time,  the  theatre  of  various 
commotions  and  changes.  A Junta  was  established  at  Bogota, 
the  20th  of  July,  1810,  in  which  the  viceroy  presided.  Soon 
after  the  same  Junta  deposed  and  arrested  their  president, 
and  exiled  most  of  the  members  of  the  Real  Audiencia,  (as 
the  Junta  at  Caracas  did,  April  1 9 1 h , 1810.) 

The  Junta,  in  their  manifesto,  declared  that  they  no  longer 
recognised  the  authority  of  the  Spanish  regency,  and  they  in- 
vited the  twenty-two  provinces  to  send  their  deputies  to 
Bogota,  in  order  to  fix,  in  a general  assembly,  the  form  of  this 
new  government ; but  only  during  the  time  of  the  captivity  of 
their  beloved  and  adored  King  Ferdinand  i 'll. 

The  deputies  of  the  provinces  Tunja,  Pamplona,  Neyva,  Car- 
thagena  and  Antiochia,  assembled  at  the  city  of  Bogota,  where 
they  concluded,  November  27th,  1811,  a federal  treaty,  in 
sixty  eight  articles,  by  which  congress  united  the  legislative 
and  executive  powers.  But  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  of 
Cundinamarca,  disapproved  of  these  articles  of  union,  and 
convoked  a general  assembly  of  the  deputies  of  those  of  the 


“The  name  of  Santa  Fe  of  Bogota,  was  from  that  year,  changed  to  Bogota , and  its 
province  called  Cundinamarca. 


14 


INTRODUCTION. 


twenty-two  provinces  which  had  not  met  at  Bogota.  This 
assembly  took  the  name,  El  Collegio  Electoral  Constituente. 
They  proposed  a project  of  a constitution,  which  was  approv- 
ed in  general  assembly,  April  17th,  1812.  This  project,  in 
twelve  great  parts,  treated  of  a limited  monarchical  govern- 
ment. 

Francisco  Naroni.  president  of  the  junta  in  the  province  of 
Cundinamarca,  revolted  against  Congress.  This  body  not 
confiding  in  the  favorable  opinion  of  the  citizens  of  Bogota, 
suddenly  resolved  to  leave  that  capital  and  establish  the  seat 
of  government  in  the  little  townofTunja.  This  change  was 
the  origin  of  a civil  war,  which  began  between  the  leaders 
of  congress,  and  the  partizans  of  Narino,  in  1812. 

After  many  troubles  and  much  bloodshed,  the  congress  at 
Tunja,  decreed  September  10th,  1814.  that  an  executive 
power  called,  the  Executive  Council , should  be  established, 
consisting  of  three  members. 

In  November  1814,  general  Bolivar  arrived  at  Tunja,  and 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain-general  of  Venezuela  and 
New  Grenada,  and  instructed  to  put  an  end,  by  force  of  arms 
to  these  troubles.  He  marched  with  a strong  body  of  troops 
against  Bogota,  which  he  subjected  without  bloodshed,  the 
city  having  no  fortifications  and  very  few  troops. 

Congress  returned  again  to  Bogota  ; but  was  soon  after 
compelled  to  dissolve  and  fly,  in  consequence  of  the  siege  of 
Carthagena,  by  general  Bolivar  himself,  in  the  beginning  of 
1 S 1 5 . By  this  siege  he  lost  his  army,  the  congress,  the  strong 
fortress  of  Carthagena,  and  the  independence  of  New  Gren- 
ada. 

From  that  time  the  provinces  of  New  Grenada  were  left  in 
a state  of  anarchy,  each  military  leader  ruling  the  territory 
occupied  by  his  troops,  as  he  pleased.  And  when  general 
Bolivar  reconquered  New  Grenada  in  1819,  he  established  at 
Bogota,  a provisional  government,  nearly  the  same  with  his 
dictatorship  in  Venezuela  in  1813  and  14. 

Aftpr  all  these  commotions  and  changes,  New  Grenada  and 
Venezuela  were  at  last  united  under  one  government;  by  a 


INTRODUCTION. 


15 


decree  of  tlie  congress  at  Angostura,  called  the  Fundamental 
Laiv,  dated,  “city  of  St.  Thomas,  Angostura,  in  the  province 
of  Guayana,  December  11th,  1819*.  This  new  government 
assumed  the  title  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia.  The  funda- 
mental laws  was  a provisional  and  unlimited  treaty  of  union 
between  the  inhabitants  of  both  New  Gerenda  and  Venezuela. 
It  was  sanctioned  by  the  general  congress  convened  at  the 
city  Del  Rosario  De  Cuenta,  12th  July,  1820. f 

The  government  of  Colombia  was  declared  to  be  a central, 
and  not  a federal  government;  such  is  the  late  constitution 
of  Colombia. 

In  the  debates  upon  the  subject,  the  deputies  of  Venezuela 
advocated  a central  government.  Those  of  New  Grenada  con- 
tended for  a federal  union.  The  first  opinion  was  that  of  gen- 
eral Bolivar,  who  in  his  private  conversation  at  Aux  Cayes, 
Barcelona  and  Angostura,  told  his  friends,  that  a central  gov- 
ernment would  give  much  more  force  and  promptness  in  the 
execution  of  the  laws.  His  enemies  accuse  him  of  being  in 
favor  of  a central  government,  in  order  to  preserve  in  himself 
the  power  which  he  would  have  lost  by  a federal  union.  We 
shall  see  in  the  course  of  this  work,  how  far  this  accusation 
was  just.  In  order  that  neither  party  might  be  deprived  of 
an  opportunity  of  expressing  their  mature  opinions  on  this 
point,  an  article  was  inserted  in  the  constitution, J in  these 
words  : “ After  an  experiment  of  ten  or  more  years,  shall  have 
discovered  all  the  inconveniences  or  advantages  of  the  pres- 
ent constitution,  the  congress  shall  convoke  a grand  conven- 
tion of  Colombia,  authorised  to  examine,  (revise)  it,  or  to 
reform  it  altogether.” 

The  territory  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia,  extends  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  river  to  the  nothern  frontiers  of 
Peru  and  Brazil,  or  to  the  province  of  Meynas  on  the  limits  of 
the  Amazon. 


*See  Appendix.  Document'No.  1. 
tSee  Appendix.  Document  No.  2. 
t Article  191. 


1G 


INTRODUCTION. 


Baron  Humbodst  says,  in  bis  “ historical  account  of  a 
voyage  to  the  equinoxial  regions  of  the  new  continent,”  that 
the  republic  of  Colombia  is,  with  Mexico  and  Guatimala,  the 
only  state  m Spanish  America  which  occupies  coasts  opposite 
to  Europe  and  Asia.  From  Cape  Paria  to  the  eastern  extrem- 
ity of  the  province  of  Veragua,  were  counted  400  maratime 
leagues;  from  Cape  Burica  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  Tumbez, 
were  260.  The  sea-shore  which  the  Colombian  Republic 
possesses  on  the  sea  of  the  Antilles  and  on  the  Pacific  ocean, 
is  equal  in  length  to  the  coast  from  Cadiz  to  Dantzic,  and 
from  Ceuta  to  Jaffa. 

Mr.  Bouchon,  in  his  American  Atlas,  asserts  that  the  Re- 
public of  Colombia  contained  9 1 ,952  square  leagues  ;*  others 
say  126,000;  and  the  same  author  affirmed  its  population  in 
1823  to  be  2,785,000  inhabitants,  which  I think  too  many, con- 
sidering that  war  and  emigration  have  been  so  long  opera- 
ting against  these  countries,  and  that  the  government  has 
done  so  little  to  encourage  the  settlement  of  foreigners  in 
the  country. 

By  another  calculation,  the  population,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  1822  was  as  follows. 

Whites.  Colored:  Total. 

In  Venezuela,  80,000.  4SO,000.  560,000. 

In  New  Grenada,  110,000.  900,000.  1,010,000. 


190,000.  l,3S0,00O.  1,570,000. 

These  calculations,  differing  so  widely,  were  made  within 
the  space  of  one  year.  But  it  is  to  be  noted  that  a census  was 
never  taken  under  the  Spanish  government.  Each  priest 
had  his  register,  in  which  he  inserted  christenings,  mar- 
riages and  burials,  and  nothing  else ; and  these  were  not 
published.  The  present  government  of  Colombia  has  not 
yet  taken  a census. 


*Jn  conformity  to  this  article,  the  ceneral  assembly  was  convoked  in  Colombia,  at  the 
end  of  1827. 

fTlie  second  article  in  the  fundamental  law  says,  the  republic  contains  115,000  square 
leagues. 


INTRODUCTION. 


17 


The  finances  of  Colombia  are  in  a very  low  state,  the  ex- 
expense greatly  exceeding  the  revenue.  The  national  debt 
is  greatly  increasing,  and  the  interest  of  the  English  loan  is 
not  punctually  paid,  as  will  be  shown  by  documents.  By  a 
law  of  congress,  dated  Bogota  June  23d  1S24,  the  territory  of 
Colombia  is  divided  into  12  departments,  49  provinces  and 
218  cantons. 

The  seat  of  government  has  been  fixed,  provisionally,  at  the 
city  of  Bogota;  of  which  the  inhabitants  of  Quito  and  Cara- 
cas are  very  jealous.  The  new  city  of  Bolivar,  which,  in  con- 
formity to  article  7th  of  the  fundamental  law  of  Colombia,  is 
to  be  established  in  a central  place,  has  not  yet  been  estab- 
lished, probably  for  want  of  the  necessary  funds. 

The  city  of  Bogota  contained,  in  1806,  about  80,000  in- 
habitants ; now,  not  50,000.  Caracas,  the  same  -year,  had 
36,000,  and  has  now  less  than  25.000. 

The  fortresses  in  Colombia  are  Carthagena,  and  the  four 
forts  of  Boca  Chica,  to  protect  the  entry  of  its  port  at  12 
miles  from  Carthagena,  Santa  Martha  and  Porto  Cabello. 
The  cities  ofMaracaybo,  Coro,  Laguaira,  Cumana,  Barcelo- 
na, Guayaquil  and  Pompatar,  are  in  part  fortified,  having 
forts  to  protect  their  harbors.  All  these  are  seaports.  The 
city  of  Angostura  is  fortified,  but  is  not  a seaport,  being 
situated  on  the  river  Orinoco,  about  80  leagues  from  its 
mouth. 

There  are  other  seaports  protected  by  small  forts,  batter- 
ies or  redoubts,  as  Carupano,  Ocumare,  Guiria,  Juan  Griego, 
&x.  In  the  interior,  the  cities  of  Quito,  Pastos,  San  Fernan- 
do de  Apure,  San  Carlos,  &c.  which  have  forts  or  batteries. 
But  the  cities  of  Bogota  and  Caracas,  that  are  situated  in  the 
interior,  are  not  fortified.  All  the  merchandise  sent  to  Bo- 
gota, must  be  embarked  on  the  Magdalena  rivet  for  Honda, 
where  it  is  loaded  upon  mules,  and,  crossing  a large  chain  of 
the  Cordilleras,  arrives  at  the  beautiful  valley  of  Bogota  in  3 
or  4 days.  Goods  destined  for  Caracas,  are  transported  with 


18 


INTRODUCTION. 


more  facility.  They  are  carried  by  land  from  Laguaira  or 
Porto  Cabello. 

Bogota  is  not  protected  by  forts  on  any  side.  Caracas  is 
protected  on  the  sea  side  by  Laguaira  and  Porto  Cabello,  and 
on  the  land  side  by  the  fort  of  La  Cabrera,  which  lies  in  a 
very  narrow  defile,  enclosed,  on  one  side,  by  the  fine  lake  of 
Valencia,  and  on  the  other,  by  a high  chain  of  mountains. 

The  port  and  fortress  of  Carthagena  are  protected  by  the 
four  forts  of  Boca  Chica. 

The  twelve  departments  of  Colombia  are  divided  into  pro- 
vinces, cantons,  or  counties,  and  parishes. 

Each  department  has  an  intendant,  entrusted  with  its  ad- 
ministration. The  president  of  the  republic  appoints  him 
for  the  term  of  three  years.  There  are,  besides,  two  or  three 
lieutenant-assessors,  lawyers,  a secretary-general,  and  other 
officers  of  the  intendancy.  Each  department  has  a comman- 
der of  the  land  forces,  a major-general,  a staff  and  its  offioers, 
besides  the  commandants  of  the  different  places,  of  the  en-^ 
gineers,  of  the  artillery,  the  inspectors  of  the  artillery,  infan- 
try, cavalry,  &.c. 

Each  province,  except  that  where  the  intendant  resides, 
who  at  the  same  time  is  governor,  has  a governor,  and  a 
lieutenant-governor-assessor.  They  hold  their  offices  for 
three  years.  The  last  are  generally  lawyers,  and  decide  the 
civl  causes.  Each  province  has  a secretary-general  of  the 
province  and  his  clerks,  a commander  of  the  place,  a director 
of  the  custom  house,  and  other  officers. 

Each  province  being  divided  into  cantons  and  parishes, 
each  of  them  has  its  cabildos,  or  municipal  officers,  elected 
for  one  year,  but  without  any  salary. 

For  the  twelve  departments  of  Colombia,  there  are  above 
200  political  judges,  who  have  no  fixed  salary,  or,  if  any,  it 
is  a trifle,  which  is  not  sufficient  for  their  support.* 


* A juez  politico  is  entrusted  with  the  decision  of  small  civil  causes. — See  the  report 
of  the  secretary  of  the  interior,  T.  M.  Restrepo,  made  to  the  Congress  of  Colombia,  as- 
sembled on  the  23d  of  April,  1823. 


INTRODUCTION. 


19 


To  each  canton  is  a notary  who  receives  no  salary. 

The  coasts  of  Colombia  are  divided  into  four  maratime 
departments,  viz: 

The  1st.  department  including  the  coasts  of  Guayana,  Cu- 
mana,  Barcelona,  and  of  the  island  of  Margarita  : 

2d.  Those  of  Caracas,  Coro  and  Maracaybo  : 

3d.  Those  of  Rio  Hacha,  Santa  Martha  and  Carthagena  : 

4th.  The  territory  of  Arato,  as  far  as  to  that  of  the  Ara- 
gua. 

A commandant-general,  an  auditor  of  the  marine  and  other 
officers,  are  entrusted  with  the  administration  in  each  of  the 
four  departments.  The  president  of  the  republic  appoints 
them  all. 

The  popular  representative  government  of  Colombia  has 
been  superseded  by  the  formal  military  despotism  under  Si- 
mon Bolivar,  who  assumes  the  title  of  “ Supreme  Chief  of  the 
Republic  of  Colombia.'1''  Many  of  the  laws  passed  by  the  con- 
gress, during  the  existence  of  the  popular  government,  still 
remain  in  force. 

Slavery  has  been  abolished  by  au  act  of  congress;  but  the 
act  is  limited,  extending  only  to  those  who  have  borne  arms, 
oY  are  able  to  pay  200  dollars  to  the  masters. 

The  civilized  aborigines  are  in  a wretched  condition.  Un- 
der the  Spanish  dominion  they  were  the  slaves  of  the  priests, 
or  the  alcaldes.  Both  were  their  tyrants,  forcing  them  to 
cultivate  a certain  portion  of  land  in  common.  This  dis- 
heartened the  laborer,  and  is  one  cause  of  the  low  state  of 
agriculture.  These  slaves  merely  vegetated,  and  were  so 
miserable,  that,  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  they  had  paid 
their  yearly  tax,  of  from  six  to  nine  dollars,  which  the  law  im- 
posed upon  each  male  from  18  to  5£>  years  of  age. 

October  4th,  1821 , congress  decreed  that  all  these  taxes 
should  be  abolished,  and  the  Indians  have  the  same  rights 
and  privileges  with  the  other  citizens  of  Colombia ; that  they 
should  no  more  be  obliged  to  work  in  common;  that  each 
should  have  his  own  lot  of  ground,  and  cultivate  it  as  he 


20 


INTRODUCTION. 


pleased  ; and  that  this  partition  should  be  made  within  five 
years. 

By  the  law  of  March  14th,  1822,  it  was  provided,  that  in 
each  of  the  seminaries  established  in  the  cities  of  Bogota, 
Caracas  and  Quito,  four  young  Indians  should  be  admitted 
to  the  course  of  studies  there  pursued,  and  that  two  young 
Indians  should,  in  the  same  way,  be  admitted  into  each  of 
the  colleges  of  the  four  other  departments.  The  want  of 
funds  obliged  them  to  limit  the  number.  Each  of  these  In- 
dians receives  a pension  of  ten  dollars  a month.  Those  who 
distinguish  themselves’  are  to  be  clergymen,  or  have  some 
government  offices. 

Besides  these  Christian  Indians,  there  are  in  Colombia,  va- 
rious tribes  of  savage,  heathen  Indians.  These  inhabit  Goa- 
gira  and  its  environs,  and  also  the  coasts  of  the  rivers  Orino- 
co, Meta,  Amazon,  and  other  rivers,  which  water  the  large 
valleys  in  the  east  part  of  the  republic.  They  are  known 
under  the  name  of  Indios  bravos. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  valleys  of  Casanare,  Tuy,  Apure, 
Arare,  Cumana,  Barcelona,  &c.  were  Christian  Indians,  known 
under  the  name  of  Llaneros.  They  are  ferocious  and  cruel, 
but  have  rendered  the  greatest  services  to  the  republic. 

Public  instruction  is  very  much  neglected,  government  not 
having  the  means  of  paying  good  teachers,  and  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  counties  and  parishes  being  too  poor  to  bear  the 
expense  of  educating  their  children.  Moreover,  theie  can- 
not be  found  teachers  sufficiently  able  and  enlightened,  nor 
enough  good  elementary  school  books. 

Article  XV  of  the  law  of  the  2d  of  August,  1821.  concern- 
ing the  Primary  Schools,  authorises  the  executive  to  establish 
in  the  principal  cities  of  Colombia,  Normal  Schools.  These 
are  established  at  Bogota,  Caracas  and  Carthagena.  But  the 
absolute  want  of  funds  and  elementary  books,  and  the  preju- 
dices against  this  method,  united  with  the  great  influence  of 
the  priests,  who  are  generally  attached  to  old  Spanish  meth- 
ods, confine  this  system  to  learning  in  prayer  books,  and  cate- 
chisms, too  abstract  for  the  entertainment  or  the  conception 


INTRODUCTION. 


21 


of  children . There  were  primary  schools  for  females,  but  as 
government  had  not  the  necessary  means,  it  was  obliged,  by 
the  law  of  July  28th,  1821,  to  establish  these  schools  in  the 
convents  of  the  nuns.  But  these  having  represented  them- 
selves to  be  in  want  of  a great  hall,  and  destitute  of  means  to 
construct  it,  very  few  have  been  yet  established.  We  may 
easily  conceive  how  miserable  all  these  schools  must  be, 
since,  we  know  how  narrow  and  filled  with  prejudices  of 
every  kind,  the  minds  of  all  those  were,  who  were  educated 
by  friars  and  monks  in  the  convents,  of  both  sexes,  under  the 
Spanish  government  on  the  Main.  These  are  at  present,  gen- 
erally, the  instructors  of  the  rising  generation.  What  must 
be  the  result  of  such  an  education  ! 

The  famous  professor  Lancaster,  after  having  spent  some 
years  on  the  Main,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  into  use  there, 
his  highly  approved  method  ot  teaching,  was  obliged  to  leave 
the  country,  displeased,  disgusted  and  ruined,  as  he  has  stated 
in  his  letters  and  memoirs,  by  which  we  learn,  that  the  twenty 
thousand  dollars,  granted  by  Bolivar,  have  never  been  paid. 
The  colleges  and  universities  are  like  the  primary  schools,  in 
their  infancy — in  a vegetating  state  ; not  for  want  of  the  best 
intentions  in  congress,  but  absolutely  for  want  of  the  neces- 
sary means. 

The  congress,  when  assembled  at  Cuenta,  ordained  by  a 
law  of  June  28th,  1S21,  that  a public  college  should  be  es- 
tablished in  each  province  of  Colombia.  There  are  such 
colleges  in  the  provinces  of  Tunja,  Ibagua,  Medellin,  Popa- 
yan,  Loja,  &c. ; and,  besides,  government  has  preserved  the 
old  colleges,  so  that  the  cities  of  Quito,  Bogota  and  Caracas, 
have  two,  and  the  provinces  of  Popayan  and  Merida,  one 
each.  But  all  suffer  for  want  of  funds  to  maintain  them,  and 
to  pay  good  professors. 

In  Bogota  there  is  a school  of  Anatomy  for  the  use  of  the 
students. 

Colombia  has  four  universities,  viz : at  Quito,  Bogota, 
Caracas  and  Merida.  That  in  Bogota  is  exclusively  for  stu- 
dents in  thology  ; the  three  others,  for  students  in  the  other 


22 


INTRODUCTION. 


branches.  Bogota  and  Caracas  have  libraries  for  the  use  of 
the  students  of  the  colleges  and  universities ; but  they  are 
not  extensive,  and  are  composed  chiefly  of  old  theological 
works,  not  conducive  to  science.  Arts,  sciences  and  litera- 
ture, are  all  in  the  same  state  of  infancy,  and  cannot  flourish 
until  the  schools  shall  be  in  a better  condition. 

The  country  of  Colombia  has  chains  of  large  and  high 
mountains,  known  under  the  name  of  Cordilleras  de  los  An- 
des, which  have  more  than  a hundred  branches  extending 
through  the  whole  republic,  60  that  very  many  of  the  roads 
are  laid  over  mountains,  impassable  by  carriages.  Over  a 
distance  of  SO  or  90  miles,  therefore,  travellers  must  pass,  on 
horses  or  mules,  or  by  water.  Mules  are  safer  than  horses. 
In  the  rainy  season  many  roads  are  so  overflowed  with  water 
that  it  is  dangerous  to  pass  them  : the  intercourse  with  the 
interior  is  then  greatly  hindered.  There  are  no  turnpikes, 
and  few  bridges  or  ferries  in  Colombia.  Rivers  must  be 
crossed  by  swiming  or  in  small  canoes.  Here,  as  every  where 
else,  the  want  of  means  and  hands,  opposes  the  necessary  es- 
tablishment of  turnpikes,  bridges  &c,  and  hinders  and  em- 
barrasses commerce  exceedingly.  The  chains  of  mountains 
have  in  them  many  dens,  affording  shelter  for  bands  of  robbers, 
who  under  the  name  of  Guerillas  infect,  particularly  in  the 
present  times,  the  departments  of  Venezuela,  Julia,  Boyaca 
and  others.  Travellers  and  mails  go  well  armed  and  escor- 
ted. 

The  two  largest  rivers  in  Colombia  are  the  Orinoco,  and 
the  Magdalena,  Eoth  these  are  navigable  for  ships.  Others 
may  be  navigated  by  small  craft;  the  principal  of  which  are 
the  Catatumbo  or  Julia,  forming  with  somo  others,  the  large 
lake  of  Maracaybo,  the  Atrato,  the  Cruces,  Aranca,  Patia, 
Vemc.caldas,  and  there  are  many  others.  Congress  intended 
to  unite  several  of  them,  by  means  of  canals,  cut  from  one  to 
another. 

On  the  Magdalena  and  Orinoco  rivers,  steam  boats  are  now 
used  for  the  transportation  of  passengers  and  merchandise. 


INTRODUCTION. 


23 


On  the  first  they  go  from  Santa  Martha  to  Mompox,  where 
the  passengers  land  ; and  with  horses  or  mules,  cross  large 
mountains,  before  they  can  arrive  at  the  large  plain  of  Bogo- 
ta, the  present  seat  of  the  Colombian  government.  On  the 
Orinoco,  they  go  from  one  of  its  seven  principal  branches, 
which  pours  its  waters  into  the  Atlantic,  to  the  city  of  An- 
gostura. 

The  provinces  of  Antochia,  Coio,  Popayan,  and  some 
parts  of  Neyva  and  Pamplona,  furnish  gold  in  grains.  Others 
product  silver,  iron,  copper,  &zc. 

Among  the  maladies  which  reign  in  Colombia,  are  the  yel- 
low fever,  black  vomit  and  dysentery;  but  these  prevail  only 
at  certain  seasons,  and  sometimes  the  turn  first  appear  not  in 
the  course  of  whole  years.  Another  very  grievous  and  con- 
tagious malady  known  by  the  name  of  el  mal  de  la  elefan- 
cia  (leprousy)  exists  on  the  Main.  The  inhabitants  belie; e 
that  this  plague  is  incurable,  and  that  it  is  communicated  by 
touching  or  taking  the  breath  of  a leprous  person.  Such  an 
one  is  consumed  by  sores  and  ulcers,  which  produce  poignant 
pains,  and  destroy  the  sufferer  as  soon  as  the  vital  parts  of 
his  body  are  infected.  The  eating  of  too  much  fresh  and  salt 
pork,  the  filthy  manner  of  living,  and  the  burning  sun,  are 
probably  the  principal  causes  of  this  plague.  The  Spanish 
government  had  established,  in  the  island  of  Boca  Chica,  in 
the  province  of  Carthagena,  a hospital  for  lepers,  where  a 
great  many  of  both  sexes  were  treated.  To  prevent  any  com- 
munication from  abroad,  they  were  guarded  by  a cordon  of 
troops,  and  capital  punishment  was  ordained,  for  attempting 
to  force  the  guard,  or  tresspassing  on  the  limits  prescribed. 
When  Carthagena  was  declared  a republic,  its  government 
preserved  this  institution,  the  more  carefully,  because  this 
province  had,  in  proportion  to  its  population,  a greater  num- 
ber of  leprous  persons  than  any  other  province  in  New  Gren- 
ada. Whilst  I commanded  the  forts  of  Boca  Chica,  I fre- 
quently visited  this  hospital,  then  immediately  under  my 
direction.  It  was  a hard — a horrid  duty  to  visit  these 


24 


INTRODUCTION. 


miserable  beings,  among  whom  I found  promising  youths  of 
both  sexes,  whose  parents  were  wealthy  and  powerful.  It 
was  dreadful  to  see  them  secluded  by  force  from  home  and 
society  forever,  to  perish,  by  long  and  excruciating  pains,  in 
misery  and  despair.  I did  all  I could  do  to  alleviate  their 
condition  ; but  the  low  state  of  the  funds  would  not  enable 
me  to  do  what  I wished,  and  what  was  requisite  for  them. 

The  province  next  to  Carthagena,  in  number  of  lepers,  is 
Socorro.  In  1820,  the  government  of  Cundinamarca,  desired 
that  a hospital  should  be  erected  for  leprous  persons,  in  the 
little  town  of  Curo,  where  these  persons  of  the  province  of 
Socorro,  Pamplona,  Tunja,  Casanare,  Bogota,  Neyva  and  Mar- 
garita, should  be  collected  and  cured.  But  the  funds  assign- 
ed were  so  deficient,  in  proportion  to  the  great  number  of 
lepers,  that  this  plague  continues  to  make  great  ravages  in 
these  seven  provinces,  as  well  as  in  that  of  Carthagena.  The 
leprosy  exists  in  the  provinces  of  Panama,  Choco,  Guayana, 
&c,  but  not  to  so  great  a degree  as  in  the  eight  former  pro- 
vinces. 

Another  less  dangerous  disease,  attacks  many  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Colombia.  It  is  the  iven,  a large  swelling  under 
the  throat  ; it  is  not  mortal,  but  deforms  the  visage,  partic- 
ularly of  females.  It  hinders  respiration,  and  makes  chil- 
dren imbecile  and  stupid.  This  disease  is  often  to  be  found 
in  the  temperate  valeys  ; but  the  inhabitants  of  the  Cordille- 
ra mountains,  and  those  of  the  plains  bordering  on  the  rivers 
Magdalena,  Meta,  Apure,  Orinoco,  &c.  are  not  exempted. 
This  malady  progresses  daily,  and  will,  as  is  feared,  spread 
throughout  the  whole  country. 

Various  projects  have  been  devised  for  removing  it.  But 
the  want  of  funds  for  the  payment  of  professors  and  practi- 
tioners, and  for  the  building  of  hospitals  has  been  the  princi- 
pal obstacle  to  so  beneficial  an  enterprise. 

Vacination  is  introduced  into  families,  and  the  nicest  care 
is  taken  in  the  city  of  Bogota,  Quito  and  Caracas,  to  preserve 


INTRODUCTION. 


25 


active  virus,  to  be  sent  into  the  provinces  where  he  small 
pox  makes  its  appearance. 

But  it  is  not  carried  to  all  the  provinces,  for  want  of 
funds.  The  civil  and  military  hospitals  are  for  the  same 
reason,  in  a miserable  condition. 

Many  small  cities  and  villages  have  their  cemetaries  with- 
out, at  some  distance  from  them  ; whilst  at  Bogota  and  other 
great  cities  the  dead  are  buried  in  churches  and  church-yards 
in  the  centre  of  the  population. 

Houses  of  refuge  for  the  poor  are  established  in  the  cities 
of  Bogota,  Quito,  and  Caracas,  where  beggars  and  vagabonds 
are  kept  at  work  for  their  maintenance.  Government  has  es- 
tablished a fourth  house  of  this  kind,  in  the  city  of  Pamplona, 
which  abounds  with  poor;  but  all  are  in  a wretched  state, 
for  want  of  money  ; and  beggars  are  met  with  in  the  streets 
of  almost  every  city,  town  and  village  in  Colombia.  But  few 
die  for  want  of  food,  the  soil  being  very  fertile,  and  the  pop- 
ulation small  in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  territory.  The 
mass  of  the  people  subsist  chiefly  upon  bananas,  rice,  fruit, 
and  roots,  which  grow'  with  little  or  no  culture  ; and  as  they 
remain  a great  part  of  the  day  in  their  hammocks,  or  stretch- 
ed upon  mats,  this  scanty  food  is  sufficient,  at  least  to  pre- 
vent their  starving  with  hunger. 

The  clergy  are  very  numerous  in  proportion  to  the  people 
over  whose  minds  they  hold  a vast  influence.  The  highest 
ecclesiastical  dignity  is  that  of  archbishop.  Ther  eare  two  j 
one  resides  at  Bogota,  the  other  at  Caracas.  It  has  been 
said  that  a third  was  to  be  established  at  Quito  The  treaty 
with  the  pope,  and  the  declaration  which  precedes  the  con- 
stitution of  Colombia,  that  the  catholic  religion  is,  and  shall  be 
the  religion  of  the  state,  are  sufficient  proofs  of  the  influence  of 
the  clergy.  There  are  ten  bishops,  viz,  at  Quito,  Cuenca, 
Maynas,  Panama,  Carthagena,  Santa  Martha,  Merida,  Guaya- 
na,  Medellin,  and  Antioquia.  Th e religious  and  regular  orders 
in  Colombia,  are  divided  into  3 provinces  : Venezuela,  Bogo- 
ta and  Quitp.  These  provinces  administer  and  govern  them- 
selves, independently  of  each  other.  The  superior,  or  central 


26 


INTRODUCTION. 


power  acknowledged  by  each  under  the  Spanish  government, 
was  the  vicar  of  the  orders  residing  at  Madrid,  who  was  him- 
self the  immediate  dependant  of  the  generalisimo  at  Rome. 
The  impolicy  of  continuing  this  communication  with  Madrid, 
a capital  inimical  to  independence,  was  suggested  to  con- 
gress, together  with  a plan  for  rendering  these  regular  orders 
altogether  independent  of  Spain  by  giving  them  a central 
place  in  the  territory  of  Colombia,  whence  they  might  after- 
wards communicate  directly  with  the  Holy  Father  ; and  this 
has  been  done.  The  first  congress  of  the  republic  of  Colom- 
bia, which  assembled  at  the  city  of  Rosario  de  Cucuta,  in 
1820,  ordered  the  suppression  of  all  the  convents  which  con-, 
tained  not,  at  least,  eight  monks,  and  destined  their  monas- 
teries and  other  depending  buildings,  with  their  property 
and  revenue,  to  the  education  of  youth  in  public  schools. 
In  consequence  of  this  order,  about  three  hundred  monaste- 
ries of  both  sexes  have  been  sequestered. 

The  establishment  of  a congress  of  the  republic  is  essen- 
tial to  the  freedom  of  the  country,  and  proves  an  expansion 
of  intellect  and  information  in  the  county,  which,  a few  years 
ago,  could  scarcely  have  been  contemplated.  But  it  is  to 
be  feared,  first,  that  the  immense  extent  of  territory  may 
greatly  weaken,  if  not  annul  the  guaranty  by  government, 
of  liberty  and  individual  security  and  peace.  In  many  in- 
stances, a department  has  one  chief,  who  unites  in  himself 
the  civil  and  military  authority,  under  the  title  of  Intendant. 
But  in  some,  there  is  a general,  who  commands  the  troops 
in  the  department,  but  who,  by  law,  is  subject  to  the  inten- 
dant. Now,  in  some  departments,  envy  and  jealousy  are  found 
to  exist  between  the  two,  having  a pernicious  influence 
upon  the  common  welfare.  This  has  been  the  case  in  the 
department  of  Venezuela,  whilst  Charles  Soublette  was 
intendant  there  in  1821,  ’2, ’3.  General  Paez,  who  com- 
manded the  troops  in  the  department,  held  Soublette  in  such 
contempt,  that  he  often  refused  to  receive  orders  from  him, 
and  to  obey  any  except  those  which  came  directly  from  the 
president,  S.  Bolivar,  or  the  vice  president,  Gen.  Sanander. 


INTRODUCTION. 


27 


Paez  came  one  day  from  Valencia  to  Caracas  for  money  to 
pay  his  troops.  He  went  directly,  without  permitting 
himself  to  be  announced,  into  the  cabinet  of  the  intendant, 
and  demanded  from  Soublette  an  order  on  the  treasury  for 
a certain  sum.  Soublette  answered,  in  a hesitating  manner, 
that  he  would  grant  the  request  with  a great  pleasure,  but 
that  the  little  cash  in  the  treasury  was  devoted  to  very 
important  purposes,  and  would  be  called  for  in  two  days. 
Paez  turned  upon  his  heel,  shut  the  door  with  violence,  walk- 
ed to  the  treasurer  and  ordered  him  to  hand  the  sum  requir- 
ed ; and  in  spite  of  his  remonstrances,  forced  him  to  do  so, 
and  rode  off  with  the  money.  This  rivalry  between  Soublette 
and  Paez,  actually  prevented  the  effect  of  the  combined  mil- 
itary operations  ; and  left  Morales  the  power  of  making  such 
progress,  after  the  battle  ofCarabobo,  when  every  one  thought 
the  war  would  be  quickly  ended.  Soublette’s  administration 
lost  the  provinces  ofCoro  and  Maracaybo,  and,  as  well  infor- 
med men  have  assured  me,  was  the  cause  of  Morales’  increas- 
ing his  power,  and  of  his  staying  so  long  in  Maracaybo.  I 
am  also  informed,  and,  I think  it  probable,  that  the  coward- 
ice and  incapacity  of  Soublette,  were  what  rendered  the 
blockade  and  siege  of  Porto  Cabello,  ineffectual. 

There  is  in  truth  no  check,  l mean  constitutional  check, 
upon  the  power  of  the  intendant.  These  intendants  are  gen- 
erally military  chieftains,  used  lo  exercising  absolute  power, 
which  men  under  arms  absolutely  require,  but  which  men,  as 
oitizens,  as  absolutely  forbid.  The  intendants  are  under  the 
immediate  orders  of  the  president,  they  are  named  and  in- 
stalled by  him.  He  changes,  and  removes  them  ; and  knows 
beforehand  whether  congress  will  approve  or  disapprove. 
The  president-liberator  is  therefore  the  only  power  by  and 
through  whom  all  is  done.* 


' The  President  Bolivar  published,  under  the  date  of  Bogota,  24th  of  November,  1826, 
a decree  with  the  following  title  : “ Decree  uniting  in  the  departments  and  the  provin- 
ces the  military  command  in  the  same  person  entrusted  with  the  civil  authority”  He  be- 
gins with  the  following  introduction  : “ As  it  is  convenient  to  the  consolidation  and  the 
honor  of  the  republic,  to  avoid  expenses  in  the  present  state  of  the  public  revenues. 


28 


INTRODUCTION'. 


It  is  true  that,  by  the  representative  system  the  voice  of 
every  alien  is  heard  in  the  hall  of  the  legislative  body,  which 
gives  him  an  appearence  of  guarenty  for  his  individual  liber- 
ty. But  the  most  important  thing  is,  that  the  responsibility 
of  agents  to  their  principals,  be  well  assured  ; and  above  all 
that  of  the  most  powerful  and  influential  agent,  viz,  the  Ex- 
ecutive ; because  this  power  is  the  soul  of  the  legislative 
body,  and  is  placed  between  that  and  the  people. 

Experience  has  shown  that  the  influence  of  the  Executive 
power  is  able  to  subdue,  to  absorb,  every  otheripower,  legisla- 
tive and  judiciary.  But  Colombia,  having  decided  against  a 
federal  system  as  too  weak  for  her  present  circumstances,* * 
has  now  no  other  chance  but  to  pursue  the  course  she  has 
marked  out  for  herself. 

The  central  government  gives  undoubtedly,  more  strength 
and  energy  to  the  executive.  But  is  it  likely  to  render  the 
people  more  prosperous  and  free  ; especially  when  we 
contemplate  the  union  of  such  complicated,  and  often 
jarring  elements  ? The  character  of  the  Venezuelan,  and 
his  manners,  customs,  and  habits,  differ  altogether  from 
those  of  the  Grenadan  ; and  the  laws  of  one  country  are  at 
variance  with  those  of  the  other. f The  jealousy  and  hatred 
existing  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  countries  have 
already  been  the  source  of  great  troubles,  in  Colombia. 
They  were,  indeed,  the  cause  of  the  revolution  at  Valencia, 
Caracas,  &c.  in  1826,  under  general  Paez.  With  a federal 
constitution,  both  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada  would  have 


which  are  not  sufficient  to  cover  those  of  the  administration  of  the  republic  ; and  being 
desirous  to  put  an  end  to  the  differences  which  fetter  the  public  service,  the  good  admin- 
istration, &c.  I decree,  article  1st,  that  in  all  the  departments  where  government  judges 
are  necessary,  the  military  and  civil  power  shall  be  united  in  the  person  of  the  latter,” 
&c.  See  Appendix  No.  4. 

* This  was  the  objection  of  general  Bolivar,  strongly  expressed  when  the  articles  of  the 
fundamental  law  of  the  republic  were  discussed  at  Angostura,  and  when  a great  many  of 
the  deputies  inclined  to  adopt  the  federal  system.  Some  insist  that  Bolivar’s  opposition 
sprung  from  his  fear  of  losing  his  supremacy  under  such  a constitution.  It  is  certain  thai 
he  has  retained  it  to  the  present  time.  He  is  again  dictator,  by  his  own  decree,  of  Bo- 
gota, 23d  of  November,  1826.  under  the  plausible  pretext  ol  the  civil  war,  and  the  dan- 
ger of  a Spanish  invasion.  See  Appendix  No.  5 

t See  section  II.  of  the  character  and  manners  ot  the  inhabitants  of  Colombia. 


INTRODUCTION. 


29 


been  enabled  to  establish  laws  better  adapted  to  their  situa- 
tion, to  the  character  and  habits  of  the  people  of  each 
country.  With  such  a constitution,  following  the  bril- 
liant example  of  these  United  States,  they  might  have  form- 
ed a consistent,  and  perfect  federative  union. 

To  trace  out  the  several  steps,  and  the  manner  of  proceed- 
ing in  the  two  governments,  would  afford  new  and  interest- 
ing matter  to  an  impartial  enlightened  observer,  and  there 
may  be  difficulty  in  deciding  between  them.  The  most  dan- 
gerous part  of  the  system  adopted  by  Colombia  is,  that  it 
combines  local  with  general  agencies,  thus  accumulating 
excessive  power  in  the  hands  of  a single  man.  The  federal 
system  is  free  from  this  danger. 

France  is  now  under  this  concentrated  government,  and 
so  is  Colombia.  Both  may  be  kept  in  subjection  by  the  con- 
centration, unless  some  change  take  place  in  the  charter  of 
the  former,  and  in  the  constitution  of  the  latter. 

3.  The  influence  and  power  of  the  clergy  are  far  too  great 
in  Colombia.  They  are  members  of  congress.  They  hold 
places  in  all  the  public  offices;  in  the  departments,  provin- 
ces, counties  and  parishes,  in  the  municipalities,  as  cabildos, 
and  as  officers  in  the  army  and  navy,  while  they  are  also 
priests  of  the  parishes.  They  are  paid  in  preference  to  others. 
By  means  of  tithes  and  other  contributions,  they  live  a very 
comfortable  life,  while  the  people  are  poor  and  miserable. 
The  catholic  religion  is  that  of  the  state,  and  the  public  wor- 
ship of  any  other  is  strictly  prohibited.  Advocates  of  reli- 
gious toleration  are  not  wanting  ; but  no  actual  step  has  been 
taken  towards  so  beneficial  a measure. 

The  prohibition  of  all  other  religions  except  the  catholic 
is  not  only  impolitic,  it  is  pernicious,  it  is  a phenomenon  in 
the  history  of  states,  that  such  an  article  is  found  in  the 
constitution  of  a people  who  declare  themselves  the  friends 
of  freedom.  This  fact  alone  is  sufficient  to  excite  well  ground- 
ed fears  for  the  success  of  sound  and  rational  liberty  in  Co- 
lombia. 


30 


INTRODUCTION. 


4.  The  jealous,  envious,  suspicious,  egotistic  and  ambi- 
tious character  of  the  greatest  part  of  their  chiefs,  will  be  a 
great  obstacle  to  the  freedom  and  prosperity  of  the  inhabit- 
ants. Observe  their  early  education,  theirvery  limited  knowl- 
edge, their  vanity,  their  prejudices  against  foreigners,  their 
habits  of  power  increased  by  15  years  of  war,  their  propen- 
sity to  act  according  to  their  own  arbitary  notions,  their  pas- 
sions, and  a judicious  observer  will  see  that  this  picture  is 
not  over  shaded.  I speak  of  the  majority  of  these  chiefs,  and 
there  are  not  many  exceptions. 

4.  The  finances  are  so  low  that  none  of  the  public  officers, 
are  regularly  paid.  In  some  parts  of  the  republic  there  have 
been,  and  are  still,  great  complaints  and  dissatisfaction  with 
regard  to  heavy  taxes  and  the  multiplicity  of  contributions.* 
The  famous  Alcavala , against  which  so  many  complaints  were 
made  in  America,  during  the  Spanish  dominion,  has  been 
abolished,  as  late  as  the  end  of  1827,  in  Colombia.  The  pa- 
per money,  the  vales,  the  patents,  the  direct  and  indirect  tax- 
es, the  heavy  duties  at  the  custom  houses,  and  others  were 
so  multiplied  as  to  have  become  a heavy  burden  to  the  peo- 
ple of  Colombia. 

And  in  what  consists  the  present  system  of  finance  and 
custom  houses  in  Colombia,  called  the  Ravenga  System  ?f 


*The  President  Liberator  says,  in  his  decree,  dated  Bogota,  24th  of  November,  1826, 
signed  by  him  and  the  Secretary  of  the  interior,  Joseph  HI  Resrepro : " As  the  revenues 
on  land  or  grounds  in  the  different  counties  of  the  republic  are  not  sufficient  for  the  ordi- 
nary expenses,  and  it  being  not  convenient  at  the  present  moment  to  over  burden  the  citi- 
zens with  new  taxes, which  provoke  complaints  from  every  quarter  ; I decree,”  etc.  See 
Appendix  No.  6. 

J'he  following  will  also  show  the  very  low  state  of  the  finances.  The  Presi  dent  Libera- 
tor says,  in  a decree,  dated  as  above  : “ ’J'he  public  revenues  being  insufficient  to  cover 
the  expenses,  so  that  public  credit  has  lowered,  and  is  in  the  greatest  danger  oj  being  lost 
entirely.  I decree,”  etc. 

f These  decrees  were  1st,  “ Of  the  management  and  government  of  the  intendancies, 
and  other  pliblic  offices,  in  the  direction  and  the  administration  of  the  revenues  in  the  four 
departments  of  Maturin,  Venezuela,  Orinoco  and  Julia.  Caracas  March  8th,  1827. 
Signed  Simon  Bolivar  and  'I'.  Rafael  Ravenga,  Secretary  of  State  and  General  of  His 
Excellency  the  President  Liberator.  Article  172  says  : “Every  one,  of  an  industrious 
class,  is  liable  to  pay  a tax  of  alcavala,  in  proportion  to  the  patent  granted  him  to  trade, 
or  to  exercise  any  other  occupation.  And  the  principal  administrators,  their  subalterns 
or  deputies,  arc  to  collect  these  taxes  upon  the  following  tariff Here  follows  a list  of 
the  different  classes,  called  industria,  divided  into  33  branches,  which  were  liable  to  pa- 
tent. The  banker,  the  merchant  and  the  commissionary,  for  instance,  paid  a patent  of 
400  dollars  each,  which  has  been  increased  to  600,  and  lately  (December  1827)  to  1000 
dollars  a year.  The  apothecaries,  200  dollars ; the  lawyers,  physicians  and  surgeons.  36 


INTRODUCTION . 


31 


Both  decrees  were  published  during  the  stay  of  general  Boli- 
var in  Venezuela,  at  the  beginning  of  1827,  and  were  attri- 
buted to  Mr.  Ravenga. 

The  President  Liberator  has  ordered  all  duties  to  be  col- 
lected one  year  in  advance,  and  such  has  been  the  urgency 
of  this  collection,  that  by  his  decree,  dated  Bogota  Nov. 
23d,  1826,  he  enjoins  that  these  taxes  be  wholly  collected  in 
December  of  the  same  year.* 

The  administration,  in  all  branches,  is  in  frightful  disorder ; 
the  natural  consequence  of  the  entire  want  of  money.  There- 
fore it  results  that  the  officers,  except  those  of  the  treasury, 
are  not  paid,  and  most  of  them,  in  order  to  subsist  with  their 
families,  yield  to  fraud,  corruption,  and  smuggling. f 

This  want  of  every  thing  prevents  the  payment  of  the  navy 
and  land  troops,  and  hinders  the  execution  of  all  combined 
operations.  A great  part  of  the  soldiers  were  known  only 
by  their  chacos  and  muskets  ; all  were  in  a pitiful  condition. 
The  officers  themselves  are  badly  clothed;  they  seldom  wear 
epaulettes,  and  some  of  them  neither  shoes  nor  boots,  and 
very  seldom  have  any  money. 

In  1822,  ’23,  when  Soublette  was  intendant  of  the  depart- 
ment of  Venezuela,  hundreds  of  officers  were  seen  begging 
from  house  to  house,  in  the  streets  of  Caracas  and  Laguaira, 
for  some  assistance  ! 


dollars.  The  owners  of  houses  pay  half  a month  of  the  rent  received  each  year.  Those 
who  inhabit  their  own  houses  with  their  families,  are  liable  to  pay  five  per  cent  more  than 
the  sum  , at  which  the  rent  of  the  house  may  be  estimated,  if  that  exceeds  120  dollars.  This 
expression,  que  seestime  que  genaria,  is  very  vague,  and  subjects  all  owners  of  houses  to 
the  arbitrary  decision  of  any  officer  the  government  appoints  to  estimate  them.  (See  an 
extract  ot  this  long  decree,  in  Appendix  under  No.  10.)  The  title  of  the  2d  decree  is,  “ Of 
iqo Inal'?Semjnt  ,anc*  government  of  the  maratime  custom  houses.”  Caracas,  March  9th, 
^ig'ied  Simon  Bolivar  and  Ravenga,  as  above.  See  Appendix  No.  11. 

To  this  decree  is  annexed  the  tariff  of  the  entry  duties  to  which  merchandise  imported 
into  the  seaports  is  liable — in  alphabetical  order.  On  perusing  this  decree,  from  which 
its  contents  renders  it  impracticable  to  give  an  abstract,  the  reader  will  be  convinced  how 
commerce  and  industry  are  liable  to  sutler  by  such  regulations. 

1 his  decree  is  entitled,  “ Decree  to  urge  the  execution  of  the  law  of  May  22d,  1826, 
in  regard  to  the  phblic  credit.”  See  Appendix  No.  7. 

+ 1 he  Liberator  commences  his  decree  to  repress  frauds  in  the  public  revenues,  dated 
Bogota,  23d  ot  November,  1826,  by  saying,  “ As  frauds  exist  in  the  public  revenues,  and 
are  so  common  and  scandalous,  and  as  it  is  necessary  to  put  an  end  to  a disorder  which 
relaxes  morality,  and  diminishes  so  considerably  the  revenues  of  the  treasury,  I have 
judged  convenient  to  decree,”  #c.  See  No.  9,  in  the  Appendix. 


32 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  name  of  battalion  or  regiment  is  often  given  there  to 
a collection  of  armed  men  that  cannot  possibly  number  200 
fit  for  action.  The,  -so  called,  armies  of  Colombia,  are  nei- 
ther well  instructed,  drilled,  nor  disciplined.  The  service  is 
performed  with  great  carelessness,  and  desertions  to  the  in- 
terior are  frequent ; the  natural  consequences  of  the  neglect 
with  which  the  soldiers  are  treated. 

5.  The  military  rules  and  ordinances  in  Colombia  are  those 
of  the  Spaniards.  They  are  in  use  both  in  the  navy  and 
among  the  land  troops.  Their  custom  house  duties  are  so 
heavy  and  arbitrary,  neither  inspiring  confidence,  nor  afford- 
ing encouragement  to  commerce  and  industry. 

6.  By  the  ancient  colonial  system,  which  was  powerfully 
supported  by  the  clergy,  the  Spanish  crown  fearing  that  the 
Americans  might  come  to  feel  their  strength  and  know  their 
rights,  took  great  care  to  prevent  the  growth  of  industry  and 
knowledge  in  both  Spanish  Americas.  Their  immense  ig- 
norance, (the  growth  of  the  Spanish  system,)  will  greatly  re- 
tard the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  Colombia. 

The  apathy  of  the  people,  resulting  from  the  climate,  and 
from  a slavery  of  300  years,  united  with  this  ignorance,  will 
render  a speedy  introduction  of  industry,  light,  and  liberal 
feeling,  among  them,  very  difficult.  These  blessings  may, 
perhaps,  not  be  attained  until  two  or  three  generations  have 
passed  away. 

Public  and  private  education  are  extremely  defective,  where 
they  are  not  totally  neglected.  Nothing  is  well  learned  or 
thoroughly  understood.  All  studies  have  been  very  limited, 
and  intercourse  with  foreigners  strictly  prohibited. 

7.  Agriculture,  the  only  road  to  a flourishing  and  profita- 
ble commerce,  is  in  the  same  satne  low  state  with  every  oth- 
er source  of  profit  or  comfort. 

The  scarcity  of  hand,  the  apathy  of  the  people,  and  the 
discouragement  to  foreigners,  from  settling  in  the  country, 
operating  with  a government  which  permits  the  military  to 
commit  daily  depredations  upon  the  peaceable  inhabitants, 


INTRODUCTION. 


33 


are  great  discouragements  to  all  industry,  to  every  effort  to- 
wards prosperity. 

The  fertility  of  the  soil  is  so  great  as  to  produce  yearly 
two  harvests.  But,  at  present,  both  harvests  afford  not  half 
as  much  as  one  of  them  did  under  the  Spanish  dominion. 
The  army,  which  contains  many  thousand  slaves,  absorbs  the 
laboring  classes.  The  chiefs,  neglecting  the  order,  comfort 
and  discipline  of  the  soldiers,  think  only  of  increasing  the 
strength  of  their  armies  by  numbers,  which  they  are  anxious 
to  augment.  Their  armies  are  growing  more  numerous,  less 
and  less  capable  of  resisting  invasion,  and  more  and  more 
burdensome  and  oppressive  to  the  inhabitants.  So  it  happens 
that  agriculture  is  neglected. 

A million  of  dollars  was  appropriated  to  the  encouragement 
of  agriculture,  and  assigned  by  congress  to  the  executive,  for 
that  purpose.  This  was  part  of  the  loan  of  ten  millions  made 
in  England.  The  history  of  this  loan  is  well  understood  ; and 
it  is  not  necessary  to  enquire  the  fate  of  the  one  million.  But 
at  best,  it  is,  as  has  been  often  said,  a single  bottle  of  water 
drawn  up  in  a sandy  plain. 

8.  The  judiciary  power  remains,  together  with  the  legisla- 
tive and  executive,  in  one  hand,  that  of  the  Dictator-liberator. 
He  prefers  military  tribunals  to  civil  courts  ; these  are  too 
slow  for  him  ; and  so  his  will  is  the  law  of  the  land. 

9.  Were  the  Dictator  the  great  man  he  has  been  taken  for, 
yet  one  man  cannot  be  every  where,  cannot  do  every  thing. 
Bolivar  must  necessarily  leave  to  his  subalterns  the  greatest 
part  of  business  in  the  departments  and  provinces.  There 
are  military  chieftains,  little  bashaws,  so  called,  who  rule  and 
vex  the  citizens  of  Colombia  by  deciding  according  to  their 
own  understanding  and  will. 

What  is  to  be  the  result  of  such  a state  of  things  in  Colorn- 
bia  ? Are  these  people  free?  Or  is  their  welfare  deferred  for 
years,  perhaps  for  centuries  ? Where  is  protection  to  be  found 
for  persons  and  property  ; for  the  culture  of  arts  and  sciences 
for  liberal  institutions,  schools,  industry,  agriculture,  the 
train  of  blessings  necessary  to  the  existence  of  prosperity  and 


34 


INTRODUCTION. 


freedom?  Were  the  inhabitants  in  a worse  condition  under 
the  dominion  of  Spain,  bad  as  it  was,  than  they  are  now,  un- 
der the  bayonets  of  the  Dictator-liberator  ? These  questions 
will  be  decided,  according  to  the  view  that  may  be  taken  of 
the  subject. 


SECTION  II. 

EDUCATION,  MANNERS,  HABITS,  CHARACTERISTICS. 

Education  of  the  Colombians — Their  vanity , ambition , contempt 
of  trades  and  mechanic  arts — Classes  and  ranks  in  sociity — - 
Marriages — Intrigue,  and  dissoluteness — Women,  their  man- 
ners, character,  education — Dress — Those  of  Bogota  as  distin- 
guished from  those  of  Caracas  and  Carthagcna — Houses, 
furniture — Luxuries,  and  extravagance — Superstition — Influ- 
ence of  the  Priests — C hard  eristic  habits,  traits — Llaneros, 
their  dress,  equipments,  fyc.  ; Paez,  Zarasa — The  Margaritans 
— Religious  ceremonies — Former  punishment,  for  murder , rob- 
bery— Instance  of  the  public  punishment  of  a young  female  at  Bo- 
gota, for  an  attempt  to  steal  the  jewels  of  the  image  of  the  virgin 
Mary. 

The  crown  ofSpain,  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  its  subjects 
from  the  lights  and  improvements  of  the  modern  nations  of 
Europe,  carefully  prevented  their  intercourse  with  all  other 
nations,  as  far  as  was  in  their  power.  The  Spanish  govern- 
ment labored  under  the  continual  apprehension  that  the 
Americans  would  become  acquainted  with  their  own  oppress- 
ed condition,  and  seek  the  means  of  breaking  their  own 
yoke.  The  king  reserved  to  himself  the  exclusive  right  of 
granting  passports  to  go  to  the  Spanish  colonies.  Before  such 
a passport  was  granted,  a Spaniard  was  obliged  to  submit  to 
many  humiliating  examinations  and  formalities.  It  was  more 
difficult  still  lor  a foreigner  to  obtain  such  permission,  which 


INTRODUCTION. 


35 


was  granted  oniy  10  those  who  were  powerfully  recommend- 
ed to  the  king. 

After  the  peace  of  Badojar,  France  alone  was  permitted  to 
send  agents  or  consuls  to  the  Spanish  Americas  ; and  their 
actions  were  pretty  closely  observed. 

A Spanish  American,  desirous  of  coming  to  Spain,  was 
obliged  to  submit  to  the  same  formalities  as  the  European 
Spaniard  who  wished  to  go  to  the  colonies.  The  viceroy, 
and  the  captain-general  only,  could  give  them  their  pass- 
ports. 

Capital  punishments  were  ordained  against  all  masters  of 
vessels,  not  Spaniards,  who  should  attempt  to  enter  any  har- 
bor in  the  Spanish  colonies,  and  against  all  merchants  not 
licensed  to  trade  with  the  colonists.  These  measures  ren- 
dered it  impossible  for  the  inhabitants  to  have  intercourse 
with  foreigners. 

The  clergy  felt  a deep  interest  in  seconding  the  views  of 
government.  Their  system  to  perpetuate  the  ignorance  and 
superstition  of  the  people,  procured  f<>r  themselves  the  great- 
est temporal  advantages.  In  the  pursuit  of  these  they  were 
utterly  regardless  of  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  people,  and 
of  their  own  ! 

The  education  of  youth  was  therefore  much  neglected. 
Boys  were  sent  to  school  ai  the  age  of  four  years,  and  the 
age  was  the  same  for  going  to  a convent. 

Since  education  to  a man  is  what  culture  is  to  a plant,  it 
may  be  proper  to  enter  into  some  details,  to  show  that  such 
education  as  the  greater  part  of  the  generation  now  living  in 
Colombia  have  received,  under  the  Spanish  dominion,  could 
not  possibly  form  men  of  knoweldge  and  of  liberal  minds. 
This  will  best  inform  us  what  kind  of  men  they  are  who  now 
stand  at  the  head  of  the  government,  and  how  those  power- 
ful chieftains  were  formed,  under  whose  control  the  various 
departments  are  placed,  and  among  whom  they  are  divided. 
There  are,  it  is  true,  in  Colombia,  and  in  other  parts  of  the 
Spanish  Americas,  men  of  talents  and  knowledge  ; but  they 


36 


INTRODUCTION. 


are  much  more  scarce  in  Colombia  than  in  othes  countries, 
and  their  political  existence  is  crushed  and  destroyed  by  an 
arbitrary  military  despotism.  Where  bayonets  are  the  gen- 
eral rulers,  liberty,  knowledge,  civil  rights,  and  all  political 
welfare  are  completely  banished.  To  turn  the  bayonets 
against  the  defenceless  country  and  its  inhabitants,  requires 
neither  knowledge  nor  talents. 

The  greatest  part  of  the  schools,  colleges,  and  universities 
have  been,  and  still  are,  in  the  hands  of  the  clergy,  and  the 
friars.  This  body  of  catholic  clergy  must  not  be  confounded 
with  those  in  olher  countries.  These  were  full  of  prejudices 
and  had  very  little  knowledge.  The  friars  were  not  much 
better,  and  in  some  cases  worse.  They  filled  the  heads  of 
the  school  boys  with  histories  of  extraordinary  and  incredible 
miracles,  with  sketches  taken  from  the  lives  of  their  saints. 
The  boys  learned  by  rote,  and  recited  a great  number  of  Latin 
prayers,  of  which  they  could  not  know  the  sense.  They  were 
taught  to  sing  litanies  and  masses,  and  were  subjected  to  ex- 
terior forms  of  piety.  Thus  were  they  formed  to  early  hab- 
its of  dissimulation  and  hypocrisy,  under  the  influence  of 
which  their  heads  and  hearts  remained  during  life. 

On  leaving  school,  they  entered  a college,  where  they 
learned  Latin  and  Greek  very  superficially.  Their  memories 
were  charged  with  an  obscure  and  diffuse  scholasticism,  and 
with  some  superficial  knowledge  of  geography,  history,  &c. 
Instead  of  being  taught  the  principles  of  true  religion,  or  of 
a sound  and  pure  morality,  they  were  instructed  in  the  differ- 
ent ranks  and  classes  of  society  ; in  the  advantages  of  being 
born  a nobleman,  or  of  belonging  to  families  in  the  service 
of  the  king,  or  the  church.  Their  self-love  and  vanity  were 
thus  excited  and  made  predominant  over  every  other  princi- 
ple and  motive.  This  education  was  ordinarily  finished  at  the 
age  of  fifteen  or  sixteen  years.  M.  Dupons  gives  a correct 
and  minute  account  of  their  instruction,  in  his  work,  which 
affords  the  most  full  information  on  the  state  of  education 
on  the  Main  before  the  revolution  at  Caracas. 


INTRODUCTION. 


37 


Since  the  revolution  of  1810,  the  new  government  has, 
however,  not  had  much  time  or  money  to  devote  to  the  sub- 
ject of  education.  Though  peace  has  afforded  more  leisure 
for  attention  to  this  subject,  they  have  been  deficient  in  both 
funds  and  talents,  and  this  deficiency  has  stood  in  the  way  of 
the  formation  of  good  primary  schools  and  colleges,  and  able 
teachers.  Will  Bolivar  establish  such  institutions?  It  is  very 
doubtful  whether  he  has  the  power  to  do  so.  And  with  his 
military  and  absolute  government,  can  he  desire  that  knowl- 
edge should  be  diffused  among  the  Colombians  ? 

In  Venezuela,  to  arrive  at  the  title  of  marquis,  count,  or 
baron,  was  the  height  of  human  felicity.  I have  known  dif- 
ferent Caraguins  to  expend  large  sums  of  money  in  getting 
one  of  these  titles  from  the  Spanish  government.  Others  ob- 
tained orders,  or  stars.  In  Spain  all  might  be  obtained,  par- 
ticularly under  the  corrupt  government  of  Manuel  Godoy, 
Prince  of  the  Peace. 

This  rage  for  titles  existed  not  in  so  high  a degree  in  New 
Grenada  as  in  Venezuela.  No  title  of  nobility  was  known 
there  among  the  natives.  The  European  nobility  preserved 
their  titles  after  leaving  Spain.  In  Venezuela  there  existed 
a Creolan  nobility,  unknown  in  New  Grenada,  under  the 
name  of  Mantuanos,  of  whom  1 will  speak  hereafter.  But  in 
both  provinces,  all  mechanic  trades  and  employments  were 
much  despised,  and  left  to  colored  and  black  people.  The 
honorable  occupation  of  cultivating  land,  belonged  exclusive- 
ly to  slaves.  In  Caracas  and  in  Bogota,  no  mechanic,  even 
now,  can  be  found,  who  is  not  a colored  or  a black  person. 
It  would  be  a disgrace  to  a man  of  good  family  to  touch  any 
of  these  occupations,  or  to  gain  an  honest  living  by  his  own 
industry.  He  would  like  much  better  to  have  a brilliant  uni- 
form, or  a friar’s  or  clergyman’s  frock,  to  sing  and  serve  at 
mass  in  church,  or  to  obtain  the  title  of  doctor,  that  he  might 
be  regarded  as  belonging  to  the  highest  classes  of  society. 
He  would  prefer  the  laziest  life,  to  obtaining  subsistence  by 
industry. 


38 


INTRODUCTION. 


This  vanity,  the  effect  of  early  education,  was  the  source 
of  many  dissentions,  and  of  a ridiculous  and  childish  jealousy 
among  families.  From  this  each  one  derived  an  opinion  that 
he  was  a more  important  man  than  his  neighbor,  and  was  anx- 
ious to  be  distinguished  by  his  birth,  rank,  titles,  and  wealth. 
This  was  often  the  cause  of  jealousy,  envy,  and  bitter  enmity 
between  two  families,  occasioned,  by  mere  trifles. 

The  officers  of  the  Spanish  government  and  the  clergy  saw 
these  dissentions  with  pleasure,  and  adopted  the  maxim,  Di- 
vide and  Govern.  The  numerous  class  of  lawyers  and  attor- 
nies  joined  the  two  first,  because  their  own  subsistence  de- 
pended upon  lawsuits,  which  of  course  they  endeavored  to 
excite. 

Before  the  revolution,  society  was  divided  into  different 
and  very  distinct  classes.  To  the  first  class  belonged  the 
Royal  Audiencia,  or  highest  council  of  government  in  civil 
matters,  and  in  which  the  viceroy  or  captain-general  always 
presided  ; and  to  which  belonged  the  regent,  the  auditors 
and  the  judges  of  the  highest  court  of  justice.  The  govern- 
ors of  the  different  provinces,  the  generals,  the  intendant,  the 
treasurer,  the  inspectors  of  the  army,  and  the  colonels,  were 
reckoned  in  this  class.  It  was  composed  of  European  Span- 
iards, who  were  authorised  to  bear  the  titles  of  Excellency, 
or  Usted  (gentry.) 

The  second  class  comprised  the  most  wealthy  and  noted 
families  of  high  birth,  all  Creoles.  In  New  Grenada  there 
was  no  term  to  distinguish  these  from  other  families,  and  they 
were  designated  by  the  phrase,  “ he  or  she  is  of  high  birth.” 
In  Venezuela,  they  had  a name,  that  of  “ las  familias  Mantu- 
anas.”  This  was  a kind  of  American  nobility,  commonly 
mixed  with  European  blood. 

The  third  class  was  formed  of  the  judges  of  the  ordinary 
courts,  the  municipal,  and  military  officers  from  the  lieuten- 
ant colonel  to  the  second  lieutenant,  the  members  of  the  bar, 
the  public  notaries,  the  lower  officers  of  government,  that 
were  Creoles,  the  doctors,  professors,  &c. 


INTRODUCTION. 


39 


In  the  fourth  class  were  reckoned  the  merchants,  the  cap- 
italists, or  lessees  of  a lower  birth,  the  bankers,  &c. — all 
white.  The  other  classes  were  formed  of  men  of  color  and 
black  men — all  free — and  Indians  and  slaves. 

The  clergy,  regular  and  secular,  belonged  to  none  of  these 
classes.  They  were  highly  respected,  and  had  their  sepa- 
rate jurisdiction,  their  ecclesiastical  council,  of  which  the 
archbishop  was  president.  They  had  their  separate  privile- 
ges and  were  entirely  independent  of  both  viceroy  and  cap- 
tain-general. 

I shall  here  speak  only  of  the  customs  and  manners  of  the 
highest  American  class,  designated  under  number  2,  as  that 
which  is  distinguished  for  its  wealth  and  independence.  All 
the  rest  being  dependent  on  the  government,  or  on  some  of 
the  nobles;  so  that  they  were  obliged  to  conform  to  their 
manners,  customs  and  usages.  They  do  not  exhibit  a cha- 
racter sufficiently  prominent,  to  be  worth  a drawing.  But 
where  there  is  a characteristic  difference,  I will  mention  it. 
I will  endeavor  to  compare  the  character  of  the  Caraguin 
with  that  of  the  Grenadan,  and  particularly  with  that  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Carthagena,  as  forming  the  most  prominent 
points  of  difference  ; and  will  afterwards  speak  of  the  Llane- 
ro  and  the  Margaritan. 

The  families  of  Mantuanos  in  Venezuela  were  divided,  like 
the  Grandees  in  Spain,  into  different  classes  ; as  Sangre  Azul, 
Sangre  Mezclada,  &c.  These  classes  were  formed  for  the 
purpose  of  marking  distinctions  of  birth,  as,  Sangre  Azul, 
(blue  blood)  designated  the  most  opulent  Creolan  families, 
descended  from  Spanish  ancestors,  the  first  conquerors  of  the 
country,  who  had  established  themselves  definitively  there,  and 
whose  children,  born  in  the  country,  were  there  established 
from  generation  to  generation.  Those  of  the  Sangre  Mezcla- 
da, (mixed  blood)  were  of  a later  date;  and  had  intermixed 
either  with  Spanish  or  Frenchmen. 

It  was  very  common  among  the  Mantuanos  for  a young  man 
to  marry  as  soon  as  he  left  college.  His  parents  would  con- 
sult together  about  choosing  him  a companion  for  life  ; in 


40 


INTRODUCTION". 


which  they  regarded  chiefly,  (and  particularly  the  lady’s)  birth, 
rank,  fortune,  and  family  connexions,  as  is  customary  among 
the  nobility  in  Europe.  All  being  settled  with  her  parents, 
she  was  taken,  at  the  age  of  12  years,  from  the  convent  where 
she  had  been  placed  at  four ; and  married  to  a young  man  of 
the  age  of  16;  frequently  to  one  under  that  age.  It  was 
common  to  find  such  a couple  whose  ages  put  together  amount- 
ed to  less  than  thirty.  I knew  a handsome  young  lady  of 
Mantuana,  who,  at  the  age  of  eighteen  had  seven  children 
living.  Another  had  a daughter  sixteen  years  old,  who  ap- 
peared to  be  the  sister  of  her  mother  ; who  was  not  over  27 
years  of  age.  Such  a couple,  without  any  experience,  not  yet 
knowing  even  how  to  behave  themselves,  were  placed  at  the 
head  of  a large  household,  and  surrounded  by  flatterers,  and 
a numerous  train  of  servants,  who  sought  to  dupe  them. 
Having  had  neither  opportunity  nor  judgment  to  know  the 
character,  each  of  the  other,  they  believed  they  were  in  love, 
because  their  parents  assured  them  of  it.  At  first  all  was 
happiness  and  joy.  But  they  soon  began  to  discover  faults; 
and  to  feel,  in  the  company  of  each  other,  a certain  vacuity 
and  listlessness.  They  began  their  differences  by  disputing, 
and  then  quarrelling  ; and  ended  them  by  hating  each  other. 
The  husband  amused  his  fancy  abroad.  The  wife  consoled 
herself  by  other  means.  In  this  manner  they  lived,  choosing 
separate  courses  of  life,  and  would  have  been  divorced,  but 
for  their  dread  of  certain  humiliating  formalities,  which  re- 
quire that  witnesses  shall  testify  publicly  to  their  dishonora- 
ble private  conduct.  Their  divorce  was  prevented,  only  by 
their  pride  and  vanity. 

Whether  it  is  owing  to  manners  and  character,  a far  more 
temperate  climate,  or  whatever  cause,  marriages  are  not  made 
at  so  early  an  age,  at  Bogota  as  at  Caracas.  Here  families 
are  more  united  and  happy.  They  are  not  so  ostentatious  and 
showy,  but  their  households  are  more  orderly,  and  they  have 
more  solid  riches.  They  are  less  fastidious,  and  more  cor- 
dial in  their  manner  of  receiving  strangers,  than  at  Caracas. 


INTRODUCTION. 


41 


A rich  family  of  high  birth  in  Bogota,  seldom  expend  the 
whole  of  their  annual  income,  whilst  the  Mantuanos  antici- 
pate theirs,  and  contract  debts. 

' Among  the  Mantuanos  in  Venezuela,  the  conduct  of  mar- 
ried people,  in  general,  has  a most  pernicious  effect  upon 
their  children.  These  must  know  the  irregularity  of  their  fa- 
ther. and  the  intrigues  of  their  mother.  What  children  learn 
in  these  schools  of  vice,  they  early  begin  to  practise  ; even 
before  their  moral  or  physical  powers  approach  maturity, 
these  boys  practice  vices  which  in  most  other  countries,  at 
their  age,  are  not  attempted.  There  were  to  be  seen  many 
who,  by  excesses,  had  lost  their  vigor,  at  an  age,  when  oth- 
ers begin  to  enjoy  life.  They  fall  victims  to  many  diseases, 
and  their  pale  and  meagre  faces  were  emblems  of  pain  and 
suffering.  In  the  midst  of  every  advantage  afforded  by  birth, 
wealth,  and  a delightful  climate,  their  health  was  visibly  de- 
clining. These  living  spectres  approach  an  early  grave,  de- 
ploring a vicious  life;  which  is  often  transmitted  from  one 
generation  to  another. 

It  is,  therefore,  not  surprising  that  all  travellers  who  of  late 
have  visited  Colombia,  and  particularly  Venezuela,  talk  so 
much  of  the  general  corruption  of  manners.  Among  all  the 
rest,  Caracas  is  distinguished. 

It  was  not  strange  to  hear  a lady  complimented,  in  pre- 
sence of  her  husband,  upon  changing  her  guerido  (gallant.) 
The  husband  spoke  of  his  mistress  with  the  same  freedom. 
The  festivals  and  holidays,  in  these  countries,  afforded  con- 
venient occasions  for  intrigue  between  the  sexes;  as,  the 
grand  mass  of  midnight,  the  evening  before  Christmas,  the 
whole  time  of  carnival,  the  numerous  evening  meetings  in 
honor  of  the  holy  virgin,  or  the  saints,  Lc.  Many  passionate 
declarations,  verbal,  and  written,  have  been  made  in  church- 
es and  chapels.  I appeal  to  all  who  have  been  in  these 
countries.  To  all  this,  must  be  added  the  private  conduct, 
and  corrupt  principles  of  priests  and  monks,  who,  under  the 
mask  of  religion,  have  seduced  a great  many  young  females. 
On  the  other  side  stands  the  military  officer,  whose  brilliant 


42 


INTRODUCTION. 


uniform,  and  the  idea  of  vigor  and  courage  attached  to  his 
character,  render  him  peculiarly  attractive.  By  considering 
all  these  things,  one  may  form  a correct  opinion  of  the  man- 
ners and  customs  on  the  Main. 

Among  the  clergy  in  Caracas,  the  canonicii  were  distin- 
guished for  their  wealth  and  libertinism.  Even  the  monks 
and  friars  generally  kept  their  mistresses.  A friend  of  mine, 
at  Caracas,  surprised  his  young  and  beautiful  mistress  with  a 
stout  and  handsome  friar.  He  dared  not  say  a word  for  fear 
of  the  friar’s  vengeance,  who  would  not  have  failed  to  do  him 
mischief.  This  discovery,  however,  cured  him  of  mistresses, 
and  he  soon  after  left  the  country. 

The  priests  in  the  villages,  small  towns  and  boroughs,  gen- 
erally have  their  female  housekeepers,  and  a number  of  chil- 
dren. 

Passing  one  day  through  Aqua  del  Pablo,  a large  village 
in  the  interior  of  New  Grenada,  I rested  with  my  retinue,  at 
the  house  of  the  priest,  with  whom  I had  been  acquainted  in 
Carthagena,  and  who  expected  me  to  dine  with  him.  His 
house  was  one  of  the  largest  and  best  in  the  country,  and  sur- 
rounded with  various  other  buildings  ; proving,  at  least,  great 
ease,  if  not  wealth.  I found  a large  table  well  provided  with 
silver  spoons,  plates  and  forks.  We  sat  down  gaily  and 
dined.  After  dinner,  the  officers  belonging  to  my  family,  re- 
tired. I remained  alone  with  the  priest,  who  was  a good  and 
benevolent  man,  generally  beloved,  and  a father  to  his  con- 
gregation. He  was  a patriot,  and  one  of  the  most  enlight- 
ened persons  of  the  catholic  church.  He  sat  with  his  back 
to  the  door,  and  I with  my  face  towards  it.  After  a while,  ffie 
door  was  cautiously  opened,  and  a beautiful  ffimale  head  ap- 
peared. 1 rose  from  my  seat  to  tell  her  she  need  not  fear, 
and  to  request  her  to  come  in.  But  the  door  was  hastily  shut, 
and  she  disappeared.  The  priest  asked  what  had  befallen 
me  so  suddenly  ; I told  him  what  I had  seen.  “ Oh,  said  he 
it  can  be  no  one  but  my  wife,  {mi  mvgn,)  the  fool,  she  was 
anxious  to  send  us  some  sweet  meats  made  with  her  own 
hands.”  I requested  him  tq  call  her,  but  he  declined,  saying, 


INTRODUCTION. 


43 


she  was  not  dressed  well  enough  to  appear  before  me.  I then 
asked,  as  a favor,  to  be  introduced  to  her.  He  laughed  at 
my  curiosity,  as  he  called  it,  but,  at  length,  brought  her  into 
the  room.  I saw  in  her  a young  lady  about  eighteen  years 
of  age,  well  educated,  and  very  amiable.  She  was  the  moth- 
er of  two  beautiful  children.  I was  much  pleased  with  her 
conversation,  and  particularly  with  the  unassuming  manner  of 
it.  The  priest  and  his  wife,  as  he  called  her,  solicited  me  to 
stay  with  them  until  the  next  morning,  which  I declined,  with 
reluctance,  and  only  because  my  duty  pressed  my  return  to 
head  quarters.  . 

The  houses  of  the  Mantuanos  were  generally  governed  by 
an  intendant,  or  major-domo,  who  has  many  servants  of  both 
sexes  under  his  command.  As  the  master  and  mistress  of  the 
house  considered  it  beneath  their  dignity  to  meddle  with 
household  affairs,  they  left  every  thing  to  the  intendant,  who 
received  and  paid  as  he  pleased.  When  the  master  or  his  lady 
were  in  want  of  money,  they  asked  it  from  him.  After  a few 
years  the  intendant  became  rich,  and  advanced  money  upon 
high  interest  10  his  master,  who  supposed  he  was  using  his 
own  property. 

The  author  of  Gilblas  of  Santillane,  has  not  at  all  over- 
charged the  picture  he  draws  of  these  intendants,  and  of  the 
Spanish  viceroy  in  America — their  luxury,  corruption,  &c. 

The  education  of  young  ladies  in  Caracas  was  much  ne- 
glected. They  were  taught,  but  not  thoroughly,  to  read  and 
write.  They  were  also  taught  music  and  dancing.  Playing 
on  the  guitar,  some  needle  work,  and  dressing  themselves, 
were  their  favorite  and  principal  occupations.  To  attend  to 
any  part  of  house  keeping,  would  have  been  considered  so  far 
below  the  dignity  of  a Mantuana,  that  it  would  have  rendered 
her  ridiculous.  She  occupied  herself  with  a little  embroidery, 
or  reading  some  book  of  devot  ion,  or  some  tale.  Such  were 
their  occupations  when  they  were  not  at  church,  at  the  pro- 
menade, on  visits,  or  at  balls. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  same  class  in  Bogota  were  more  re- 
served and  cautious  in  society.  The  fair  sex  were,  in  gen- 
eral more  modest  and  timid.  The  ladies  in  the  capital  were 


44 


INTRODUCTION. 


distinguished  by  their  clear  and  fine  complexion  ; commonly 
supposed  to  be  the  effect  of  a temperate  climate,  and  pure  wa- 
ter. Some,  nevertheless,  are  found  with  wens,  a disease  very 
common  in  the  province  of  Cundinamarca.  Their  manners 
are  more  reserved,  sweet  and  agreeable,  and  they  interest  by 
that  timid  candor  which  characterises  the  sex.  The  ladies 
in  Caracas  are  not  so  fair  in  their  complexions,  nor  so  re- 
served in  their  manners.  They  fascinate  by  their  brilliancy, 
their  wit,  and  their  easy  manners,  by  what  may  be  properly 
termed  coquetry.  The  ladies  of  Bogota  improve  upon  ac- 
quaintance more  than  those  of  Caracas.  The  education  of 
the  ladies  in  Bogota  was  much  the  best;  more  strict  and  more 
solid.  The  greatest  part  among  the  first  class, were  educated 
in  convents  of  nuts,  in  schools  established  expressly  for  that 
purpose.  Such  a boarding  school  house  was  enclosed  within 
the  walls  of  the  cloister,  but  had  no  communication  with  it 
and  the  nuns  generally.  Three  or  four  nuns  were  named  by 
the  abbess  to  take  charge  of  the  school.  These  directed  all 
the  economical  duties  of  the  boarding  school  and  instructed 
the  scholars.  One  was  directress,  whom  the  others  were 
obliged  to  obey.  They  were, like  their  pupils,  excluded  from 
communication  with  the  convent,  and  passed  through  a small 
door  to  go  to  church,  or  to  call  on  the  abbess  by  her  order, 
or  to  pass  an  evening  with  the  nuns  on  extraordinary  occa- 
sions. 

The  pupils  entered,  commonly,  at  the  age  of  four  years,  and 
were  not  permitted  to  go  out,  but  by  order  of  their  parents  at 
the  time  of  their  marriage,  or  completing  their  education.  It 
was  very  seldom  that  a young  lady  obtained  permission  to  go 
out  and  see  her  parents;  but  they  were  permitted  to  visit  her 
at  the  parlor,  surrounded  and  separated  from  their  children 
by  iron  grates.  This  permission  must  be  asked  from  the  ab- 
bess of  the  convent,  and  was  granted  upon  condition  that  one 
of  the  nuns  be  present  at  the  interview,  at  the  appointed  day, 
and  hour.  This  permission  was  often  refused. 

The  pupils  were  taught  to  read,  write,  calculate,  (cypher,) 
the  elements  of  history,  geography,  natural  history,  chanting 
religious  songs,  dancing,  playing  on  the  piano  forte,  or  the 


INTRODUCTION. 


45 


guitar,  or  harp,  sewing,  embroidery  and  working  clothes. 
They  were  taught  to  cook  and  to  make  various  kinds  of  sweet- 
meats and  cakes.  Each  of  those,  more  advanced  in  age,  had, 
during  her  week,  the  charge  of  the  household.  They  were 
taught  how  to  govern  a family  with  order  and  economy  ; 
things  of  which  the  young  Caraguin  ladies  were  destitute. 

Those  who  stayed  at  home  for  private  education,  which  sel- 
dom happened  at  Bogota,  were  never  allowed  to  go  out  with- 
out being  accompanied  by  one  of  their  parents,  or  a trusty 
servant.  They  were  always  dressed  in  black  ; so  that  they 
were  not  distinguishable  from  the  common  classes  ; but  by 
the  finer  texture  of  their  clothing ; or  their  mantillas  (veils) 
garnished  with  fine  watches,  or  by  their  diamonds,  pearls,  or 
their  golden  chains,  at  the  end  of  which  was  suspended,  a 
golden  or  ivory  cross,  richly  garnished  with  pearls  or  dia- 
monds. 

Before  the  revolution,  it  was  not  unusual  to  see  ladies  at  a 
ball  or  other  festivals  wearing  more  than  200,000  dollars  in 
watches,  diamonds,  pearls,  &c,  in  their  dresses,  without  ap- 
pearing to  be  overloaded.  When  going  to  mass,  all  dressed 
in  black  satin.  Their  faces  were  veiled  with  costly  notched 
mantillas;  and  the  upper  parts  of  their  frocks  were  also  gar- 
nished with  the  same.  They  wrore  no  hats,  but  their  hair  was 
ornamented  with  costly  combs,  set  with  diamonds,  pearls,  &c. 
They  were  followed,  often,  by  20  or  30  servants  of  both  sexes, 
free  and  slaves,  very  neatly  dressed  ; and  each  of  them  carry- 
ing something  for  the  use  of  their  mistress  ; as  books,  umbrel- 
las, fans,  dec.  The  husband  never  accompanied  the  wife  to 
church,  either  in  Bogota,  or  at  Caracas. 

Children  urere  taken  to  church  as  soon  as  they  could  walk, 
the  sons  with  the  father,  and  the  daughters  with  the  mother. 
Mass  was  said  every  day ; and  on  Sundays  and  holidays,  it 
continued  from  three  o’clock  in  the  morning  until  noon  ; and 
during  that  time,  every  one  had  his  choice  of  going  at  what 
home  he  pleased,  or  was  most  convenient.  The  military  mass 
was  at  11  o’clock  ; at  that  time  the  viceroy,  or  most  of  those 
who  were  attached  to  the  Spanish  government,  attended. 


4G 


INTRODUCTION. 


In  New  Grenada,  there  were,  among  the  slaves,  more  col- 
ored than  black  people.  At  Venezuela,  it  was  the  reverse. 
In  the  former,  slaves  were  never  permitted  to  appear  abroad 
with  shoes  or  stockings,  though  the  weather  there,  particular- 
ly in  Bogota,  is  sometimes  so  cold  that  ice  is  found  in  the 
streets.  This  custom  was  begun  and  continued,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  distinguishing  slaves  from  free  persons.  Thus  were 
the  slaves  constantly  reminded  of  their  degraded  condition  ! 
In  every  other  respect,  they  were  perfectly  well  clothed, 
well  fed,  and  in  every  other  way  well  treated,  and  had 
very  little  labor  to  perform.  The  wealthy  families  had  from 
one  to  two  thousand,  and  more,  slaves.  Forty  or  fifty  were  se- 
lected to  serve  in  the  house  ; the  rest  were  put  to  cultivate 
the  soil. 

At  the  public  walks,  which  are  commonly  called  Alme- 
das,  in  Bogota  the  ladies  usually  rode  in  coaches  ; and  here, 
as  in  all  other  public  places,  they  were  dressed  in  black.  On 
great  festival  days,  the  ladies  of  the  governor,  generals,  or 
other  officers,  in  both  capitals,  rode  out  on  horseback,*  dress- 
ed in  Amazonian  habits,  with  the  epaulettes,  galoons,  brodices, 
or  other  badges  distinctive  of  the  rank  of  their  husbands. 
They  had  a brilliant  and  numerous  retinue.  The  wife  of  the 
viceroy,  or  capta  in-general,  was  preceded  by  a number  of  aid- 
de-camps,  and  followed  by  the  staff  and  the  civil  and  military 
officers  of  the  government.  Their  husbands  were  never  with 
them  on  these  occasions.  These  ladies  were  addressed 
and  spoken  of  by  the  titles  of  their  husbands,  as,  “Her  Ex- 
cellency the  Vice  Queen,  the  Captain  Generala,  the  Govern- 
ess, &c.”  The  wife  of  a colonel  is  called  Ussia,  [Siegnora] 
be.  This  old  Spanish  custom  is  kept  up  by  the  Colombians 
of  the  present  day. 

The  ladies  of  Bogota  did  not  wear  their  black  frocks  in  the 
interior  of  their  houses.  When  at  a wedding,  a baptism,  or 
ball,  they  wore  colored  and  white  dresses  ; generally  follow- 
ing the  newest  French  fashion. 


It  is  common  for  ladies  to  ride  on  horseback,  throughout  the  Spanish  dominions. 


INTRODUCTION. 


47 


The  ladies  in  Caracas  and  Carthagena  were  dressed  in 
black,  only  when  they  went  to  church,  or  assisted  at  the  pub- 
lic processions. 

The  plates,  candlesticks,  pitchers,  and  other  utensils,  were 
of  pure  silver,  or  overlaid  with  gold.  A poor  man  in  Bogota 
would  have  felt  himself  disgraced  without  his  silver  spoon, 
knife  and  fork.  Steaks,  pies,  »^c,  were  set  upon  the  table  in 
large  golden  plates. 

The  household  furniture  was  very  rich  and  sumptuous  ; and 
when  we  consider  that  all  their  articles  were  purchased  at  300 
per  cent  profit  upon  their  cost,  reckoning  transportation  and 
exorbitant  duties,  we  may  have  some  idea  of  the  wealth  of 
these  people. 

The  houses  of  the  wealthy  classes  at  Bogota,  may  properly 
be  called  palaces.  They  were  built  of  stone,  were  large  and 
massy,  and  generally  three  stories  above  ground.  But  Bo- 
gota has  suffered  greatly  by  the  dreadful  earthquake  of  No- 
vember 25th,  1S27.  So  did  Caracas  in  March,  1812. 

All  this  wealth,  comfort,  and  agreeable  society  have  now 
disappeared.  The  greatest  part  of  these  distinguished  fami- 
lies in  Venezuela, and  in  New  Grenada  have  left  the  country  ; 
and  the  few  that  remain,  are  ruined.  The  bad  administration 
of  the  chieftains  in  Colombia,  the  party  spirit  and  the  civil 
war,  operating  with  other  causes  already  mentioned,  have 
spread  anarchy  and  misery  over  this  beautiful  country. 
Grass  is  growing  in  the  streets  and  public  squares  of  both 
Caracas  and  Bogota.  The  most  frequented  streets  of  both 
are  full  of  beggars  and  miserable  wretches,  covered  with  rags, 
vermin  and  sores,  who  persecuteyou  at  every  step,  entreat- 
ing, or  rather  commanding  you  to  give  them  something  “ por 
Vamor  de  Dios.”  The  officers  and  soldiers,  generally,  were 
badly  clothed  and  fed.  The  commission  of  theft,  burglary 
and  murder  during  the  night,  was  frequent,  and  was  done 
with  impunity.  All  who  have  know  both  cities  before  the 
revolution,  will  agree  with  me,  that  under  the  government 
of  the  dictator  liberator,  misery  and  crimes  are  much  more 
frequent  than  under  the  Spanish  administration.  I state  these 
facts  without  any  apprehension  of  being  thought  a friend  to 


48 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  Spanish  system,  or  an  agent  of  the  “ holy  alliance,”  for 
a place  in  which  general  Bolivar  is  far  better  qualified,  than 
he  is  to  be  at  the  head  of  a Republic ; unless  that  were  com- 
posed of  despots  and  slaves. 

Libertinism  is  a strong,  perhaps  the  strongest  characteristic 
of  the  Creole.  He  will  spare  nothing  to  obtain  the  last  favor 
from  the  female  he  happens  to  fancy.  Luxury  in  furniture, 
houses,  jewels,  dress,  the  table,  and  mistresses,  at  Caracas, 
was  most  extravagant. 

Their  jealousy,  vanity  and  desire  to  surpass  each  other, 
was  extreme,  and  before  the  revolution,  had  ruined  many 
families,  I saw  one  of  these  Creoles  wearing  a golden  re- 
peater which  cost  a thousand  dollars.  Instead  of  the  12 
numbers,  he  had  upon  its  face,  the  twelve  letters  in  his  name, 
Juan  El  iso  info. 

Soon  after  this  watch  was  received,  two  neighbors  of  this 
gentleman  sent  for  similar  ones,  and  paid  cash,  the  same  sum, 
for  them. 

Creoles  of  the  higher  classes  are  generous,  or  rather  prodi- 
gal of  money;  but  the  common  people  are  very  mean  and 
sordid,  and  are  readily  induced  to  commit  any  crime,  for 
money,  particularly  in  Caracas.  The  higher  classes  expend- 
ed a great  deal  to  gratify  their  fancy.  Foreigners  who  ob- 
tained permission  to  come  to  the  Spanish  Americas,  obtained 
a good  deal  of  money,  in  a short  time.  The  most  success- 
ful in  tliis  way,  were  the  physicians  and  surgeons,  the  musi- 
cians, mountebanks,  chailatans,  rope  dancers — all  who  could 
contribute  to  amusement  and  the  gratification  of  fancy.  But, 
as  Mr.  Depons,  in  his  work  upon  the  Main,  says,  “ a stran- 
ger who  tried  to  be  a merchant,  or  a farmer  was  exposed, 
to  be  regarded  with  an  envious  eye;  and  if  he  was  pros- 
perous, he  was  persecuted,  and  many  times  exposed  to  lose 
all.  It  was  with  much  regret  that  the  natives  suffered  him; 
and  they  did  all  they  could  to  reduce  him  to  beggary.”  At  the 
same  time  the  Creole  is  not  destitute  of  compassion,  and  it 
seldom  happens  that  a man  in  want  does  not  receive  consid- 
erable relief  immediately.  I once  saw  a gentelman  (happen- 


INTRODUCTION. 


49 


doublons  and  gave  them  to  a beggar.  Five  of  us  were  stand- 
ing in  the  street  talking  together;  so  that  there  was  no  doubt 
ostentation  in  this  act  of  charity.  But,  before  the  revolution 
it  was  a rare  thing  to  find  a beggar  in  the  streets  of  Caracas 
or  Bogota.  If  any  were  found  they  were  taken,  by  the  police 
officers,  to  an  hrospice,  provided  for  that  special  purpose. 
These  places  were  either  convents  or  houses  built  expressly 
for  this  purpose,  by  the  charity  of  private  persons.  The 
Spanish  government  did  nothing  towards  such  establishments. 

The  Creole  is  devout,  superstitious,  credulous  and  igno- 
rant. The  ladies  of  the  first  class  were  more  so  than  their 
husbands,  many  of  whom  had  acquired  information  by  trav- 
elling. The  ladies  have  each  their  own  particular  saint,  to 
whom  they  are  greatly  devoted  ; always  by  night  and  by  day 
carrying  in  their  bosoms  his  image,  suspended  by  a golden 
chain.  Another  image  is  hung  over  their  pillow,  another  un- 
der the  looking  glass  of  the  drawing-room  ; and  others,  in 
their  books  of  devotion.  I have  often  known  them  to  have 
at  least  a dozen  images,  of  different  sorts,  of  the  same  saint, 
fixed  in  different  parts  of  the  apartments.  Besides  these, 
they  were  well  supplied  with  crosses,  holy  virgins,  and  other 
saints,  and  angels,  &c.  The  reign  of  priests  and  monks,  in 
the  country  was  powerful,  and  their  influence  is  still  very 
great.  The  patriot  chieftains  have  never  dared  to  be  severe 
against  any  priest,  even  when  he  was  known  to  be  an  enemy 
to  their  cause.  The  archbishop  of  Caracas  was  known  to  be 
inimical  to  the  cause;  and  yet,  at  Bolivar’s  entry  into  Cara- 
cas, he  was  not  molested;  but  during  the  reign  of  Bolivar, 
was  treated  by  him  with  the  highest  respect.  The  bishop 
of  Carthagena,  it  is  true,  was  exiled  ; but  his  place  was  sup- 
plied by  his  great  vicary,  known  by  the  title  of  father  Provisor, 
who  detested  the  Patriots  ; and  who,  in  August  1814,  some 
days  after  the  president  of  the  government  of  the  province  of 
Carthagena,  the  Secretary  of  the  state  (himself  a priest)  the 
general-in-chief,  and  various  distinguished  gentlemen  of  the 
city  of  Carthagena,  were  received  free  masons,  ex-communica- 
ted publicly  the  whole  order,  by  a formal  decree  affixed  dur- 


50 


INTRODUCTION. 


ing  the  night,  by  his  order,  to  all  the  church  doors  of  the  city. 
In  spite  of  this  spirit  of  public  opposition,  he  remained  in 
the  quiet  possession  of  his  office,  and  has  never  been  troub- 
led on  account  of  his  political  principles,  and  measures. 

As  one  of  the  first  cares  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns  was  to 
propagate  the  Catholic  faith  in  their  immense  provinces,  they 
established  tribunals  of  the  Inquisition,  successively,  in  the 
cities  of  Mexico,  Lima  and  Carthagena.  But  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  reign  of  Charles  IV,  this  formidable  tribunal  was 
not  much  feared.  This  influence  was  exercised,  chiefly,  to 
watch  and  keep  out  of  the  country  all  free  literary  produc- 
tions; by  them  styled  philosophical  books. 

In  the  year  1820,  a book-seller  sent  from  New-York,  vari- 
ous boxes  of  valuable  Spanish  books,  to  Carthagena.  Among 
them  were  some  copies  of  Voltaire’s  famous  D kt  ion  air  e philo  so- 
pliique.  The  boxes  were  opened,  and  by  the  influence  of  some 
priests,  the  greatest  part  of  the  books,  among  which  was  the 
Dictionary,  were  refused  admittance,  and  were  sent  back  to 
New  York.  I have  this  fact  fiom  the  book-seller  himself. 

Don  Vicente  Pazos,  in  his  letters  to  Henry  Clay,  on  South 
America,  says,  that  before  the  revolution  in  181U,  from  Li- 
ma to  Monte  Video,  an  extent,  including  Peru,  Chili,  and  Rio 
de  La  Plata,  of  more  than  three  thousand  miles,  and  a country 
of  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  with  many  universities,  schools, 
courts  of  justice  &c,  there  was  but  one  printing  press  ; and 
that  a miserable  old  thing,  belonging  to  the  Jesuits  of  Cor- 
dova. 

To  show  to  what  an  extent  the  superstition  of  the  people 
and  authority  of  those  whose  spiritual  power  they  acknow- 
ledge, are  frequently  carried,  l will  relate  one  example  fur- 
nished me  by  the  individual  who  came  near  being  its  victim. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Callot,  a French  officer  who  had  served  in 
France  under  Napoleon  in  the  artillery,  came,  as  many  others 
did,  over  to  the  Main,  and  served  in  his  rank  as  an  artillery 
officer,  in  the  army  of  the  patriots. 

Becoming  much  disgusted,  he  asked  his  dismission  from 
general  Urdaneta,  with  whom  he  was  serving.  Plis  request 


INTRODUCTION. 


51 


was  refused.  Soon  after,  he  obtained  leave  to  go  from  the  en- 
virons of  Tunja  to  Carthagena  where  he  had  some  private  busi- 
ness to  settle.  He  travelled  on  horseback,  with  a guide,  a 
servant,  and  a few  dragoons,  all  well  armed.  After  travelling 
a number  of  days  under  a burning  sun,  he  arrived  at  a large 
borough  in  the  interior  of  New  Grenada,  called  Fa , be- 

fore the  largest  inn  of  which  he  dismounted.  As  soon  as  he 
came  into  the  house  he  was  suddenly  seized  with  great  pain 
and  a violent  fever;  insomuch  that  he  cried  aloud.  The  peo- 
ple of  the  inn,  put  him  to  bed,  and  called  in  their  priest,  in 
great  alarm.  This  man  was  versed  in  the  arts  of  curing;  and 
believing  the  stranger  to  be  in  the  last  extremity,  came  with 
the  viaticum.  He  sat  down  before  the  stranger’s  bed,  and 
made  various  enquiries  about  his  malady;  and  then  told  him 
it  was  not  of  a dangerous  nature.  He  ordered  the  numerous 
bystanders  to  retire.  When  all  were  gone  out,  he  rose  from 
his  chair,  and  carefully  locked  the  door.  He  then  resumed 
his  seat,  and  in  an  interested  manner  enquired  if  he  was  a 
Christian  ; meaning  a roman  catholic,  which,  in  these  coun- 
tries, the  word  signifies.  Mr.  Callot  understood  him,  but  an- 
swered not  his  question  ; but  supplicated  for  a glass  of  water. 
The  parson  repeated  the  question  in  a louder  tone.  The  suf- 
ferer again  urgently  asked  for  water.  The  parson  told  him 
he  should  first  answer  to  his  God,  of  u'hom  he  was  the  rep- 
resentative, whether  he  was  a Christian?  The  patient  under 
the  suffering  of  pain  and  thirst,  (having  been  born  a catho- 
lic,) answered  that  he  was.  The  parson  then  opened  the 
door  ; and  at  his  call,  some  excellent  lemonade  was  brought 
in  a short  time,  which  in  some  measure  relieved  him.  The 
priest  then  renewed  his  questions  about  the  disorder;  and 
told  him  he  had  an  Indian,  not  far  from  the  borough  who 
could  cure  him  perfectly;  but  as  you  are  are  a Christian,  add- 
ed he,  “ it  is  necessary  to  confess  you  before  ; and  that  you 
receive  the  sacraments,  which  will  be  half  your  cure.”  The 
colonel  replied,  saying  that  this  was  surely  a jest;  that  the 
Indian  might  come  and  cure  him,  after  which  he  would  con- 
fess himself  with  great  pleasure.  No,  no,  my  friend,  it  is  ab- 


52 


INTRODUCTION'. 


solutely  necessary  to  begin  with  the  confession,  and  receiv- 
ing the  sacraments.  Mr.  Callot,  seeing  his  obstinacy,  told 
him  to  go  out.  The  parson  jumped  from  his  seat  in  a violent 
passion,  saying  well  sir,  as  you  deny  your  God,  I can  give 
you  no  help,  and  so  saying  he  went  out,  shutting  the  door 
with  violence. 

A miserable  night  lamp  was  in  the  room,  and  he  saw  what 
they  call  a Christ,  suspended  under  a small  looking-glass, 
upon  the  wall.  Mr.  Callot  remained  some  time  in  a state  of 
stupefaction  ; then  raising  his  head,  he  perceived  that  silence 
reigned  through  the  house.  After  suffering  in  this  condition 
for  about  half  an  hour,  with  pain  and  fever,  he  called  as  loud 
as  he  could,  for  assistance.  The  door  half  opened  and  a wo- 
man demanded  in  a harsh  and  stern  voice,  what  he  wanted, 
“assistance  for  God’s  sake,”  he  answered,  “ help,  help,  for  I 
am  deadly  sick.”  He  spoke  in  good  Spanish  ; but  the  door 
was  shut  immediately.  He  received  no  answer,  and  silence 
again  reigned  over  the  whole  house.  Notwithstanding  frequent 
calls  for  a glass  of  water,  no  one  came  to  him.  It  was  expressly 
enjoined  upon  his  servant,  who  was  very  much  attached  to  him, 
to  remain  with  the  people, or  he  would  incur  the  vengeance  of 
the  Holy  Father,  as  they  called  the  priest.  The  servant  was  a 
native  of  New  Grenada  ; and  was  so  terrified  by  these  words, 
that  he  did  not  dare  to  go  to  his  master’s  assistance.  The 
priest,  in  his  curse,  had  distinctly  declared  that  no  one,  under 
pain  of  excommunication,  should  enter  the  room  of  “ that 
perverse  sinner  who  denied  his  God.”  Colonel  Callot,  at  last 
asked,  as  a great  favor,  that  the  landlord  would  come  to  him 
for  a minute.  After  a long  time  the  landlord  appeared,  half 
opened  the  door,  and  harshly  demanded  what  was  wanted  of 
him.  “ Come  nearer  my  friend,”  said  he,  “ I want  to  speak 
with  you.”  “What,”  said  the  landlord,  “will  you  confess 
yourself?  Shall  I call  the  reverend  father  priest!  Oh,  do  so  ; 
it  would  make  me  happy  above  any  thing.”  No  sir.  I do  not 

speak  ofconfesion,  I wish .”  “ I cannot  hear  you  then,” 

said  the  landlord  ; good  bye  sir,  may  heaven  assist  you.” 
So  saying,  he  shut  the  door,  and  disappeared.  The  colonel 


INTRODUCTION. 


53 


in  his  distress  made  every  exertion  to  move  their  compassion, 
but  in  vain.  They  absolutely  refused  to  do  any  thing  for 
him.  • 

The  apprehension  of  dying  in  that  condition  at  last  com- 
pelled him  to  declare  that  he  would  be  confessed  and  take 
the  sacrament.  The  parson  came,  after  four  hours  absence, 
at  11  o’clock  at  night;  and  the  colonel  confessed  and  re- 
ceived the  sacraments.  All  was  now  changed  around  him. 
The  Indian  perfectly  cured  him,  in  the  following  singular 
manner.  He  stripped  him  naked,  annointed  him  with  a de- 
coction of  indigenous  plants,  and,  laying  him  on  the  ground 
upon  some  blankets,  he  handled  him  just  as  a baker  kneads 
bread  ; so  that  he  cried  out  with  pain.  The  Indian  continued 
the  operation  until  his  patient  was  in  a proper  sw'eat.  He 
then  wrapped  him  in  a blanket,  and  put  him  to  bed.  The 
next  day  the  operation  was  repeated  ; and  the  colonel  was 
perfectly  cured.  When  he  was  quite  recovered,  he  was 
scarcely  suffered  to  depart.  He  and  the  priest  became  close 
friends,  and  he  was  treated  by  all  the  inhabitants  w'ith  the 
kindest  hospitality.  When  he  insisted  on  going,  and  asked 
the  landlord  for  his  bill,  he  was  told  that  so  good  a Christian 
owed  nothing.  He  could  not  prevail  on  them  to  receive  any 
thing.  On  the  contrary,  at  his  departure,  a mule  was  laden 
with  excellent  provisons  and  choice  fruits  for  his  journey. 

The  character  of  the  inhabitants  af  New  Grenada  is  very 
different  from  that  of  those  of  Venezuela.  A striking  differ- 
ence also  exists  among  the  thirty  seven  provinces  of  Colom- 
bia in  this  respect.  The  Margaritans,  for  example,  differ  in 
many  points  from  the  Llaneros  ; so  do  those  of  Cumana  and 
Barcelona,  fiom  those  of  Caracas,  &c. 

The  Caraguin  is  much  quicker,  more  petulant,  and  more 
sanguinary  than  the  man  of  Bogota.  He  is  also  more  en- 
lightened. But  he  is  more  corrupt,  vicious,  false,  cunning, 
jealous,  and  inclined  to  vengeance,  than  the  Grenadan.  The 
latter  having  given  his  word,  will  keep  it.  The  Caraguin  will 
give  his  word  promptly,  and  will  add  protestations,  and  even 
oaths.  And  after  he  has  deceived  you,  he  will  laugh  at  your 


54 


INTRODUCTION. 


credulity.  The  Caraguin  will  sacrifice  every  thing  for  ponip 
and  show,  and  especially  fora  brilliant  retinue.  The  Gren- 
adan is  more  modest,  more  prudent  in  his  expenses,  and  has 
far  more  order,  in  the  interior  of  his  establishment.  The  Ca- 
raguin, when  observed,  will  give  handfulls  of  gold  to  a beggar. 
The  other  will  give  secretly,  but  not  profusely,  and  will  enter 
into  the  feelings  and  sufferings  of  the  object  of  his  charity  ; 
while  the  Caraguin  gives,  and  thinks  of  him  no  more.  In  al- 
most all  the  convents  of  Bogota,  there  was  a house  for  the 
poor,  maintained  by  the  charity  of  private  persons.  There 
was  besides  a large  hospital  for  men,  and  another  for  women. 

The  Creoles  generally  are  jealous  of  all  foreigners,  and  dis- 
like to  be  commanded  by  any  but  their  'own  countrymen. 
They  will  obey  a foreigner,  in  their  necessity,  but  as  soon  as 
they  cease  to  feel  their  need  of  his  services,  they  obey  no 
longer;  and  use  every  exertion  to  turn  him  out.  Duty  and 
gratitude  have  little  or  no  weight  with  them.  In  Venezuela, 
where  no  foreigner  has  ever  been  admitted  to  the  chief  com- 
mand, there  have  been  repeated  instances  of  their  being  dis- 
placed. In  New  Grenada  various  foreigners  have  been  en- 
trustcd  with  distinguished  commands  ; and  have  generally 
been  perfectly  well  received  and  treated  ; and  still  are  so. 
The  Caraguin,  as  he  hates  all  foreigners,  despises  the  Grena- 
dan and  submits  with  great  reluctance  to  be  commanded  by 
him  ; and  takes  every  opportunity,  in  his  absence,  to  render 
him  suspected  or  contemptible. 

The  uncultivated  and  ignorant  Llaneros,  will  admit  no 
stranger,  extending  their  aversion  to  Europeans,  Caraguins, 
Grenadans  ; to  every  one  not  born  in  the  plains  of  their  coun- 
try. 

The  antipathy  and  hatred  existing  between  the  inhabitants 
of  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,  is  strongly  expressed, 
though  no  good  reason  can  be  given  for  thqm.  It  is  well 
known  to  have  existed  for  centuries  ; and  continues  in  full 
force  to  this  day.  It  has  produced  consequences  dreadful  to 
the  cause  of  independence  ; as  1 shall  show  in  the  course  of 
this  memoir.  The  vain  and  proud  Caraguin,  has  never  ceas- 


INTRODUCTION. 


55 


ed  to  despise  and  ridicule  the  more  ignorant  Grenadan,  who, 
whilst  he  feels  his  own  inferiority,  secretly  and  bitterly  hates 
the  other  the  more  on  account  of  it.  The  native  of  Caracas 
distinguishes  himself  by  his  gesticulations,  his  continual  talk, 
his  boasting,  and  biting  wit.  He  has  a sovereign  contempt 
for  all  who  are  not  born  in  his  own  province.  It  has  been 
said  by  well  informed  persons,  that  the  Caraguin  has  all  the 
vices  of  the  native  Spaniard,  without  any  of  his  virtues. 

New  Grenada  still  continues  her  laws,  customs  and  privi- 
leges, as  she  possessed  them  before  the  revolution.  Institu- 
tions that  would  be  useful  in  one  of  these  provinces,  might 
be  of  no  avail  in  the  other.  A viceroy  of  Grenada  had  no 
authority  whatever  over  a captain-general  of  Venezuela. 
These  rulers  were  as  distinct  from  each  other,  as  were  the 
characters  and  customs  of  their  subjects.  Each  rendered  his 
account  to  the  king,  and  received  orders  directly  from  him. 

The  Colombians  have  all  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
old  Spaniards,  their  festivals,  civil  and  religious,  their  society, 
manner  of  living,  eating  and  drinking,  and  dress,  laws,  insti- 
tutions, fee,  all  are  like  those  of  the  European  Spaniards.  In 
the  army  and  navy  of  Colombia,  the  old  rules  and  ordinances 
of  the  king  are  strictly  followed.  A ball  must  be  opened  by 
the  most  elevated  in  rank  of  the  society,  before  any  one  else 
is  permitted  to  dance.  They  are  passionately  fond  of  fight- 
ing-bulls and  game-cocks — as  in  Spain.  Their  theatres 
were,  like  those  in  Spain,  poor  and  miserable.  The  fandan- 
go and  boleros  were  and  are  still  the  favorite  dances  of  the 
Colombians,  and  next  to  them  waltzes,  and  English  country 
dances.  Their  music  is  that  of  old  Spain  ; and  so  are  their 
concerts.  The  guitar  is  the  favorite  national  instrument. 
But  in  Caracas,  they  have  some  good  patriotic  songs  and 
marches,  distinguished  for  harmony  and  expression  ; which  I 
have  often  heard  with  great  pleasure, 

The  character  of  the  province  of  Carthagena  differs  greatly 
from  that  of  both  Caracas  and  Bogota.  License  of  manners 
is  greater  than  in  either  of  the  two  other  provinces;  the  wo- 
men are  generally  pale  from  the  insalubrity  of  the  climate, 


56 


INTRODUCTION. 


the  morasses,  lakes  and  stagnant  water  surrounding  the  for- 
tress of  Carthagena,  with  a beaming  sun,  soon  produce  putre- 
faction, and  cause  contagious  and  putrid  fevers.  The  water 
they  drink,  is  unhealthy,  and  of  a brackish  taste.  People  of 
fortune  alone  drink  rain  water,  which  is  collected  in  large 
cisterns  and  sold  at  high  prices. 

The  number  of  poor  people  and  beggars  is  greater  here 
than  in  any  other  province  of  Colombia,  in  proportion  to  the 
population.  The  causes  of  this  are  a ruined  commerce,  the 
oppression  of  high  duties,  both  of  import  and  export,  and  the 
absolute  sterility  of  the  soil.  Under  the  presidency  of  Torri- 
ces,  in  1812,  13  and  14,  Carthagena  flourished,  and  was  the 
only  province  where  foreigners  were  received  with  kindness; 
and  were  secure  and  highly  respected.  But  under  the  inten- 
danc/  of  general  Mariano  Montilla,  they  have  been  exposed 
to  high  duties,  by  his  arbitrary  and  vexatious  measures. 
Most  owmers  of  foreign  vessels  and  others  coming  from  the 
place,  have  confirmed  this  fact. 

Besides  these  putrid  fevers,  the  Carthagenans  are  affected 
with  swollen  feet;  and  above  all  a kind  of  pestilential  mala- 
dy, called  “ elmal  de  San  Lazaro,”  which  I have  before  men- 
tioned. 

The  inhabitants  of  Carthagena,  are  desirous  of  imitatating 
the  easy  and  natural  manners  of  the  Caraguins,  and  they 
do  it  in  such  an  awkward  manner,  that  the  latter  laugh  at, 
and  despise  them.  The  women  do  the  same,  but  they 
have  neither  the  grace,  beauty  nor  wit  of  those  of  Caracas. 
The  inhabitants  of  Caracas  do  not  much  like  those  of  Bo- 
gota; and  ridicule  them  by  mimicking  their  drawling  tone 
and  manner  of  speaking  the  Spanish  language.  But  they 
hate  the  Caraguins  ; there  has,  at  no  time,  been  a good  under- 
standing between  them.  Ignorance  is  more  prevalent  in 
Carthagena,  than  in  Bogota  or  Caracas. 

I have  already  spoken  of  the  immense  plains  of  Vene- 
zuela, and  their  excellent  pasture.  These  plains  are  gen- 
erally inhabited  by  converted  indians,  who  are  distinguished 
by  their  cruelty,  their  cool  ferocity,  their  ignorance,  preju- 


INTRO  DU  CTI  OK. 


57 


dice  and  superstition.  They  are  known  under  the  general 
denomination  of  Llaneros  (people  of  the  plains.)  Their  fa- 
vorite and  exclusive  occupation  is,  and  ever  has  been  to  take 
care  of  their  numerous  flocks  and  herds,  of  every  description. 
They  are  half  savages;  and  have  multiplied  rapidly,  by  the 
richness  of  their  pasturage  and  their  mode  of  existence.  From 
their  childhood,  they  are  accustomed  to  catch  and  mount 
wild  horses,  which  run  by  hundreds  upon  the  savannas.  They 
may  almost  be  said  to  be  born  horsemen. 

When  at  war  they  are  generally  armed  with  a long  lance, 
and  very  often,  have  neither  swords  nor  pistols.  They  have 
no  regular  uniform  or  boots,  or  shoes.  They  have  a few 
rags  upon  their  bodies;  with  a kind  of  large  mameluke  pan- 
taloons. All  have  their  blankets  (mantas)  and  many  their 
hammocks.  I may  here  be  permitted  to  copy  the  curious 
and  just  description  of  the  people,  by  colonel  Hippisley. 

“ Sedeno’s  cavalry  (Llaneros)  were  composed  of  all  sorts 
and  sizes,  from  the  man  to  the  boy  ; from  the  horse  to  the 
mule.  Some  of  the  troiops  with  saddles,  very  many  of  them 
without.  Some  with  bits,  leather  head-stalls  and  reins  ; others 
with  rope  lines,  with  a bite  of  the  rope  placed  over  the  tongue 
of  the  horse  as  a bit ; some  with  old  pistols  hung  over  the  sad- 
dle bow  ; I cannot  call  it  the  pommel,  either  incased  in  tiger 
skin,  or  ox  hide  holster  pipes  ; or  hanging  by  a thong  of  hide  ; 
one  on  each  side.  As  for  the  troopers  themselves,  they  were 
from  thirteen  to  thirty  six  or  forty  years  of  age.  Black,  brown, 
sallow  complexions,  according  to  the  casts  of  their  parents. 
The  adults  wore  coarse  large  mustachios,  and  short  hair,  either 
wooly  or  black,  according  to  the  climate  or  descent.  They 
had  a forocious,  savage  look,  which  the  regiment  they  appear- 
ed in,  did  not  tend  to  harmonise  or  improve.  Mounted  on 
miserable,  half  starved  jaded  beasts,  whether  horse  or  mule; 
some  without  trowsers,  small  clothes  or  any  covering,  except 
a bandage  of  blue  cloth,  or  cotton,  round  their  loins,  the  end 
of  which  passing  between  their  legs,  fastened  to  the  girth, 
round  the  waist;  others  with  trowsers,  but  without  stockings, 
boots  or  shoes,  and  a spur  generally,  gracing  the  heel  on  ono 

"8 


58 


INTRODUCTION. 


side  ; and  some  wearing  a kind  of  sandal  made  of  hide,  with 
the  hair  side  outward.  In  their  left  hand  they  hold  their 
reins,  and  in  their  right,  a pole  from  eight  to  ten  feet  in 
length,  with  an  iron  spear,  very  sharp  at  the  point  and  sides 
and  rather  flat  ; in  shape  like  our  serjeants  halbert.  A blank- 
et of  about  a yard  square,  with  a hole,  or  rather  a slit,  cut  in 
the  centre,  through  which  the  wearer  thrusts  his  head,  falls 
on  each  side  of  his  shoulders,  thus  covering  his  body,  and 
leaving  his  bare  arms  at  perfect  liberty  to  manage  his  horse, 
or  mule,  and  lance.  Sometimes  an  old  musket,  the  barrel  of 
which  has  been  shortened  twelve  inches,  forms  his  carbine, 
and  with  a large  sabre,  or  hanger,  or  cut  and  thrust,  or  even 
a small  sword,  hanging  by  a leather  thong  to  his  side,  togeth- 
er with  a flat  hat,  a tyger  skin  or  hide  cap,  on  his  head,  with 
a white  feather  or  even  a white  rag  stuck  into  it.  Those 
troopers  of  the  legion,  of  Sedeno,  appeared  complete  and 
ready  for  action.  My  picture  is  a perfect  transcript  from 
the  original,  and  by  no  means  too  highly  coloured. 

Paez’s  cavalry  was  much  superior  in  point  of  dress,  appear- 
ance, and  the  management  of  their  horses,  but  they  were  not 
uniformly  clothed,  though  none  of  them  are  so  naked  as 
many  of  Sedeno’s  legion,  but  they  consist  of  some  without 
boots,  shoes,  or  anybody  covering  except  the  blanket,  which 
is  a necessary  appendage  of  the  general  uniform  They  wear 
trowsers  or  loose  drawers,  and  their  arms  are  similar  to  those 
of  the  other  corps  of  cavalry.  Many  of  Paez’s  men  are  cloth- 
ed in  the  spoils  of  the  enemy  ; and  hence  are  seen  in  hel- 
mets bound  with  brass  and  plated  metal  ; and  large  sabres 
with  silver  hilts  and  buckles.  I actually  saw  one  horseman 
whose  stirrups  were  made  of  silver. 

The  Llaneros  are  active,  and  even  brave,  in  defending 
their  valleys,  and  in  gaining  booty  ; and  the  more  so  when 
general  Paez  is  at  their  head  ; who  in  their  view  is  the  great- 
est hero  in  the  world  ; far  greater  than  Napoleon.  Because 
Paez  was  born  in  their  valleys  smokes  with  them,  sleeps  on 
the  ground  as  they  do,  in  his  blanket,  eats  a banana,  drinks 
with  them,  and  speaks  their  corrupted  and  savage  language. 


INTRODUCTION. 


59 


In  truth  Paez  is,  in  every  respect,  a complete  Llanero. 
Their  manner  of  warfare  is  very  like  that  of  the  Cossacks. 
Like  them,  they  attack  their  enemy  with  loud  cries,  and 
never  in  ranged  files  ; they  fly  to  form  and  attack  again. 
They  surround  their  enemy  on  all  sides,  and  never  suffer  him 
to  keep  them  together.  They  follow  an  isolated  corps,  fall 
on  its  rear  and  kill  their  prisoners  without  mercy.  They 
plunder  the  wounded  and  fatigued.  In  fine,  in  their  war,  they 
are  complete  savages. 

It  is  difficult  to  subject  them  to  discipline.  Their  organi- 
zation is,  therefore,  different  from  that  of  any  other  troops  in 
Colombia.  They  select  their  officers  from  among  themselves, 
and  turn  them  out  at  pleasure,  sometimes  killing  them,  and 
putting  others  in  their  places.  They  never  suffer  themselves 
to  be  commanded  by  a stranger,  some  of  their  own  generals 
have  been  in  danger  of  being  killed  by  them  when  they  were 
suspected  of  cowardice,  or  treachery.  This  was  the  case 
with  generals  Sedeno,  Roxas,  and  Monagas.  Paez,  however 
appeased  them,  and  protected  these  chieftains.  He  is  their 
supreme  commander,  and  he  only  is  adored  by  them.  They 
care  not  much  for  general  Bolivar;  and,  on  various  occa- 
sions have  been  heard  to  say,  that  they  never  see  him  in  the 
fire,  nor  at  the  head  of  a charge  ; and  that  he  is  too  far  from 
the  camp  and  battle  field,  to  be  able  to  judge  for  himself  how 
the  action  should  be  conducted.  General  Paez  embittered 
by  the  loss  of  a battle,  told  general  Bolivar,  in  presence  of 
more  than  40  officers,  that,  where  Bolivar  commanded  in  bat- 
tle, he  caused  the  loss  of  it,  but  that  when  he  himself  com- 
manded alone,  he  had  beaten  general  Morillo,  but  that  under 
Bolivar’s  orders,  battles  were  lost. 

After  Paez,  general  Zarasa  has  the  greatest  authority  and 
most  influence  over  the  Llaneros.  He  is  brave,  intelligent 
and  humane,  and  is,  in  every  respect  superior  to  Paez,  who  is 
jealous  of  him.  The  Spanish  chieftains,  particularly  Morillo, 
have  repeatedly  attempted  to  gain  him  over,  but  his  firm 
character  defeated  their  efforts  ; enraged  at  this  they  avenged 
themselves  upon  his  wife  and  children,  who  were  murdered 


CO 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  Llaneros  have  undoubtedly  rendered  very  great  servi- 
ces to  the  republic,  and  in  this  long  and  bloody  war  have 
distinguishe d themselves  among  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Main  except  the  Margaritans  of  whom  I shall  speak  here- 
after. The  Llaneros  have  been  constantly  and  entirely,  de- 
voted to  the  patriotic  cause,  whilst  the  people  of  Caracas.  Bo- 
gota and  Carthagena,  have  frequently  changed  their  political 
opinions.  This  wild  race,  far  more  raw  and  ignorant  than 
any  other  people  in  Colombia,  have  nobly  adhered  to 
the  republic.  In  1S13  they  contributed  powerfully  to  the 
success  of  the  Dictator  Bolivar,  who  dislikes  Baez,  but  treats 
him  publicly  with  great  regard,  for  the  purpose  of  managing 
him.  The  truth  is,  if  Paez  had  been  a different  kind  of  man, 
he  might  at  various  times,  have  displaced  Bolivar.  Three 
distinct  offers  have  been  made  him  to  that  effect. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  small  and  rocky  island  of  Margarita, 
which  forms  one  of  the  provinces  of  Venezuela,  had,  like  the 
Llaneros,  their  favorite  commander.  This  was  general  Aris- 
mendy.  But  he  lost  his  influence  by  being  too  arbitrary  with 
his  countrymen,  the  Margaritans.  But  1 will  speak  further  of 
the  characters  and  talents,  both  of  Paez  and  Arismandy  in  my 
biographical  sketches  of  them. 

The  Margaritans  are  much  more  cultivated  and  humane 
than  the  Llaneros.  Their  maralime  coasts  enable  them  to 
carry  on  a trade,  notwithstanding  the  Ll*.vs,  with  the  inhabit- 
ants of  St.  Thomas’s,  Curacao,  &c.  Margarita  has  many 
small  bays  where  vessels  may  enter  ; and  which  are  not  so 
closely  watched  by  *the  Spanish  vessels  of  the  king  or  the 
company,  as  the  larger  ports  of  Cumana,  Barcelona,  and  the 
larger  cities  belonging  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  plains.  In- 
tercourse with  foreigners  was  easier  and  more  frequent  at 
Margarita  than  any  where  upon  the  Main. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Margaritans,  since  the  beginning 
of  the  revolution  ( 1 810,)  have  been  supporters  of  indepen- 
dence : and  could,  never  since,  be  reduced,  by  the  most  pow- 
erful efforts  of  the  Spaniards,  whilst  a great  part  of  the  plains 
have  been  in  possession  of  Doves,  iviorales,  and  Morillo. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Cl 


They  are  true  Republicans,  industrious,  brave,  and  hospitable.  - 
If  any  of  these  provinces  have  deserved  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence, Margarita  is  the  first  ; and  all  who  have  known 
her  people  will  agree  with  me  in  this  opinion. 

The  catholic  religion  is  rendered  the  more  imposing  by 
the  observance  of  its  followers  ; and  no  city  on  the  Main 
had  so  many,  or  so  brilliant  religious  festivals,  as  Bogota,  the 
capital  of  New  Grenada.  Caracas,  Carthagena,  and  oilier 
cities,  had  the  same  ceremonies,  but  in  a less  imposing  style. 
The  cause  of  this  difference  is  to  be  found  in  the  greater 
wealth  and  devotion  of  the  people.  Bogota  being  the  seat 
of  the  viceroy,  governor  of  twenty-two  provinces,  with  a nu- 
merous and  splendid  retinue,  and  a strong  garrison;  whilst 
the  captnin-general  had  only  eight  provinces.  Besides,  the 
Grenadans  are  less  enlightened,  and  more  rich,  numerous, 
and  powerful. 

From  Lent  Monday  to  Holy  Friday,  in  passion  week,  there 
was  every  day  a solemn  and  numerously  attended  proces- 
sion, which  passed  through  the  principal  streets  and  squares 
of  the  city  of  Bogota. 

Before  1 close  this  introduction  I will  relate  an  extraordin- 
ary punishment  inflicted  for  robbery,  burglary  and  the  like, 
characteristic  of  the  manners,  under  the  late  viceroy  of  New 
Grenada.  Between  the  condemnation  and  punishment,  two 
or  three  weeks  intervened,  that  the  country  people  might  be 
notified,  and  witness  the  punishment. 

A convict  was  condemned  to  receive,  with  a kind  of  whip, 
long  in  use  among  the  Spaniards,  a certain  number  of  lash- 
es upon  his  back  and  posteriors,  to  remain  in  prison,  or  to 
work  in  the  mines,  or  gallies,  a certain  number  of  years,  ac- 
cording to  the  degree  and  aggravation  of  the  offence.  The 
punishment  was  rigorously  inflicted,  without  regard  to  age 
sex,  or  rank.  At  the  appointed  hour  the  criminal  was  strip- 
ped of  all  clo  thing,  except  a strip  of  colored  cloth  about  his 
middle,  and  placed  upon  an  ass  with  the  reins  in  his  hands, 
so  as  to  present  Iris  postorior  and  back  to  the  executioner; 
his  hands  and  feet  were  so  tied,  that  the  reins  were  in  his 


62 


INTRODUCTION. 


hands.  In  this  position  he  was  taken  under  a guard  of  sol- 
diers from  the  prison  to  the  public  square;  the  whole  halted, 
and  the  officer  read,  with  great  emphasis,  the  judgment,  to- 
gether with  the  Christian  and  family  name  of  the  criminal, 
his  name,  native  place,  office,  and  the  names  ofhoth  his  pa- 
rents, and  their  place  of  abode.  He  was  then  whipped  at 
the  four  corners  of  the  square,  and  at  the  corners  of  the 
principal  streets.  As  the  city  of  Bogota  is  large,  it  was 
sometimes  more  than  three  hours  before  the  prescribed  pla- 
ces were  passed,  and  the  number  of  blows  given.  In  1805 
this  punishment  was  inflicted  in  Bogota,  under  the  following 
circumstances.  A beautiful  girl,  18  years  of  age,  whose  pa- 
rents were  both  European  Spaniards,  who  had  received  a 
good  education,  and  was  much  esteemed  in  Bogota,  assisted 
at  the  festival  of  the  purification  of  the  Holy  Virgin,  in  the 
church  of  San  Francisco.  This  day,  the  waxen  figure  of  the 
Virgin  was  ornamented  in  an  unusually  splendid  manner,  with 
pearls  and  costly  diamonds  and  surrounded  with  many  hundred 
waxen  tapers.  The  girl,  totally  blinded  by  the  splendid  ex- 
hibition, took  the  sudden  resolution  to  become  possessed  of 
the  jewels.  She  afterwards  said,  in  her  confession,  that  the 
idea  was  given  her  during  he  sermon,  by  satan  himself,  who 
compeletly  succeded  in  tempting  her.  She  hoped  this  ex- 
cuse would  save  her  from  punishment.  She  succeeded  in 
the  following  manner  : Instead  of  going  out  with  the  crowd 

she  absconded  in  one  of  the  dark  corners  of  the  church,  be- 
hind a saint.  The  sexton  not  doubting  but  all  were  gone 
out,  extinguished  the  waxen  tapers,  went  out  and  locked  the 
door.  She  came  out  of  her  corner,  and  by  the  light  of  the 
eternal  lamp,  so  called,  which  is  kept  burning  in  catholic 
churches,  she  succeeded  in  despoiling  the  virgin  of  her  jew- 
el-, and  selected  them  at  leisure. 

While  she  was  in  the  church  her  parents  sought  her  every 
where,  in  the  most  cruel  anxiety.  Early  the  next  morning, 
the  sexton,  on  entering  the  church,  was  astonished  to  find  her 
fast  asleep  upon  one  of  the  steps  of  the  main  alter,  having 
the  jewels  in  her  hand  and  frock.  He  hastened  back  cautious- 


INTRODUCTION. 


G 3 


ly  shut  the  door,  and  made  his  declaration  before  a magis- 
trate. She  was  convicted,  the  jewels  being  found  upon  her. 
It  would  be  in  vain  to  attempt  to  describe  the  feelings  of  her 
parents.  They,  and  the  most  respectable  and  wealthy  fami- 
lies, even  the  judges  and  members  of  the  royal  audiencia, 
warmly  besought  the  viceroy  to  spare  her.  The  parents  re- 
peatedly kneeled  at  his  feet,  imploring  his  pity.  The  vice- 
roy’s wife  herself  interceded.  The  parents,  who  were  in  very 
good  circumstances,  secretly  offered  to  sacrifice  their  whole 
property.  All  was  in  vain.  The  viceroy  replied  that  he 
could  not  alter  the  laws;  that  if  he  prevented  their  execution 
in  the  case  of  an  European  Spaniard,  the  natives  would  have 
reason  to  be  dissatisfied,  particularly  as  the  crime  was  of  such 
a horrid  nature.  Don  Antonio  Amar  was  a good  and  sensi- 
ble man.  He  pitied  all  the  sufferers,  but  did  not  feel  himself 
at  liberty  to  relieve  them. 

In  this  case  the  punishment  was  inflicted,  as  in  every  other 
respect,  except  that  the  executioners  received  a secret  order 
to  strike  lightly.  The  surrounding  crowd  of  citizens  and 
country  people  was  immense,  and  eye  witnesses  have  assur- 
ed me,  that  not  one  was  seen  to  enjoy  the  spectacle  ; but 
that  all  were  deeply  moved.  Her  sufferings  lasted  about  five 
hours. 

Her  parents  went  eight  days  before  to  Mompox,  never  to 
return  to  the  place  of  the  shameful  punishment  of  their  only 
child.  As  a special  favor,  she  was  released  from  prison  the 
next  day,  she  rejoined  her  parents,  and  died  of  a lingering  ill- 
ness two  months  after.  The  miserable  parents  followed  her 
to  the  grave. 

This  barbarous  punishment  exists  no  longer.  A thief  is 
now  punished  with  a certain  number  of  stripes,  or  at  the  pub- 
lic works. 

After  what  I have  said  of  the  education  character  and  mor- 
ality of  this  people,  the  reader  may  form  his  own  opinion  with 
regard  to  their  existing  ignorance  and  prejudices.  He  may 
now  also  be  enabled  to  judge  whether  Bolivar  and  the  other 
chieftains  of  Colombia,  can  confer  on  its  inhabitants,  light 


64 


INTRODUCTION. 


liberty  and  freedom.  The  rulers  of  Colombia  have  naturally 
adopted  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Spaniards.  But 
they  are  far  less  advanced  than  the  latter,  not  by  their  own 
fault,  but  as  a natural  consequence  of  the  Spanish  system, 
which  was  designed  to  keep  them  in  darkness  and  ignorance. 

By  means  of  this  pernicious  system,  the  Colombians  are,  at 
least  150  years  behind  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  the 
science  of  government.  Experience  will  prove,  whether  my 
opinion,  advanced  in  July  1824,*  is  just. 


* See  Atlantic  Magazine  for  July  1821,  No  3,  published  by  Bliss  and  White  in  New- 
York,  p.  Ili7. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Causes  of  the  present  imperfect  knowledge  and  erroneous  opin- 
ions respecting  the  political  events  and  leading  characters  in 
Colombia. 

To  trace  with  justice  and  impartiality,  the  history  of  power- 
ful men  who  have  not  yet  finished  their  career,  is  by  no  means  an 
easy  task.  Burke  says  “ that  death  canonizes  a great  charac- 
ter.” In  the  political  and  military  life  of  Gen.  Bolivar,  many 
traits  have  already  appeared,  which  give  a correct  knowledge 
of  the  character  and  talents  of  the  Liberator. 

The  most  extravagant  and  contradictory  opinions,  have,  at  dif- 
ferent times,  been  given  of  Gen.  Bolivar.  Some  say  : “ He  is  a 
great,  an  extraordinary  man  ; a man  of  transcendent  knowledge 
and  talents  ; the  hero  of  South  America  ; the  benefactor  of  his 
country  ; its  Washington  ; its  Napoleon.”  Others  assure  us  “ He 
is  the  Cromwell,  the  tyrant,  the  oppressor  of  his  country.”  Truth 
is  rarely  to  be  found  in  any  extreme. 

That  such  various  opinions  should  have  been  received  of  this 
man,  is  not  at  all  surprising,  when  we  consider  that  the  majority 
of  mankind  are  inclined  to  admire  splendor,  power  and  success, 
and  that  the  more,  when  the  object  of  their  attention  is  beyond 
their  own  sphere  : Moreover,  they  blame  or  approve,  according 
to  their  own  interest  or  feelings.  Rarely  is  their  opinion  formed 
from  the  evidence  of  truth,  or  with  the  spirit  of  impartiality.  But 
the  defender  of  freedom  and  the  rights  of  man,  naturally  attracts 
our  attention  more  and  more  intensely,  by  every  successful 
event. 

The  actions  of  Gen.  Bolivar  have  been  considered  as  being  in 
accordance  with  the  wishes  of  all  liberal  and  enlightened  men  ; nay, 
with  those  of  every  oppressed  and  enslaved  being.  His  smallest 
successes  have  given  general  satisfaction,  and  every  eye  has  been 

1 


2 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


fixed  upon  him  and  his  proceedings.  But  without  any  exact  and 
positive  knowledge  of  facts,  each  individual  has  formed  of  Gen. 
Bolivar,  his  own  idea,  in  conformity  with  his  own  wishes,  and  with 
his  confused  and  incorrect  notions  of  events  on  the  Main.  Pub- 
lic opinion  was  soon  captivated  to  such  a degree,  that  whatever 
accurately  informed  and  impartial  men  could  say  against  the  Lib- 
erator, was  disregarded,  and  treated  as  mere  calumny,  or  as  coming 
from  agents  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  from  enemies  of  the  cause  of 
freedom,  or  from  rash  adventurers.  The  majority  of  the  public 
have  been  prevented  from  judging  for  themselves,  and  have  con- 
tinued to  contemplate  Gen.  Bolivar,  as  the  hero,  the  father,  the 
liberator  of  South  America. 

Various  causes  contributed  to  form  these  opinions,  in  the  com- 
mencement of  Gen.  Bolivar’s  career:  First, — The  great  difficul- 

ty of  procuring  exact  information  from  the  Main,  because  every 
one  possessing  it,  had  his  own  opinions,  his  own  view's,  his  own 
interests,  while  corresponding  with  his  friends ; others  concealed 
the  real  state  of  fact?,  or  circumstances  which  might  enlighten, 
fearing  their  letters  might  be  intercepted  or  miscarried,  or  that 
their  names  should  be  mentioned  by  their  friends,  and  so  their  in- 
terest affected  on  the  Main. 

Secondly, — The  bulletins  and  proclamations  of  the  rulers  in 
Colombia,  on  many  occasions,  have  been  very  extravagant  and 
partial,  as  is  generally  the  case  with  documents  of  this  descrip- 
tion, in  every  army  throughout  the  world,  where  war  and  armies 
have  existed.  These  bulletins  and  proclamations  have  been 
faithfully  translated,  without  comment,  without  any  of  the  partic- 
ulars which  would  give  a correct  idea  of  the  events,  and  have 
naturally  inspired  gigantic  notions  of  the  power  ol  armies  in 
Colombia  ; and  of  the  heroic  bravery,  and  of  deep  military  skill  of 
the  leaders  of  these  armies.  Besides,  the  Spanish  language  is 
distinguished  from  all  others,  by  its  pompous  phrases,  which 
give  it  an  agreeable  and  high  sounding  expression.  The  effect 
of  the  language,  too,  is  enhanced  by  the  Caraguin  character, 
which  is  generally  vain  and  boasting.  And  so  it  happened  that 
a skirmish,  in  which,  in  fact,  only  a lew  men  were  killed  or  wound- 
ed, was  given  out  as  a regular,  and  bloody  battle.* 


* When  I was  chief  of  the  staff  at  Campano,  on  the  Main,  in  May  1816,  Gen.  Bolivar, 
then  supreme  chief  of  the  republic  of  Venezuela,  ordered  a detachment  of  about  75  men  to 
take  possession  o’fthe  village,  and  the  little  fort  of  Santa  Rosa,  which  lies  upon  a hill, 
and  commands  the  harbor.  l\o  enemy  was  found  in  it,  but  twenty  five  half  naked  and 
badlv  armed  men  ; and  these  retired,  after  having  twice  discharged  a twenty  four  poun- 
der, the  only  piece  of  ordnance  then  in  the  fort.  i\ot  a man  was  killed,  w oundedor  taken. 
The  next  dav  I was  not  a little  surprised  to  find  a printed  bulletin  signed  with  my  name, 
in  the  proper  place  ; in  which  is  said,  “ The  independents  landed  under  the  immedi- 
ate command  of  the  supreme  chief,  in  four  divisions,  and  the  divisions  o 1 Gen.  Piar  took, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


3 


Thirdly, — We  are  in  absolute  want  of  a good,  detailed,  and  ex- 
act history,  of  the  events  of  the  revolution,  and  of  the  contend- 
ing parties  on  the  Main,  from  IS  10,  to  the  present  time.  It  is  a 
fact,  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  know  little  or  noth- 
ing with  certainty,  of  what  has  passed,  and  is  still  passing  in  Co- 
lombia. Our  Gazettes  give  some  accounts,  but  they  are  few, 
and  exceedingly  imperfect. 

The  imperfect  and  erroneous  statements  which  have  been  pub- 
lished, and  the  exaggerated  proclamations  and  bulletins  Lave 
chiefly  influenced  public  opinion  ; the  habit,  too,  of  thinking 
Gen.  Bolivar,  a great  and  extraordinary  man,  a hero,  has  been 
growing  since  1813,  and  has  increased  to  such  a degree,  that  it 
will  be  a difficult  task  to  convince  men  of  the  exaggeration  of  their 
ideas,  and  extravagance  of  their  notions  respecting  him. 

So  far  as  I am  concerned,  I am  able  to  declare,  that  I have  nei- 
ther desire  nor  interest  to  flatter,  or  calumniate  Gen.  Bolivar,  I 
vouch  for  the  correctness  of  all  the  facts  contained  in  these  me- 
moirs, well  knowing  that  this  work  will  obtain  only  that  degree  of 
credit  with  the  public  which  it  may  appear  to  merit  by  its  accura- 
cy and  candor. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Birth  of  Bolivar — His  family — Visit  to  Europe — Marriage. 
Errors  in  the  biographical  sketch  of  his  life  in  Ackerman's 
Magazine. 

Simon  Bolivar  was  born  in  the  city  of  Caracas,  July  24th, 
1783,  and  is  the  second  son  of  Don  Juan  Vicente  Bolivar  y Pon- 
te, a militia  colonel  in  the  plains  of  Aragua  ; his  mother,  Dona 
Maria  Concepcion  Palacios  y Sojo;  and  both  were  natives  of 


after  great  resistance,  and  a heavy  fire,  the  strong  fort  of  Santa  Rosa,  by  storm.  The 
division  of  Gen.  Marino  distinguished  itself  by  its  bravery  and  coolness,'’  &c."&c.  The 
fact  is  that  Gen.  Piar,  with  his  twenty  five  men,  jumped  over  a low  wall  of  this  strong 
fort,  and  found  it  empty  ; the  Spaniards  had  fled  as  soon  as  Piar  approached,  and  could 
not  have  been  taken  or  killed,  being  already  more  than  four  musket  shots  distant  from 
him. 

When  I saw  tlrs  pompous  bulletin,  signed  with  my  name,  I asked  Bolivar  how  my 
name  came  to  such  a paper,  a real  and  ridiculous  satire  upon  our  forces,  which  di 1 not 
exceed  800  men,  hut  from  which  75  divide  1 into  four  </  the.  e '.'ci.-nt 

to  drive  25  enemi  s from  Santa  Ro-a.  lie  answered,  lrrjY  g.  i.irt  iladlot  tom  pi-mler) 

was  anxious  to  finish  the  bulletin  before  m chnght  *,  and  that  he  ordered  Capt.  Chamber- 
lain,  his  aid  de  camp,  to  write  it,  under  his  dictation,  and  that,  I not  being  at  home,  he 


4 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Caracas,  and  were  Mantuanos.* *  They  died  ; the  first  in  1786, 
the  latter  in  1789. 

Young  Bolivar  was  sent  to  Spain  at  the  age  of  14,  in  compli- 
ance with  the  customs  of  the  wealthy  Americans  of  those  times, 
who  usually  spent  in  one  year  in  Europe,  the  amount  of  several 
years  income  at  home  ; seeking  offices  and  military  decorations, 
that  were  often  put  up  to  the  highest  bidder,  under  the  adminis- 
tration of  Manual  Godoy,  Prince  of  the  Peace.  The  young 
Americans  were  likewise  accustomed  to  go  to  Spain,  to  complete 
their  education,  and  to  pursue  their  studies  in  the  profession  of  law, 
physic,  or  theology ; for,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  times,  no 
American  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  allowed  to  practise  in  his 
profession  in  the  Universities  of  old  Spain,  nor  could  he  exercise 
his  profession  at  home.  Without  a diploma  from  a University  in 
Spain,  no  American  could,  at  least  in  New  Greneda,  have  the 
honor  of  being  a Capuchin  Friar!  But  as  the  object  of  young 
Simon  was,  to  see  the  world,  and  not  in  any  manner  to  study  se- 
riously, he  paid  little  attention  to  any  pursuit,  other  than  that  of 
pleasure,  and  of  satisfying  his  desire  to  witness  the  different 
scenes  of  life.  He,  however,  devoted  some  time  to  the  study  of 
Jurisprudence. 

He  was  at  this  period  lieutenant  in  the  corps  of  militia  in  the 
plains  of  Aragua,  of  which  his  father  had  been  commander.  He 
had  an  elder  brother,  who  died  in  IS  15,  and  two  sisters,  who  en- 
joyed an  annual  income  of  from  40  to  50,000  dollars,  the  produce 
of  several  considerable  estates,  and  particularly  of  an  extensive 
Iiato,  on  which  were  raised  large  herds  of  cattle.  These  estates 
were  at  no  great  distance  from  the  city  of  Caracas ; and  at  one  or 
other  of  them,  Bolivar  and  his  family  usuallyresided.  San  Ma- 
teo, was,  however,  the  place  he  always  preferred.  It  was  the 
largest  of  his  possessions,  where  between  1000  and  1500  slaves 
were  regularly  kept,  before  the  revolution.  His  residence  in  the 
valley  of  Aragua,  not  far  from  the  lake  of  Valencia,  was  beautiful 
and  striking.  The  famous  Boves  destroyed  it  in  1814. 


sent  it,  with  my  name  as  chief  of  the  staff,  to  the  printer.”  This  bulletin  may  be  found 
in  many  Gazettes,  particularly  in  the  Curacao  Courant,  July  1816,  with  my  name. 
Neither  Bolivar  nor  myself  were  present  at  this  skirmish.  He  remained  quietly  on  board 
Admiral  Brion.  I arrived  in  another  vessel,  a brig,  after  all  this  was  done. 

Sometime  afterwards  I handed  to  Gen.  Bolivar  a Gazette  from  Baltimore,  in  which 
was  repeated  this  famous  and  glorious  victory , and  in  which  was  added  that  Gen.  Boli- 
var’s army  was  7000  men  strong  in  infantry,  and  3000  in  cavalry.  I could  mention  ma- 
ny other  cases  of  a similar  description. 

* Los  Mantuanos,  or  los  familias  Manluanas,  were,  in  Caracas,  a kind  of  nobility, 
and  this  is  the  distinctive  title  there  of  rich  families  of  birth.  In  New  Greneda,  the  opu- 
lent families  of  high  birth,  were  never  called  Mantuanas ; this  distinction  existed  alone 
in  Caracas. 


MEMOIRS  OF  J50LIVAR. 


5 


From  Spain  Bolivar  passed  into  France,  and  resided  at  Paris, 
where  he  remained  a number  of  years,  enjoying  at  an  early  peri- 
od, all  the  pleasures  of  life,  which,  by  a rich  young  man,  with  bad 
examples  constantly  before  him,  can,  there,  easily  be  found.  I 
have  remarked  that  whenever  Bolivar  spoke  to  me  of  the  Palais 
Royal,  he  could  not  restrain  himself  from  boasting  of  its  delights. 
It  was  on  such  occasions,  that  all  his  soul  was  electrified  ; his 
physiognomy  became  animated,  and  he  spoke  and  acted  with  such 
ardor  as  showed  how  fond  he  was  of  that  enchanting  abode,  so 
dangerous  to  youth. 

His  residence  in  Paris,  and  especially  at  the  Palais  Royal,  has 
done  him  great  injury.  He  is  pale,  and  of  a yellowish  colour, 
meagre,  wreak  and  enervated. 

I have  spoken  of  Bolivar’s  residence  in  Paris  ; and  I ask,  if  such  a 
school  could  inspire  him,  or  any  other  young  man,  with  an  inclination 
for  continued,  deep,  and  laborious  study  ; to  that  school  I apprehend 
it  to  be  in  a great  measure  owing  that  he  cannot  attend  with  assiduity, 
to  business,  for  more  than  two  or  three  hours  in  a day  ; during  the 
greater  part  of  which  he  is  sitting,  or  laying  down  upon  his  ham-- 
mock,  talking  about  indifferent  matters  with  his  favorites  and  flat- 
terers. The  answer  of  aids  de  camp  on  duty,  to  those  w-ho 
wished  to  speak  to  him,  while  he  was  thus  occupied,  generally 
was,  that  he  was  very  much  engaged  in  his  cabinet.  He  scarce- 
ly ever  writes  at  all  himself,  but  dictates,  or  indicates  to  his  secre- 
tary, what  he  wishes  to  have  written.  In  consequence,  as  I appre- 
hended, of  the  flattery,  to  which  he  had  been  accustomed  since  his 
residence  in  Paris,  he  is  greatly  inclined  to  adulation,  and  is  very 
vain.  But  in  the  school  where  he  acquired  these  two  faults,  (I 
mean  those  circles  in  Paris  which  call  themselves  Ion  ton,)  he 
learned  also  the  dissimulation  to  conceal  them. 

Bolivar  returned  in  1 802  to  Madrid,  where  he  married  one  of 
the  daughters  of  Don  Bernardo  del  Toro,  uncle  of  the  present 
Marquis  of  this  name.  His  father  in  law,  who  was  born  in  Caracas, 
resided  in  Madrid.  Bolivar  was  but  19  years  of  age,  and  his 
lady  1G.  They  returned  in  1809,  to  Caracas,  and  lived  in  a retired 
manner  on  their  estates.  Shortly  after,  his  lady  wTas  taken  ill  and 
died,  without  leaving  any  offspring. 

Bolivar  acquired,  in  the  course  of  his  travels,  that  usage  of  the 
world,  that  courtesy  and  ease  of  manners,  for  which  he  is  so  re- 
markable, and  which  have  so  prepossessing  an  influence  upon  those 
who  associate  with  him. 

In  the  year  1823,  Mr.  Ackerman  published  in  London,  a very 
interesting  monthly  periodical  in  the  Spanish  language,  under  the 
title  ol  “ El  Mensagero.”  It  is  entirely  devoted  to  the  affairs  of 
the  new  Spanish  republics.  It  contains,  among  other  articles,  a 


6 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Biographical  Sketch  of  Gen.  Bolivar , in  which  the  author  asserts 
that  the  young  Bolivar,  during  his  residence  in  Paris,  gave  himself 
up  to  all  the  possible  amusements  of  young  men  of  his  age  : 
“ Still,”  said  the  author,  “ he  was  assiduous  to  obtain  the  dear  ob- 
ject he  has  had  always  in  view,  as  the  accomplishment  of  all  his 
wishes,  and  his  ambition,  namely,  that  of  making  with  eagerness,  all 
possible  acquaintances  which  might  have  been  useful  to  him  for  the 
emancipation  of  his  country  ! 

I must  beg  leave  to  assert,  that  shortly  before  the  revolution  of 
the  19th  April,  1810,  at  Caracas,  the  names  of  Gen.  Miranda, 
Don  Manual  Gual,  the  Corregidor  T.  M.  Espana,  Narino,  Fea, 
and  others,  appeared  on  the  list  of  those  who  declared  their  inten- 
tion to  liberate  their  country  from  the  Spanish  yoke.  On  the  me- 
morable day  of  the  19th  April,  when  the  Capt.  Gen.  Emparan 
was  deposed,  and  his  functions  performed  by  a patriotic  Junta, 
the  chiefs  of  this  revolution  were  the  Alcalde  [Mayor]  Don  Martin 
Tobar,  Don  Francisco  Salias,  Carlos  Manchado,  Mariano  Montil- 
la,  Joseph  Felix  Ribas,  and  others  ; hut  the  name  of  Simon  Boli- 
var is  not  among  them  ; he  was  at  his  ease,  on  one  of  his  estates, 
in  the  valley  of  Aragua,  and  refused  to  take  any  part  in  it, 
although  his  cousin,  Joseph  Felix  Ribas,  labored  to  engage 
him  as  an  active  associate.  Shortly  after,  the  Junta  gave  him  his 
option  of  a civil  or  military  post,  under  the  new  patriotic  govern- 
ment. Their  offer  was  refused,  and  the  pressing  solicitations  of 
his  friends  and  relations  were  of  no  avail.  Finally,  he  accepted 
the  appointment  of  a commission  to  London,  with  the  grade  of 
Colonel  in  the  militia.  M.  Luis  Mendez  y Lopez,  who,  during 
several  years,  was  the  agent  of  Venezuela  at  London,  was  at  this 
time,  his  colleague  in  the  mission. 

If  Bolivar,  as  stated  in  Mr.  Ackerman’s  Magazine,  had  from  his 
youth  formed  the  idea  of  liberating  his  country",  he  would  have 
seized  this  opportunity  of  joining  the  chiefs  of  the  revolution,  and 
would  have  accepted  a post  under  the  government  of  the  Junta, 
and  the  Congress  : He  did  neither,  although  the  members  of  these 
two  bodies  in  1810  and  11,  offered  him  any  post  that  might  suit 
his  views.  On  his  return  from  London,  he  retired  to  his  estate, 
without  taking  any  part  in  public  affairs. 

Mr.  Ackerman’s  Magazine  says,  secondly",  that  Bolivar,  from 
the  time  of  the  earthquake,  came  to  join  Miranda,  who  had  then 
his  head  quarters  at  Vittoria,  and  that  he  was  a colonel  in  the 
army.  This  is  a mistake.  Bolivar  was  named  eight  months  be~ 
fore  the  earthquake,  governor  of  the  fortress  of  Porto  Cabello ; 
but  he  came  not  to  join  Miranda  at  Vittoria.  After  his  secret  depart- 
ure from  that  fortress,  and  his  leaving  his  garrison  in  the  night, 
he  dared  not  appear  before  Miranda  ; because  he  justly''  feared  that 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


7 


he  should  be  tried  before  a Court  Martial,  for  having  secretly  in  the 
night,  together  with  some  of  his  officers,  and  without  leave  or  or- 
ders, left  the  strongest  place  in  Venezuela,  which  Miranda  had 
confided  to  his  care.  He  sent  Thomas  Montilla,  one  of  the  offi- 
cers who  embarked  with  him,  to  Vittoria,  with  the  news  of  this 
event,  and  with  his  excuses  to  Gen.  Miranda  ; the  particulars  of 
which  I mean  to  give  in  their  proper  place.  Bolivar  was  then 
Lieutenant  Colonel  in  Miranda’s  staff. 

It  is  also  asserted  in  the  same  article,  “ that  the  loss  of  Porto 
Cabello,  diminished,  in  nothing,  Bolivar’s  influence  over  the  army.” 
This  is  another  mistake.  Soon  after  the  loss  of  Porto  Cabello, 
which,  in  consequence  of  Bolivar’s  secret  departure,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Spanish  commander,  Don  Domingo  Monteverde, 
(June  1S12)  the  republican  general  Miranda  felt  so  depressed  by 
this  unexpected  loss,  that  he  capitulated  with  Monteverde  at  Vit- 
toria, in  July  1812.  In  virtue  of  the  capitulation,  Congress,  the 
Republic,  and  the  army  of  Venezuela,  were  entirely  dissolved,  and 
members  of  each  saved  themselves  as  well  as  they  could.  What, 
therefore,  could  be  the  influence  of  Bolivar  over  a disbanded  and 
dissolved  army  ? The  author  of  the  biographical  sketch,  appears 
to  be  ignorant  of  a well  known  fact,  viz.  the  arrest  of  Gen.  Mi- 
randa, at  Laguira,  by  Simon  Bolivar,  Doct.  Miguel  La  Pena,  and 
the  military  republican  governor  of  Laguira,  Lieut.  Col,  Manuel 
Maria  Casas  ; and  that  Lieut.  Col.  Bolivar  embarked  soon  af- 
ter, with  a passport  signed  by  the  Spanish  general  Monteverde,  and 
with  a letter  of  very  high  recommendation  from  the  latter,  to  a 
merchant  then  at  Porto  Cabello,  with  his  own  brig  ready  to  sail  for 
Curacao,  requesting,  nay,  urging  him  to  receive  the  Lieut.  Col. 
Bolivar  on  board  of  his  vessel.*  If,  therefore,  Bolivar  could  have 
had,  at  this  time,  any  influence  with  the  patriotic  army,  how  would 
he,  how  could  he  have  obtained  a passport,  and  moreover,  the 
letter,  from  the  Spanish  general  in  chief  ? 

These  and  many  other  particulars,  prove  clearly  that  in  a 
great  part  of  the  accounts  given  and  published  of  Bolivar’s  life, 
the  .writers  have  endeavored  to  attribute  to  him  qualities  and  mo- 
tives, which  he  himself  had  never  thought  of  before. 

All  that  can  be  said,  with  truth  and  impartiality,  of  Gen.  Boli- 
var’s patriotism,  is,  that  it  began  with  his  being  at  the  head  of  the 
army  and  the  government ; or,  to  speak  more  plainly  ; Gen.  Bol- 
var  began  from  1 SI 3,  to  be  a zealous  and  ardent  patriot,  because, 
from  January  7 that  year,  until  the  present  day  (July  1828)  he 
has  not  ceased  to  have,  either,  the  three  powers,  legislative, 


I have  these  particulars  from  the  merchant  himself. 


s 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


executive  and  judiciary,  united  in  himself,*  or  to  have,  together 
with  the  executive  power,  the  direction  of  all  civil  and  military 
operations : the  congress  of  Colombia  and  Peru,  having  been  en- 
tirely submissive  to  the  wishes  of  its  President,  Liberator  or  Pro- 
tector, as  will  be  shown  more  particularly  in  the  course  of  this 
Biography. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Events  previous  to  the  entry  of  Boliver  into  the  regular  army  of 
Venezuela — First  causes  of  the  revolution  at  Caracas — Na- 
poleon's invasion  of  Spain,  and  its  influence  upon  the  Spanish 
Colonies — Propitious  movement  for  the  Americans  to  rise 
against  their  oppressors — Policy  of  the  Calinets  of  St.  Cloud 
and  St. * James's,  in  regard  to  the  Spanish  Colonies — years  1807 
and  1S08. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  give  some  account  of  the  state  of  Europe, 
and  of  the  West  Indies  before  the  revolution;  and  to  shew  the 
primary  causes  of  a revolution  which  undermined  the  colossal  pow- 
er of  Spain,  and  promised  freedom  and  prosperity  to  the  Spanish 
Americans. 

Napoleon,  the  Spanish  government,  and  the  Holy  Alliance, 
have  contributed  to  provoke  and  foment  the  bloody  war  between 
Spain  and  its  colonies  ; and  have  powerfully  assisted  the  latter  to 
become  free  and  independent : Napoleon,  by  his  invasion ; the 
Regency  and  Cortes,  by  sending  to  the  Main  chiefs  remarkable 
for  ignorance  or  weakness,  or  for  cowardice,  duplicity,  and  cruelty. 
The  want  of  a steady  and  well  planned  system  of  moderation,  and 
of  a policy  adapted  to  these  critical  circumstances,  have  done  more 
harm  to  Spain  than  to  America.  Millions  of  Americans  have  sud- 
denly awakened  from  their  lethargy  of  three  hundred  years ; have 
been  forced  to  defend  their  property  and  their  lives,  and  have  at 
last  succeeded  in  driving  their  oppressors  from  their  territory,  and 
in  declaring  themselves  free  and  independent.  If  Spain  had 


* The  following  historical  facts  will  prove  it ; as  Dictator  at  Caraoas  in  1813  and  14  ; 
as  Supreme  Chief  in  1816,  17,  18,  and  19,  in  Venezuela  and  New  Greneda  ; as  President 
Liberator  of  Colombia,  as  Protector  in  Peru  and  Boliva  from  1820  until  1826.  And 
again,  from  the  23d  of  November  1826,  until  the  present  day  (July  1828,)  he  holds  the 
Dictatorial  power  in  consequence  of  the  commotions  in  Venezuela,  at  Valencia,  under 
Gen.  Paez.  [See  his  decree  dated  Bogota, Nov.  1826,  in  the  Appendix,  among  the  docu- 
ments under  No.  5.J 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


9 


adopted  more  justice  and  moderation  towards  her  colonies,  she 
would  probably  have  succeeded  in  keeping  them  much  longer  in 
slavery.  Events,  related  in  the  course  of  this  history,  will  confirm 
my  assertion. 

The  Holy  Alliance,  and  particularly  the  French  government, 
in  coalition  with  Ferdinand,  the  Spanish  clergy,  and  the  army  of 
the  faith,  invaded  Spain  in  order  to  replace  upon  the  throne  Fer- 
dinand, a prince  noted  for  bigotry,  bad  faith,  cruelty,  and  despo- 
tism. That  short-sighted,  crowned  association  were  not  aware  of 
tne  consequences  of  such  a step.  They  were  not  aware  that,  by 
ruining  Spain,  they  deprived  her  of  all  ability  to  reconquer  her 
colonies.  By  enslaving  eleven  millions  of  Spaniards,  they  contri- 
buted greatly  to  enable  fifteen  millions  of  Americans  to  proclaim 
their  liberty  and  independence.  A policy  worthy  of  a Melternich 
and  a Villele  ! 

Before  the  year  1810,  various  attempts  were  made  to  give  inde- 
pendence to  America.  Tupac  Amaru,  Jose  Antequera,  Ubade, 
the  brothers  Llanzas,  and  others,  were  put  to  a cruel  death.  All 
similar  attempts  were  suppressed  by  terror. 

It  is  an  admonishing  fact,  that  when  the  propitious  moment  ar- 
rived to  declare  their  independence,  to  free  themselves  from  the 
Spanish  yoke,  without  bloodshed,  and  with  little  or  no  sacrifice, 
the  Spanish  Americans  suffered  this  propitious  moment  to  pass  by 
unheeded.  They  remained  loyal,  and  in  careless  security.  To 
prove  my  assertions,  it  will  be  necessary  to  give  some  account  of 
the  original  causes  of  this  eventful  revolution. 

Inconsequence  of  the  treaty  of  Fontainbleau,  27th  of  October, 
1S07,  between  Napoleon  and  the  Prince  of  the  Peace,  in  the  name 
ol  Charles  IF.  King  of  Spain  and  India,  the  French  legions  crossed 
the  Pyrenees,  and  penetrated  to  the  heart  of  Spain,  under  the  pre- 
tence of  shutting  her  seaports  against  the  commerce  of  Great 
Britain. 

The  conquest  of  Spain  and  Portugal  appeared  to  Napoleon  an 
easy  task,  and  the  object  of  one,  or  at  most,  of  two  campaigns. 
Beside  the  secret  wish  to  create  some  more  kings  out  of  his  own 
family,  he  had  undoubtedly  formed  the  plan  of  extending  his  domi- 
nion over  their  colonies  in  both  Americas ; and  so  to  counterba- 
lance the  great  colonial  power  of  England  in  the  East  Indies. 
The  weakness  of  Ferdinand  and  Charles  enabled  him  to  mature 
these  views.  Some  days  previous  to  the  departure  of  the  latter 
from  Madrid  to  Bayonne,  Prince  Murat  was  named  his  Lieute- 
nant General  of  the  kingdoms  of  Spain  and  India.  He,  by  the 
secret  order  of  his  master,  sent  out  one  hundred  and  fifty  chosen 
grenadiers,  with  a colonel,  and  many  artillery  and  other  officers. 
These  debarked  at  Laguira,  and  passed  to  Caracas,  to  remain 
2 


10 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


there.  They  met  with  a very  kind  reception  from  Don  Juan 
Casas,  the  Captain  General,  and  the  inhabitants.  This  happened 
in  1808,  when  the  Machiavelian  principles  of  Napoleon  were  not 
known  on  the  Main. 

Napoleon  would  have  succeeded  on  the  Peninsula,  if  he  had 
acted  openly,  and  declared  war  against  Spain  and  Portugal  before 
he  entered  these  countries.  His  conquests,  his  victories,  and  his 
wonderfully  brilliant  and  rapid  successes,  had  excited  universal 
admiration.  Not  only  was  he  admired  by  the  populace  ; there 
was  formed  in  his  favor  a strong  and  numerous  party  among  the 
most  enlightened  and  liberal  men  in  Spain,  who  wished  to  change 
their  weak  and  corrupted  government.  Napoleon,  too,  was  ad- 
mired and  cherished  by  the  greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Spanish  colonies.  His  portrait  was  found  in  palaces  and  in  huts. 
Woe  to  those  who  should  have  offered  to  speak  against  him  before 
1808! 

But  Murat’s  manner  of  taking  possession  of  the  fortresses,  parti- 
cularly Barcelona,  in  Catalonia ; his  disuniting  the  royal  family ; 
and,  as  soon  as  it  was  known,  his  favoring  the  escape  of  Manuel 
Godoy,  Prince  of  the  Peace,  changed  the  admiration  of  the  Spa- 
niards into  the  most  bitter  hatred.  The  whole  nation  rose  against 
their  oppressors,  and  Spain,  heretofore  peaceable  and  quiet,  began 
now  to  be  the  theatre  of  a bloody  and  obstinate  war ; the  horrors 
of  which  were  extended  to  the  immense  possessions  of  the  colo- 
nies. The  Americans  and  Spaniards  were  united  in  their  hatred 
and  detestation  of  Napoleon  and  his  family,  and  in  persecuting 
their  agents. 

The  Kings  Charles,  Ferdinand,  Joseph,  the  Emperor  of  the 
French,  and  the  Juntas,  Regencies,  and  Cortes,  now  strove  to  ex- 
tend their  influence  and  dominion  over  the  Spanish  colonies.  The 
Junta  of  Seville  treated  the  legitimate  and  central  Junta,  assem- 
bled at  Cadiz,  as  a band  of  fugitives  and  traitors,  and  as  the  authors 
of  all  the  mischiefs  that  had  been  brought  upon  them.  Agents 
and  commissioners  were  sent  to  the  colonies  by  the  former,  with 
manifestoes  and  proclamations,  in  which  they  stated  that  Spain 
recognized  their  authority,  and  that  the  common  welfare  required 
peremptorily  that  the  Americans  should  follow  the  good  example. 
The  Junta  installed  by  King  Ferdinand,  before  his  departure  to 
Bayonne,  had  also  sent  similar  manifestoes  and  proclamations  to 
the  colonies.  The  Prince  Murat,  as  Lieutenant  General  of  Spain 
and  India,  had  done  the  same  in  the  name  of  Charles  IV.  Some 
months  afterwards  similar  proclamations  were  distributed  in  the 
colonies  in  the  name  of  King  Joseph  and  Napoleon.  The  Junta 
of  the  Asturias  claimed  the  same  authority,  the  same  submission  to 
its  decrees,  as  the  other ; and  Spanish  America  was  filled  with 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


11 


manifestoes  and  proclamations,  which  only  proved  that  Spain  was 
divided  into  so  many  factions ; all  striving  to  command. 

The  moment  was  propitious  for  the  declaration  of  American  in- 
dependence. The  principal  Spanish  authorities  were  disunited; 
Spain  occupied  by  French  armies;  King  Ferdinand  absent  and  a 
prisoner  ; Napoleon,  with  his  brother  Joseph,  master  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  peninsula;  not  a Spaniard  able  to  take  the  reins  of  go- 
vernment ; the  Spanish  administration  and  finances  gone  to  wreck  ; 
her  marine  ruined ; her  troops  occupied  with  the  defence  of  the 
country ; the  fortresses  and  rew  troops  in  the  colonies  in  a had 
and  destitute  condition — how  propitious  the  moment  for  the  colo- 
nies to  declai’e  finally  their  freedom  and  independence  ! 

Was  it  apathy,  or  devotion  to  the  mother  country,  or  want  of 
good  leaders  ? or  was  it  generosity  that  induced  the  Americans  to 
refrain  from  taking  a single  step  against  Spain?  The  fact  is,  that 
they  distinguished  themselves  by  their  attachment — their  enthusi- 
asm for  their  beloved  monarch  Ferdinand  VII  ! and,  when  the 
Vice  Kings  and  Governors  endeavored  to  distribute  proclamations 
from  the  councils  of  India  or  of  Castile,  in  which  the  Americans 
were  admonished  to  recognize  the  new  King  Joseph  Napoleon,  the 
majority  were  strongly  opposed  to  the  measure.  They  burnt  pub- 
licly, in  different  places,  the  proclamations  of  Napoleon,  and  drove 
his  agents  out  of  the  country. 

When  at  Bayonne,  Napoleon  constantly  kept  the  Indies  in 
view.  He  sent  an  armed  brig  (the  Serpent,  Capt.  B.)  from  Ba- 
yonne to  Laguira,  hearing  secret  instructions,  proclamations,  and 
other  papers,  for  the  Captain  General  Don  Juan  de  Casas.  He 
gave  also  to  the  Captain  verbal  instructions. 

The  brig  touched  at  Cayenne,  and  was  observed  by  the  En- 
glish frigate  Acaste,  Captain  Deaver,  who  gave  chase.  The 
Frenchman  arrived  in  July,  1808.  The  frigate  came  some  hours 
afterwards.  The  English  captain,  observing  from  his  deck  the 
French  commander  going  on  shore,  followed  him.  Captain 
B.  arrived  at  Caracas  about  an  hour  before  the  English  offi- 
cer, and  was  immediately  admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  Captain 
General.  Don  Juan  de  Casas  received  the  French  captain  very 
graciously ; but  when  the  English  captain  presented  himself,  he 
was  received  coldly,  and  told,  in  a tone  of  ill  humor,  that  he  had 
come  at  a bad  time,  and  that  he  might  call  again  in  two  hours. 
During  this  time  Captain  Deaver  walked  in  the  streets  of  the  ca- 
pital, a crowd  of  people  surrounding  him.  He  told  them  how  the 
French  government  were  going  on  in  Spain,  and  that  the  Spa- 
niards there  were  ardently  opposed  to  them.  Some  hours  after- 
wards the  French  captain  observed  a change  in  the  manners  of 
the  inhabitants ; but  he  persevered  in  executing  his  commission, 


12 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


and  remaining  at  Caracas.  He  took  lodgings  in  a public  hotel, 
filled  with  strangers,  and  began  to  read  to  them  one  of  Napoleon’s 
manifestoes,  directed  to  the  people  of  Venezuela.  After  some 
minutes’  reading,  a Spanish  officer  caught  the  paper  from  bis 
hands,  tore  it  in  pieces,  and  roared  out  like  a madman,  “ that  he 
and  his  companions  in  arms  would  never  suffer  a French  king; 
that  they  were  good  Spaniards,  and  faithful  to  their  beloved  and 
legitimate  sovereign,  Ferdinand  VII.”  He  spoke  and  gesticulated 
with  such  vehemence,  that  all  present  caught  his  feelings ; and  the 
Frenchman  dared  not  utter  a word. 

The  news  brought  by  Captain  Deaver  struck  the  inhabitants  of 
Caracas  with  astonishment,  and  excited  their  deepest  indignation. 
The  people  assembled  by  thousands,  and  bore  in  triumph  the  por- 
trait of  their  adored  King  Ferdinand;  proclaiming  that  they  re- 
cognized him  alone  as  legitimate  sovereign  of  Spanish  India ! 
They  placed  it  with  gieat  solemnity  in  the  government  House,  where 
it  was  to  be  seen,  illuminated,  during  the  whole  night.  The  people, 
enraged  against  the  French  captain,  hurried  towards  his  hotel, 
and  would  have  cut  him  in  pieces,  if  he  had  not  escaped  in  time, 
and  sheltered  himself  in  the  house  of  Don  Joachim  Garcia  Torre, 
who  generously  advised  him  of  his  danger,  concealed  him,  and  as- 
sisted him  to  depart  the  same  night  for  Laguira.  The  English 
captain  followed  soon  after;  and  descrying  the  brig  under  sail,  he 
pursued  and  took  her  at  sea,  not  far,  however,  from  the  coast. 

Napoleon,  shortly  after  Joseph’s  nomination  as  King  of  Spain 
and  India,  at  Bayonne,  ordered  the  great  councils  of  India  to  send 
circulars  to  the  Vice  King  and  Captain  Generals,  notifying  them, 
in  an  official  manner,  of  this  nomination.  He  offered  the  inhabi- 
tants his  powerful  support  in  officers,  ammunition,  warlike  stores, 
&ic.  if  they  would  declare  their  independence.  He  was  confident 
that  he  should  easily  gain  the  suffrages  of  the  Americans. 

The  numerous  agents  of  King  Joseph  and  Napoleon  offered 
the  Americans  independence  and  great  privileges ; such  as  the 
continuance  of  the  civil  and  military  officers  in  their  respective 
offices,  &,c.  if  they  would  make  a treaty  with  him,  and  acknow- 
ledge him  king.  But  in  vain.  The  Americans  declined  having 
any  thing  to  do  with  Napoleon  or  his  brother  Joseph,  and  perse- 
cuted their  agents,  some  of  whom  were  taken  and  put  to  death. 

The  failure  of  these  negociations,  and  the  advantageous  offers  of 
the  Emperor  and  his  brother,  compared  with  subsequent  mea- 
sures, afford  a proof  of  the  ignorance,  mistrust,  and  versatility  of 
this  people  in  their  politics.  Tlnee  years  afterwards,  (in  1811 
and  1812,)  they  sent  deputies  to  the  same  Napoleon,  imploring 
his  assistance.  But  it  was  too  late ; the  Emperor  had  too 
much  to  do  at  home,  and  could  not  attend  to  the  affairs  of  Ameri- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


13 


ca.  He  was,  moreover,  displeased  with  the  first  refusal  of  its  in- 
habitants, and  placed  little  confidence  in  the  sincerity  and  good 
faith  of  their  application.* 

Napoleon  possessed  ample  power  to  send  to  the  Main  (through 
the  United  States  of  America)  money,  arms,  he.  and  a sufficient 
number  of  experienced  officers  ; and  the  consequences  of  refusing 
his  powerful  ’assistance,  were  greatly  injurious  to  the  patriots. 
The  British  government  became  provoked  ; the  forces  of  the  Spa- 
niards were  increased ; the  Mexican  republic,  and  the  cause  of 
liberty  in  Venezuela  and  in  Grenada,  were  ruined.  Torrents  of 
blood  were  shed  in  the  long  protracted  war,  and,  in  the  intervals, 
troubles  excited  in  opposition  to  a government,  under  which  the 
inhabitants  found  security  at  least,  and  a shadow  of  freedom  and 
felicity,  of  which  they  are  at  present  totally  deprived. 

The  British  government,  seeing  the  rapid  progress  of  Napoleon 
in  Spain,  became  apprehensive  of  her  yielding  at  last.  They  fear- 
ed, also,  that  the  news  of  these  successes,  when  received  on  the 
Main,  would  give  him  a predominant  party  there  likewise.  They 
saw  the  necessity  of  strong  and  speedy  measures  to  prevent  these 
evils.  They  despatched  a fast  sailing  sloop  of  war  to  the  island  of 
Curacao,  (at  that  time  in  the  possession  of  England,)  with  orders 
to  its  Governor,  Sir  James  Cockburn,  to  depart,  without  delay,  for 
Laguira  and  Caracas.  His  secret  instructions  (which  I have  from 
good  authority)  were  to  employ  every  imaginable  means  to  dimi- 
nish and  destroy  the  influence  of  the  French  party.  Secondly, 
to  watch  and  prevent  this  party  from  getting  the  upper  hand,  and 
wresting  the  colonies  from  Spain.  Thirdly,  to  endeavor  to  estab- 
lish a provisional  government  favorable  to  King  Ferdinand  VII, 
without  engaging  himself  in  any  other  concerns  relating  to  the  ad- 
ministration and  interior  affairs  of  the  government  of  that  country. 

The  Captain  General,  Don  Juan  de  Casas,  having  been  made 
acquainted  with  the  intended  voyage  of  the  English  government, 
came,  with  a numerous  and  brilliant  retinue,  to  Laguira,  where 
Sir  James,  on  coming  ashore,  was  met  with  great  solemnity.  The 
inhabitants  received  him  with  demonstrations  of  joy  and  respect, 
and  even  with  regal  honors.  Public  opinion  was  entirely  changed 
in  favor  of  England.  The  aversion  to  Napoleon  was  so  great, 
that  I saw  many  gold  and  silver  French  coins,  which  had  the  bust 
of  Napoleon,  pierced  with  the  point  of  a dagger  or  knife,  and  his 
portraits  cut  in  pieces. 

The  ringing  of  bells,  the  discharge  of  cannon  at  the  public 
square  and  the  forts  of  Laguira,  announced  Sir  James’s  arrival  on 


* A friend  of  mine  heard  him  say,  “ Je  ne  me  fie  pas  trop  sur  les  belles  paroles  de  ces 
Messieurs  ; je  ferai  cependant  ce  que  je  pourrai  pour  eux.” 


14 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


shore;  and  Ins  passage  from  Laguira  to  Caracas  was  like  a tri- 
umph. His  entry  into  the  capital  was  not  less  solemn  than  would 
have  been  that  of  the  King  himself.  All  was  joy,  bustle,  and  en- 
thusiasm ; the  city  was  spontaneously  illuminated ; dinners,  festi- 
vals, balls,  &c.  succeeded  during  the  whole  time  of  his  stay  ; and 
the  exclamations,  “ Long  live  our  beloved,  our  cherished  King 
Ferdinand  VII,  and  the  English,  our  good  and  generous  allies,” 
were  heard  throughout  the  streets.  The  fickle  people  of  Caracas 
were  certainly  sincere  in  their  joyful  reception  of  Sir  James.  Af- 
ter some  secret  interviews,  the  Captain  General  published  a long 
proclamation,  exhorting  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela  to  recognize 
the  authority  of  the  new  King  of  Spain  and  India.  This  was  done 
immediately  with  loud  shouts  and  the  utmost  enthusiasm. 

Sir  James,  highly  pleased  with  his  reception,  returned  to  Cura- 
cao, and  sent  a full  and  detailed  report  of  his  mission,  to  the  Brit- 
ish Government.  Convinced  now,  that  the  Venezuelans,  left  to 
themselves,  would  he  perfectly  harmless,  both  to  the  politics  and 
commerce  of  the  English  nation ; the  British  ministry  did  not 
take  much  notice  of  the  claims  of  the  patriots  ; which  they  certain- 
ly would  have  done,  in  case  of  any  rivalship  with,  or  acceptance 
of  the  proposals  of,  Nopoleon. 

All  their  attention  could  now  be  directed  to  one  point,  driving 
the  French  from  the  Peninsula.  This  would  secure  the  great  ob- 
ject of  the  British  government,  the  extension  of  their  commerce 
to  the  prejudice  of  other  nations.  This  alone  caused  their  alli- 
ance with  Spain,  and  excited  their  aversion,  their  hostility  against 
whatever  favored  the  independency  of  the  Spaniards  in  both  Amer- 
icas : and  the  refusal  of  Napoleon’s  offers,  left  in  an  insolated 
condition,  the  cause  of  the  independents  in  Spanish  America. 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  its  different  governments 
have  looked  to  England,  and  have  put  equal  trust  and  confidence 
in  her,  though  she  never  offered  to  assist  them.  This  proves 
clearly,  that  in  the  beginning  of  their  revolution,  the  Americans 
had  not  conceived  the  idea  of  a separation  from  Spain.  If  they 
had,  they  would  have  accepted  the  brilliant  offers  of  Napoleon  and 
Joseph,  and  would  never  have  implored  the  aid  and  assistance  of 
the  most  faithful  ally  of  the  Spanish  government. 

The  hope  of  effectual  aid  from  the  cabinet  of  St.  James,  arose, 
partly  from  the  knowledge  of  the  famous  plan  of  William  Pitt,  who 
intended  to  render  the  West  India  colonies  free  and  independent ; 
and  upon  the  instructions  of  the  British  minister  of  the  colonies 
(Dundas)  in  1797,  to  the  governor  of  the  island  of  Trinidad,  Sir 
Thomas  Pictou,  by  which  the  government  formally  engaged  to 
supply  the  Venezuelans  with  every  support,  in  case  they  would 
declare  themselves  free  and  independent.  The  instructions  were 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


15 


sent  from  the  island  of  Trinidad,  but  had  not  the  expected  effect. 
They  were  even  forgotten,  until  the  revolution  at  Caracas,  1S10  ; 
when  the  new  Junta,  remembering  these  circumstances,  sent  Dons. 
Luis  Lopez  Mendez  and  Simon  Bolivar  to  London,  to  request 
assistance.  But  the  British  ministry  did  nothing.  On  the  con- 
trary, they  sent  orders  to  their  governors  in  the  West  Indies, 
to  observe  the  strictest  neutrality  between  Spain  and  her  colonies, 
as  long  as  the  new  government  should  act  in  the  name,  and  by  the 
authority  of  king  Ferdinand.  The  plan  of  the  minister,  William 
Pitt,  to  render  the  colonies  in  the  West  Indies  not  belonging 
to  England,  free  and  independent,  was  pernicious  and  dread- 
ful. Considering  the  great  number  of  slaves  and  colored  peo- 
ple, who  could  soon  have  become  masters  of  the  country,  it  is 
plain  that  the  object  of  his  plan  was,  not  to  give  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence to  the  inhabitants  on  the  Main,  but  to  ruin  the  country. 
Nearly  the  same  scheme  was  afterwards  put  in  execution  in  St. 
Domingo,  and  the  British  government  took  an  active  part  in  it. 
The  ruin  of  the  West  Indies  would  have  conduced  greatly  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  vast  British  colonies  in  the  East  Indies.  Upon 
such  facts  did  the  leaders  of  independence  in  Spanish  America, 
ground  their  sanguine  hopes  of  support  from  England. 

After  Ferdinand  ascended  the  throne  of  Spain  (1S14)  the  prince 
regent  of  England  concluded  a treaty  with  him,  in  which  it  was 
formally  stipulated  that  “ hoping  the  king  of  Spain  would  make 
peace  with  the  colonists  ; his  royal  highness  would  promise  not  to 
send  the  least  support  to  the  insurgents,  and  would  employ  his  best 
exertions  to  hinder  any  of  his  subjects  from  doing  it. 

After  the  earthquake  at  Caracas  (1S12)  many  inhabitants  left 
Venezuela,  and  embarked  in  such  haste  and  consternation,  as  to 
forget  the  necessaries  of  life.  The  British  governments  in  the 
West  Indies  offered  them  not  the  least  support.  Many  perished 
for  wrant  of  food.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States,  informed 
of  their  miserable  condition,  generously  hastened  to  give  the  ne- 
cessary orders  for  their  supply,  and  saved  the  miserable  remnant 
from  starvation  and  wretchedness. 

The  Spanish  Americans,  nevertheless,  hesitated,  in  the  hope  of 
being  supported  by  the  British  government.  Buenos  Ayres  sent 
in  1 S 1 4,  Don  Manuel  Sanatea,  and  the  Congress  of  New  Grena- 
da, Don  Tomas  Maria  del  Real,  to  London,  with  ample  powers, 
and  an  order  to  conclude  an  exclusive  treaty  of  commerce,  in  fa- 
vor of  England,  for  twenty  years.  All  was  in  vain.  The  deputy 
Real  made,  at  different  times,  attempts  to  obtain  a private  audience 
of  the  British  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  but  was  not  admitted. 
Their  mission  ended  with  obtaining  only  license  to  export,  for  ready 
cash,  and  the  payment  of  heavy  duties  upon  them — some  arms  ! 


16 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Since  that  time  the  agents  of  the  new  American  republics,  have 
been  tolerated,  but  not  recognized  in  their  diplomatic  character. 
Don  Mendez  y Lopez  and  Revenga,  the  former  Agent,  and  the 
latter  Charge  d’Affaires,  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia,  were  im- 
prisoned in  London  for  debts.  Don  Hurtado,  Minister  of  Colom- 
bia, and  lately  Charge  d’Affaires  at  London,  was  arrested  in  the 
island  of  Jamaica,  in  May,  1828,  for  a debt  of  three  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  but  was  released  on  furnishing  bail. 

Such  has  been  the  conduct  of  the  British  ministry  towards  the 
Spanish  Americans.  But  as  soon  as  these  republics  had  succeeded 
in  driving  the  Spanish  forces  out  of  their  respective  territories,  and 
had  gained  some  stability,  the  British  government  changed  its  po- 
licy, and  was  anxious  to  recognize,  officially,  their  agents  and  mi- 
nisters. England,  by  her  ambiguous  policy,  had  gained  what 
others,  and  particularly  the  French  government,  had  lost  under 
the  too  well  known  Count  Villele,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the 
commerce  of  France. 

The  British  government  has  been  highly  applauded  as  the  sa- 
viour and  protector  of  Spain  and  Portugal ; and  also  as  having 
greatly  contributed  to  the  freedom  and  independence  of  Spanish 
America.  But  by  developing  facts,  and  closely  examining  the 
tortuous  policy  of  Lord  Castlereagh,  when  prime  minister  of  Eng- 
land, we  shall  see  that  this  applause  has  not  been  fully  merited. 

The  situation  of  England  relative  to  France,  in  1808,  ’9,  ’10, 
was  that  of  Carthage  in  relation  to  Rome.  Napoleon’s  continen- 
tal system,  supported  by  his  numerous  legions  and  his  eollossal 
power,  menaced  the  total  ruin  of  the  British  commerce  and  indus- 
try, and  even  its  political  existence.  The  wealth  of  England,  in 
productions  and  merchandize,  could  be  of  no  avail  without  a mar- 
ket. Contraband  trade,  even  in  all  its  multiplicity  and  extent, 
was  of  very  little  importance  compared  with  free,  active,  and  di- 
rect commerce.  The  European  ports  of  Spain  and  Portugal  only 
remained  op£p  for  England.  If  Napoleon  had  conquered  the 
Peninsula,  Europe  would  have  been  shut  against  their  direct  com- 
merce with  her  inhabitants.  England  was  driven  to  a desperate 
game;  all  possible  sacrifices  were  employed,  not  to  deliver  Spain 
and  Portugal  only,  but  principally  to  preserve  these  countries  for 
the  commerce  and  safety  of  Britain. 

Napoleon,  it  is  true,  was  afterwards  no  more  to  be  feared ; but 
a rupture  between  Great  Britain  and  Spain,  in  1814,  and  for 
which  the  latter  had  given  more  than  one  cause,  would  have  been 
very  favorable  to  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

The  neutral  system,  or  rather  the  tortuous  course  pursued  by 
the  British  government  previous  to  the  too  short  ministry  and  the 
lamented  death  of  Mr.  Canning,  has  cost  millions  of  dollars,  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


17 


the  lives  of  more  than  600,000  souls  in  America,  and  has  ruined 
the  Spanish  colonies  for  a long  course  of  years.  But  British 
commerce  has  gained  by  the  destruction,  the  misery,  and  the  ruin 
of  others ! 

Every  well  informed  politician  must  remember  the  active  part 
which  the  British  ministry  took  during  the  French  Revolution; 
their  conduct  in  the  last  events  in  Naples,  Savoy,  Piedmont,  and 
Spain;  as  also  at  Verona,  at  Tunis,  Algiers,  and  Tripoli;  in 
Greece,  in  Brazil,  and  Buenos  Ayres : and  time  will  discover  the 
policy  of  the  famous  Duke  of  Wellington  in  regard  to  Portugal, 
Russia,  and  Turkey. 

This  neutrality  during  the  civil  war  of  Spain  and  her  colonies, 
has  given  to  England  not  only  wealth  and  an  extensive  commerce, 
but  the  name  of  having  saved  and  protected  the  new  established 
republics  ! 

It  is  just,  however,  to  mention  that  the  English  nation  highly 
disapproved  of  these  ministerial  principles  of  Pitt  and  Castlereagh, 
and  took  an  active  interest  in  favor  of  the  independence  of  these 
republics.  So  did  the  opposition  in  both  houses  of  parliament ; 
and  this  will  never  be  forgotten  by  any  enlightened  friend  of  ra- 
tional and  well  established  freedom  and  independence. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Situation  of  Venezuela  in  1 SOS — Arrival  of  Capt.  Gen.  Km  in- 
i'an,  Lieut.  Col.  Simon  Bolivar , at  Laguira,  from  Spain — 
Kmparan's  Administration — Details  of  the  Revolution  at  Ca- 
racas, 19th  April,  1810 — Venezuelan  Junta — Spanish  Regen- 
cy— Conspiracy  of  Linarez — Commencement  of  Hostilities — 
.Marquis  del  Toro — Miranda's  arrival  at  Caracas — Congress — 
Executive  Power — Patriotic  Society — Islenian  Conspiracy — 
Declaration  of  Independence — Military  Operations  of  Miran- 
da— Project  of  a Constitution — Situation  of  the  Republic  in 
1S11.  Years  1808— 1811. 

After  having  given  a short  account  of  what  had  passed  in  Eu- 
rope in  relation  to  Spanish  America,  and  particularly  to  Venezu- 
ela, it  will  be  necessary  to  give  a general  idea  of  the  situation  of 
the  eight  provinces,  which,  at  that  time,  formed  the  captain-gen- 
eralship of  Venezuela. 


3 


18 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Capt.  Gen.  Don  Juan  de  Casas  was,  in  secret,  in  favor  of  what 
was  then  termed  the  French  party  ; and  much  inclined  to  favor 
the  views  of  Napoleon,  and  his  brother  Joseph. 

As  no  vessel,  other  than  those  under  Spanish  colors,  could  en- 
ter any  seaport  belonging  to  the  Spanish  crown  in  America  ; and 
as  all  letters,  pamphlets,  gazettes,  and  books,  of  whatever  des- 
cription, coming  from  Europe,  were  ordered  to  be  collected,  and 
sent  directly  to  the  captain  general  at  Caracas,  before  they  could 
be  delivered  to  the  persons  to  whom  they  were  directed,  under 
heavy  penalties  upon  the  master  of  the  vessel  on  neglect  to  com- 
ply with  the  order  ; it  was  easy  for  the  governor  to  open  the  letters, 
to  examine  the  papers  and  gazettes,  and  to  deliver  or  suppress, 
what  he  thought  proper.  He  retained  all  the  proclamations,  or- 
ders, &c.  coming  from  the  different  authorities  in  Spain  (of  which 
I have  spoken  before)  in  opposition  to  the  French  invasion.  The 
inhabitants  of  Venezuela  were  kept  in  total  ignorance  of  the  events 
in  Spain,  particularly  of  the  revolution  of  Aranjuez,  the  escape  of 
Manuel  Godoy,  of  the  bloodshed  of  the  1st  May  in  Madrid,  &c., 
until  the  arrival  of  the  English  captain  Deaver,  in  July  1808,  men- 
tioned in  the  preceding  chapter. 

Capt.  Gen.  Casas  not  having  it  in  his  power  to  prevent  this 
English  officer,  as  he  did  every  Spaniard  arriving  on  the  Main,  from 
communicating  freely  with  the  inhabitants  of  Caracas,  they  now 
became  informed  of  the  real  state  of  things  in  Spain.  The  effects 
of  his  communications,  which  1 have  already  mentioned,  placed  the 
captain  general  Casas  in  a very  delicate  situation.  Moreover, 
some  of  the  most  influential  men  in  Caracas,  secretly  insinuated 
that  he  might  have  been  interested  in  concealing  the  truth. 

This  news  made  a deep  impression  on  the  minds  of  some  few 
liberal  and  enlightened  inhabitants  of  Caracas,  who  could  not  con- 
ceal their  fears,  that  by  the  critical  and  miserable  situation  of 
Spain,  their  own  country  would  be  lelt  unprotected  and  help- 
less, in  case  of  a sudden  hostile  invasion.  Their  fortresses  were 
ill  provided,  and  poorly  garrisoned.  Their  troops  were  half 
clothed  and  half  fed.  The  inhabitants  were  divided  in  their  po- 
litical opinions  ; and  the  government  and  its  officers  were  cor- 
rupt and  indolent.  These  persons  were  convinced  that  the  es- 
tablishment of  a good  Junta  would  give  more  energy  and  activity 
to  the  government,  and  would  well  suit  the  time.  They  there- 
fore made  out  a short  memorial,  in  which  they  showed  the  ad- 
vantages of  such  a measure ; and  proposed  that  the  captain 
general  should  still  retain  his  authority,  and  act  as  , president 
of  the  Junta.  They  also,  therein,  formally  recognised  their 
beloved  Ferdinand,  as  king.  They  caused  this  memorial  to  be 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


19 


circulated  among  their  friends,  in  order  to  collect  their  signa- 
tures. 

They  recommended,  first,  that  measures  should  be  taken  at 
once  to  quell  the  fears  of  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela,  respect- 
ing the  measures  taken  by  the  Spanish  government  in  regard  to 
them  : Second,  that  a more  effective  government  should  be 

given  to  the  province  of  Caracas  : Third,  that  efforts  should  be 

made  to  restore  the  abandoned  state  of  Venezuela. 

Notwithstanding  this  plain  and  frank  exposition  was  necessary 
for  the  interests  of  both  Venezuela  and  Spain,  and  that  it  was  made 
without  any  intention  of  changing,  or  shaking  the  authority  of  the 
captain  general,  he  ordered  the  arrest  of  the  authors,  and  of  the 
signers  of  it,  and  threw  them  into  prison.  But  public  opinion 
was  in  favor  of  the  measures  proposed  by  them ; nothing  criminal 
appeared  in  their  conduct,  and  they  were  released.  The  real 
causes  of  their  release  were,  the  strong  remonstrances  against 
such  arbitrary  conduct,  and  the  fear  that  it  might  produce  serious 
consequences — perhaps  a revolution.  Among  them  were  the  Mar- 
quises del  Toro  and  Casa  Leon,  both  very  wealthy  and  influen- 
tial men  ; the  son  of  the  count  de  Tobar,  and  various  other  young 
gentlemen  of  the  first  families  in  Caracas. 

The  arrival  of  Sir  James  Cockburn,  governor  of  Curocao,  at 
Laguira  and  Caracas,  and  the  formal  recognition  of  the  authority 
of  king  Ferdinand,  relieved  the  captain  general  from  his  critical 
position.  He  saw  plainly  that  the  majority  was  openly  in  favor  of 
the  Bourbons,  and  he  changed  his  policy  accordingly.  But  the 
members  of  the  great  Junta,  assembled  at  Madrid,  having  receiv- 
ed some  hints  of  Gen.  Casas’s  secret  inclination  (suspected,  rather 
than  clearly  proved)  resolved  to  send  another  more  openly  devot- 
ed to  their  views. 

Meanwhile,  Ferdinand  being  proclaimed  king  of  Spain  and  In- 
dia, the  authority  of  the  captain  general  was  fully  established  as 
his  representative.  But  his  administration  was  unpopular  with 
the  inhabitants. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  Caracas,  when  on  the  24th  of  March, 
1809,  three  Spanish  men  of  war,  and  above  twenty  transports, 
with  the  new  captain  general,  Don  Vincente  Emparan,  the  briga- 
dier general  Fernando  del  Toro,  the  lieutenant  colonel  Bolivar  and 
lady,  and  a great  many  civil  and  military  officers  and  others,  ar- 
rived at  Laguira.  The  new  governor,  some  days  after  his  arri- 
val, was  solemnly  installed  in  office.  Gen.  Emparan  was  a man  of 
some  talents  and  knowledge  ; he  was  good,  just,  and  of  easy  man- 
ners, and  very  humane.  He  began  by  putting  in  order  the  finan- 
ces, and  the  other  departments.  He  embellished  Caracas,  main- 
tained a good  police,  which  attended  promptly  both  to  neatness 


20 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


and  the  security  of  the  streets  and  public  market ; and  by  his  good 
and  popular  qualities,  soon  rendered  himself  beloved  and  respect- 
ed. His  great  defects  as  chief,  were,  that  he  was  too  confident, 
and  too  obstinately  attached  to  the  regency  of  Spain. 

Soon  alter  his  arrival,  news  reached  Caracas,  of  the  flight  of 
the  Spanish  Central  Junta  from  Seville  to  Cadiz,  of  its  dissolution, 
and  of  the  nomination  of  a regency  entrusted  to  govern  Spain 
and  her  colonies.  This  regency  sent  a proclamation  to  South 
America  full  of  flattering  promises,  in  order  to  gain  its  inhabitants. 
The  same  vessel  brought  tidings  of  the  rapid  progress  of  king 
Joseph  in  Spain,  that  the  regency  possessed  no  more  than  Cadiz, 
the  Villa  of  Leon,  and  a part  of  Galicia  and  Catalonia.  The  inhab- 
itants became  convinced  that  no  reasonable  hope  could  he  enter- 
tained of  protection  from  Spain,  and  of  preserving  a good  under- 
standing with  the  captain  general  Emparan,  who  surrounded  by  bad 
counsellors,  imperiously  demanded  a blind  submission  to  every 
thing  coming  from  the  regency.  They  were  also  convinced,  that 
Cadiz  and  the  remainder  of  the  Spanish  territory  would  soon  be 
forced  to  submit,  and  that  the  regency  would  then,  of  course,  be 
regarded  as  an  unlawful  authority.  But  as  Gen.  Emparan  was 
active,  vigilant,  jealous  of  his  authority,  and,  as  yet,  very  power- 
ful, they  could  not  act  openly  against  him,  and  were  obliged  to 
use  some  stratagem. 

The  leaders  of  the  revolution,  having  fully  ascertained  the  gen- 
eral discontent,  which,  indeed,  was  now  strongly  expressed  against 
the  governor,  fixed  upon  the  Maunday  Thursday,  19th  April,  1S10, 
for  the  execution  of  their  plan.  Among  them  were  the  Alcalde 
[Mayor]  of  Caracas,  Don  Martin  Tobar,  Francisco  Salias,  Mari- 
ano Montilla,  &lc.  On  that  day  an  immense  crowd  of  people 
were  assembled  in  order  to  witness  the  procession,  which  depart- 
ed from  the  cathedral,  and  passed  through  the  principal  streets  of 
the  city-  Before  the  procession  began,  the  captain  general  had 
summoned  a council  of  the  Royal  Audiencia,  at  which  he  always 
presided. 

On  that  day  the  leaders  assembled  in  the  public  square,  with 
their  arms  concealed,  determined  to  strike  the  blow.  They  were 
sure  of  a majority  of  the  inhabitants,  many  of  the  officers  of  the 
queen’s  regiment  of  the  line,  and  nearly  the  whole  battallion  of 
veterans,  composed  of  800  chosen  men,  formed  in  lines,  and 
then  in  waiting  for  the  procession  ; so  that  3000  armed  men  were 
assembled,  and  ready  to  act  at  the  first  signal. 

When  the  captain  general,  having  dismissed  the  royal  audien- 
cia, came  out  of  the  chapel  to  join  the  procession,  with  his  retinue, 
Don  Francisco  Salias,  one  of  the  most  determined  of  the  leaders, 
came  forward  and  told  him  he  had  a matter  of  the  highest  impor- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


21 


tance  to  reveal,  on  account  of  which  he  requested  his  excellency 
to  go  back  to  the  chapel,  where  he  would  explain  himself  before 
the  council  of  the  royal  audiencia.  The  general  replied,  “ he 
could  not  grant  him  his  request  at  present,  because  the  procession 
was  waiting  for  him,  but  that  he  would  be  ready  to  hear  him  as 
soon  as  the  procession  was  ended.” — “ No,  no  !”  objected  Salias 
vehemently,  “your  excellency  cannot  delay  a moment ; you  must 
absolutely  hear  me,  without  waiting  a single  minute.”  His  nu- 
merous companions  now  exclaimed,  all  at  once,  that  it  was  a mat- 
ter of  the  highest  importance,  which  admitted  not  of  the  least  de- 
lay. During  this  time,  the  leaders  surrounded  the  governor  so 
closely,  that  he  could  not  advance  a step.  One  of  them,  by  acci- 
dent or  otherwise,  coming  close  upon  him,  touched  his  arm  ; the 
governor,  greatly  incensed,  treated  him  very  rudely  before  the 
eyes  of  his  companions.  But  perceiving  the  mob  to  increase  ev- 
ery minute,  he  became  embarrassed,  and  at  length  yielded,  and 
ordered  the  council  to  reassemble. 

Salias  entered  the  council  room  alone,  and  addressed  the  pres- 
ident Emparan  in  the  following  singular  manner  : — “ Your  excel- 
lency is  an  honest  man ; yoiir  excellency  is  a respectable  and 
worthy  magistrate,  sincerely  devoted  to  his  majesty,  our  beloved 
sovereign,  Don  Ferdinand  VII  ; but  your  excellency  has  been  in- 
duced to  insult  publicly  one  of  my  friends  ; and  nobody  else  could 
have  advised  you  to  commit  such  an  act  of  injustice,  but  this  hyp- 
ocrite, this  impostor  and  miserable  auditor,  who  sits  next  you,” 
(pointing  to  the  Auditor,  Vicente  Anca,  who  was  really  one  of  the 
most  unworthy  Spaniards,  and  generally  detested.)  The  govern- 
or, confused  by  such  language,  nevertheless  nodded  his  head  at 
every  flattering  expression  of  Salias,  and  protested  that  he  was 
correct  in  saying  that  he,  the  governor,  was  faithfully  attached  to 
his  beloved  king  and  master,  Ferdinand.  Anca  being  his  private 
counsellor,  to  whom  he  was  much  attached,  and  in  whom  he 
placed  the  greatest  confidence,  he  attempted  to  defend  the  audit- 
or. But  Salias  interrupted  him,  and  repeating  his  compliments, 
added,  “ that  he  came  in  the  name  of  more  than  ten  thousand  of 
his  countrymen,  to  demand  justice,  and  the  immediate  arrest  of  this 
hypocrite  ; and  that  he,  Salias,  and  his  friends,  had  placed  such 
confidence  in  the  probity  and  uprightness  of  character  of  the  gov- 
ernor, that  they  were  persuaded  that  his  excellency  neither  would 
nor  could  any  longer  suffer  that  such  a notorious  enemy  of  the 
people  should  be  seated  at  his  side,”  & c. 

The  governor,  intimidated  by  the  boldness  and  firmness  of  this 
speech,  and  perceiving  that  Salias  was  powerfully  supported,  ab- 
ruptly ordered  the  arrest  of  Anca,  who  tried  to  speak,  but  without 


22 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


success.  He  was  sent  to  prison ; passing  through  the  square 
amidst  the  huzzas  of  an  immense  crowd  of  people. 

Encouraged  by  this  first  success,  Salias  demanded  the  arrest  of 
various  other  members  of  the  royal  audiencia,  which  was  effect- 
ed in  the  same  manner.  During  this,  some  of  the  numerous  friends 
of  Salias  entered  the  council  room,  and  surrounded  the  governor 
and  the  rest  of  the  counsellors,  who  were  forced  to  submit  to  the 
wishes  of  the  leaders.  They  had  beforehand  prepared  a written 
declaration,  in  form  of  a decree  drawn  up  in  the  name  of  the  royal 
audiencia,  and  its  president  the  captain  general  Emparan,  in  which 
was  stated,  1st,  That  he,  Don  Vincente  Emparan,  with  all  the 
other  members  of  the  royal  audiencia  voluntarily  abdicated  their 
functions,  and  were  resolved  to  retire  from  public  affairs  : 2d, 

That  the  royol  audiencia,  should  be  succeeded  by  a Junta,  which 
should  take  care  of  the  administration  and  the  government,  &c. — 
Each  member  of  the  royal  audiencia,  after  signing  his  own  destiny, 
was  separately  confined  in  his  own  house,  with  liberty  to  go  out  of 
the  country  when,  and  whithersoever  he  should  think  proper. 

The  new  government  was  proclaimed  and  installed  the  same  day, 
under  the  name  of  “ Provisional  Junta  of  V enezuela,  Conservatrix 
of  the  rights  of  his  majesty  king  Ferdinand,  VII.”  As  the  prin- 
cipal members  of  this  Junta  were  Don  Jose  de  Las  Llamosas,  a na- 
tive Spaniard,  President  and  first  Alcalde,  Don  Martin  Tobar,  se- 
cond Alcalde,  Baltazar  Padron,  Andreas  Moreno,  and  Diego 
Tugo,  members.  They  commenced  business  by  sending  the  ex- 
captain general  Emparan,  the  Regent,  the  Auditors,  the  members 
of  the  high  court  of  justice,  the  ancient  Cabildo,  and  various  other 
persons,  to  jail ; whence  they  were  sent,  by  sea,  to  the  United 
States  of  America. 

The  Junta  abolished  the  toll  money  and  duties  in  the  custom- 
house, the  capitation  upon  the  Indians,  and  the  impositions  upon 
slaves.  They  occupied  themselves  with  the  freedom  of  commerce 
and  the  national  industry.  They  decreed  to  give  to  the  provinces 
of  Caracas,  and  to  the  British  Ministry,  official  information  of  the 
change  of  government.  As  soon  as  this  change  was  known  in  the 
provinces,  a similar  Junta  was  installed  in  each  of  them. 

The  Junta  of  Guiana  recognised,  at  first,  the  authority  of  that 
of  Caracas;  but  soon  afterwards,  refused  to  recognise  any  other 
authority  than  that  of  the  Regency  at  Cadiz.  This  change  was  at- 
tributed to  the  influence  of  the  European  Spaniards  who  formed  the 
majority  of  this  Junta.  Those  of  Cumana  and  Barinas  sent  depu- 
ties to  Caracas,  demanding  the  convocation  of  a congress,  and  re- 
fusing to  acknowledge  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Junta  in  the 
capital. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


23 


The  Spanish  governor,  at  Maracaybo,  Don  F ernando  Millares, 
greatly  dissatisfied  with  what  had  taken  place  at  Caracas,  ordered 
the  deputies  sent  to  him  by  this  Junta,  with  strong  menances,  out 
of  his  presence.  They  passed  from  Maracaybo  to  Coro,  the  gov- 
ernor of  which  province,  Cevallos,  arrested  and  shipped  them  lor 
Porto  Rico,  where  they  were  put  in  irons.  The  earnest  repre- 
sentations of  the  English  Admiral,  Sir  Alexander  Cochran,  at  last, 
effected  their  liberation. 

The  provisional  Junta  at  Caracas,  thought  proper  to  notify,  offi- 
cially, the  Regency  at  Cadiz,  of  the  change  which  had  taken  place 
in  the  government  of  Venezuela,  and  declared,  at  the  same  time, 
its  cordial  wishes  for  the  welfare  of  the  mother  country , and  the 
conservation  of  the  royal  authority  on  the  Main,  <^*c.  The  Junta 
said  nothing  of  submission  to  the  Regency.  Their  declaration  was  in 
conformity  with  the  laws  of  the  Indian  Codex,  in  which  it  is  express- 
ly said,  “ the  Americans  shall  know  no  other  authority  than  that  of 
the  king,  as  president  of  the  council  of  India.”  As  the  king  was  a 
prisoner,  the  Regency  treated  this  omission  as  high  treason,  de- 
serving exemplary  punishment.  After  having  consulted  the  great 
council  of  Castile  and  that  of  India,  they  published  against  Vene- 
zuela, a violent  Manifesto,  dated  Cadiz,  August  3d  ; and  they  de- 
creed that  these  provinces  should  be  treated  as  rebels  and  revolu- 
tionists, and  declared  their  coasts  in  a state  of  blockade,  with  the 
exception  of  the  provinces  of  Maracaybo  and  Coro,  which  formally 
recognised  the  authority  of  the  Regency,  and  took  no  part  in  the 
revolution  of  Caracas. 

The  Regency,  soon  after,  received  despatches  from  various  other 
American  Juntas  expressing  the  same  sentiments  of  submission; 
and  some  offered  to  assist  the  Spaniards  in  their  struggle  against. 
Napoleon.  None  declared  an  intention  to  seperate  from  Spain. — 
But  meanwhile,  none  spoke  of  recognizing  the  authority  of  the  Re- 
gency. This  uniformity  of  opinion  throughout  the  vast  provinces 
of  the  Spanish  colonies,  deeply  embittered  the  members  of  the 
Regency.  All  proposals  of  accommodation  or  negotiation  were 
rejected.  They  talked  only  of  rebellion,  and  demanded  implicit 
and  blind  submission  to  their  laws  and  decrees ! 

Civil  war  was  now  declared,  and,  in  the  public  papers  of  Cadiz, 
the  inhabitants  of  Spanish  America  were  treated,  by  the  Regency, 
and  at  later  periods,  by  the  Cortes,  as  rebels,  who  must  be  subdued 
by  force  of  arms. 

Don  Ignacio  Cortavaria  departed  from  Cadiz  for  Porto  Rico, 
authorised  to  employ  every  means  to  subdue  the  Venezuelans. — 
He  said  in  one  ol  his  proclamations  “ that  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Main  should  first  depose  their  existing  government,  and  promised 
then  to  hear  every  complaint,  and  to  do  them  justice  afterwards .” 


24 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


He  endeavored,  by  intrigue,  to  induce  the  clergy  of  Venezuela 
to  send  agents  in  order  to  spread  discord  and  trouble.  In  one 
word,  be  neglected  no  means  to  fulfil  his  commission. 

The  Junta  of  Caracas,  soon  after,  felt  the  effects  of  Cortava- 
rias’s  intrigues.  Mellares,  the  new  captain  general,  residing  at 
Maracaybo,  and  Cevallos,  governor  of  Coro,  joined  him,  and  ex- 
cited several  riotous  disturbances. 

A Spaniard  living  at  Caracas,  Don  Francisco  Gonzales  de  Lin- 
ares, was  designated  as  the  leader  of  the  counter-revolution  party, 
whose  object  was  to  drive  out  the  provisional  Junta,  and  replace 
it  with  a new  one,  composed  entirely  of  native  Spaniards.  But, 
at  the  decisive  moment,  Linares  hesitated  ; instead  of  giving,  at 
midnight,  the  expected  signal,  he  remained  inactive.  The  conspi- 
racy was  detected  ; he  and  a number  of  his  companions  were 
arrested  without  any  noise,  the  same  night,  and  put  in  irons. 

Hostilities  now  began,  and  the  Junta  were  obliged  to  put  them- 
selves in  a state  of  defence.  The  Marquis  del  Toro  was  named 
general  in  chief  of  the  army.  Every  where,  recruits  and  arms 
were  collected,  and  soon  after,  the  Marquis  marched  upon  Caso- 
ra,  to  suppress  a revolt,  and  maintain  order.  Alter  various  oper- 
ations and  combats  of  little  importance,  the  campaign  of  1810 
was  closed,  when  the  news  reached  Caracas,  of  the  sudden  arri- 
val of  general  Miranda,  at  the  island  of  Curacao. 

At  the  end  of  1810,  general  Miranda  arrived  at  Curacao,  from 
London.  He  had  letters  of  introduction  from  the  duke  of  Cam- 
bridge, and  Mr.  Vansittart,  to  the  English  governor  of  that  isl- 
and. He  came  under  the  name  of  JHartin ; and  after  a short 
residence,  he  embarked  on  board  of  an  English  vessel  for  Lagui- 
ra,  where  he  debarked  and  came  to  Caracas,  in  spite  of  the  se- 
cret orders  of  the  provisional  Junta,  to  its  agents  in  London,  to 
hinder  his  coming  to  Venezuela,  his  native  land.  Miranda  being 
informed  of  this  secret  order,  changed  his  name,  and  came  with- 
out any  attendants.  In  giving  this  secret  injunction  to  their  agents, 
the  provisional  Junta  were  actuated  by  a dread  of  the  great  tal- 
ents and  patriotism  of  the  general.  It  is  said  by  some  that  the 
order  was  given  to  prove  the  moderation  of  the  Junta,  in  regard  to 
Spain. 

Miranda  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm  and  solemnity  ; 
the  festivals  of  every  description  lasted  through  many  days  ; and 
he  was  every  where  followed  and  surrounded  by  a crowd  of  peo- 
ple. His  influence  decided  the  question  of  having  a Congress  ; 
and  the  provisional  Junta,  in  conformity  with  this  decison,  order- 
ed the  election  of  deputies  in  each  province  separately. 

The  Junta,  before  the  convocation  of  the  Congress,  had  desig- 
nated a committee  to  draw  up  a project  of  a Constitution,  to  be 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


25 


submitted  to  Congress.  The  majority  of  that  committee  agreed 
to  propose  a federal  government ; as  best  adapted  to  present  cir- 
cumstances. Miranda,  who  was  a member  ot  that  committee, 
sent  another  plan,  which  he  proposed  at  the  time  of  his  expedition 
against  Carthagena  in  1806.  This  plan  differed  very  little  from 
the  Spanish  mode  of  governing  its  colonies.  It  was,  as  instructed 
and  able  men  have  assured  me,  adapted  to  the  spirit  and  character 
of  that  people.  But  it  created  him  many  enemies.  As  soon  as 
he  arrived  at  Caracas,  some  individuals  began  to  fear  his  popular- 
ity and  influence.  But  the  true  friends  of  a wise  and  moderate 
liberty,  were  sincerely  attached  to  him,  and  publicly  disapproved 
of  all  the  intrigues  and  secret  murmurs  against  him.  Miranda 
himself  despised  them;  and,  in  spite  of  all  opposition,  he  was 
nominated  commander  in  chief  of  the  land  and  sea  forces,  and 
member  of  the  congress,  which  opened  its  session,  the  2d  March, 
1811,  under  the  presidency  of  Doct.  Philip  Paul. 

On  the  4th  of  April,  the  congress  appointed  three  of  its  mem- 
bers to  form  the  executive  power ; but  fearing  that  this  executive 
commission,  composed  of  Dons  Juan  Escalona,  and  Mendoza, 
and  the  Doct.  Baltazar  Padron,  might  make  too  great  encroach- 
ments upon  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  people,  the  congress 
gave  them  but  very  limited  power. 

The  anniversary  of  the  revolution  of  Caracas,  19th  April,  was 
solemnly  celebrated  by  festivals  and  illuminations.  The  public 
spirit  was  excellent. 

But  this  state  of  things  did  not  subsist  long.  After  a while,  the 
government  sunk  into  indolence,  the  natural  result  of  a too  greatly 
restrained  executive  power.  It  had  neither  authority  nor  ener- 
gy. The  congress  was  perplexed,  and  uncertain  what  means  to 
employ  in  order  to  give  more  strength  and  consistency  to  its  gov- 
ernment. During  this  time,  a great  number  of  the  European 
Spaniards,  dissatisfied  with  the  government,  formed  a very  serious 
conspiracy,  known  under  the  name  of  the  conspiracy  of  the  Isle- 
nos,  (men  born  in  the  Canary  Islands.)  This  conspiracy  was  de- 
nounced in  the  moment  of  its  explosion : but  the  peoole  contem- 
plating it,  observed  at  ihe  same  time  the  apathy  of  the  members 
of  the  government ; and  their  confidence  in  their  government 
daily  diminished. 

The  friends  of  independence  thought  the  moment  favorable  for 
action.  The  sittings  ol  the  patriotic  society  were  more  frequent, 
and  its  powerful  members  declared  publicly  that  nothing  could 
save  the  country  but  to  declare  it  free  and  independent  of  Spain, 
the  impolitic  conduct  ot  the  Regency  and  the  Cortes,  afforded 
sufficient  reasons  for  such  a declaration ; and  the  inhabitants  of 
Caracas,  many  of  whom  were  people  of  color,  listened  to  such  a 
4 


26 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


question  with  joy ; because  they  conceived  from  it,  great  hopes  of 
a more  secure  and  honorable  existence.  The  measure  was  gen- 
erally supported ; and  some  members  proposed  the  question  of  in- 
dependence, in  the  congress  then  assembled. 

Alter  long  and  animated  discussions,  the  question  wras  decided, 
and  Venezuela  was  declared  to  be  a Republic,  free  and  indepen- 
dent of  any  foreign  dominion,  (by  a decree  of  July  5th,  1S11.) 
In  the  manifesto,  congress  mentioned  the  persecutions  suffered 
during  three  hundred  years,  and  developed  the  reasons  which  de- 
termined them  to  this  resolution,  which  they  declared  to  be  sin- 
cere and  irrevocable. 

On  the  same  day  the  Spanish  colors  were  cut  in  pieces,  and 
exchanged  for  a three  colored  flag.  The  portraits  of  Charles  IV, 
and  Ferdinand  VII,  were  taken  down,  and  trailed  through  the 
streets  of  Caracas,  with  the  outcry  of  “ Long  live  the  Independ- 
ency ! ” 

This  event  greatly  discouraged  the  other  conspirators,  without 
extinguishing  the  machinations  of  the  Islenos,who  being  resolved  to 
strike  a heavy  blow,  assembled  in  great  numbers,  on  the  11th  of 
July,  at  3 o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  in  one  of  the  suburbs  of  Cara- 
cas called  las  Teques,  in  order  to  march  thence,  united  and 
well  armed,  against  the  government.  Their  design  was  to  put  to 
death  the  three  members  of  the  executive  power,  and  the  most 
influential  members  of  the  congress,  and  to  arrest  the  others,  and 
embark,  and  deliver  them  to  the  Regency  at  Cadiz.  They  in- 
tended, afterwards,  to  reinstate  the  old  Spanish  government. 

Gen.  Miranda  hesitated  not  a moment.  He  united  some  armed 
men,  and  marched  against  the  rebels.  The  government  would 
not  trust  the  regular  army,  knowing  that  many  of  them  were  na- 
tive Spaniards,  they  had  reason  to  fear  some  understanding  with 
the  rebels.  Gen.  Miranda,  after  an  obstinate  battle,  surrounded 
and  disarmed  them,  and  confined  a great  many  in  gaol.  Sixteen 
of  the  principal  ring-leaders  were  shot  in  the  course  of  the  same 
month. 

This  conspiracy  had  various  ramifications.  The  inhabitants  of 
Valencia,  dissatisfied  because  congress  had  refused  to  grant  their 
request  to  form  a separate  province,  revolted  oponly.  Miranda 
again  marched  against  the  rebels,  and,  after  great  resistance,  took 
possession  of  their  city,  and  condemned  ten  of  the  leaders  to  death. 

Government,  strongly  supported  by  the  military  operations  of 
Gen.  Miranda,  acted  with  more  energy,  and  inspired  confidence. 
The  army  was  in  a good  state,  and  strong  enough  to  defend  the 
new  republic.  Commerce  began  to  flourish,  and  every  thing  was 
going  on  well. 

But  this  happiness  was  soon  dissipated  by  an  event  which  I 
shall  relate  in  the  next  chapter. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


27 


CHAPTER  V. 

Earthquake  at  Caracas  and  its  consequences — Particulars  of  Boli- 
var's entry  into  the  army , and  of  his  nomination  as  governor  of 
Porto  Cabello — Capitulation  at  Victoria — Dissolution  of  the 
Republic — Arrest  of  Miranda  at  Laguira — Anarchical  state  of 
Venezuela  under  the  government  of  Monteverde — Cruelties  of 
the  Spaniards — Monteverde' s solemn  entry  into  Caracas.  1812. 

The  clergy  of  Caracas,  a secret  and  powerful  enemy  to  the  re- 
publican form  of  government,  (because  congress  had  reformed 
many  of  their  oppressive  and  pernicious  privileges)  took  this  occa- 
sion to  revenge  the  supposed  insult ; and  a great  many  friars,  monks 
and  priests,  raised  their  voices  and  preached  in  the  streets,  to  the 
terrified  people,  that  this  was  a punishment  well  deserved  by  the 
authors  of  innovations  so  impious  and  criminal.  *One  who  was 
present,  assured  me  that  he  had  never  before  heard  such  rhetoric, 
from  clergymen,  the  ministers  of  divinity,  of  moderation  and 
of  clemency.  The  impression  was  so  profound,  and  the  terror  so 
general,  that  all  who  had  not  confessed  or  received  the  sacraments 
for  some  time  past,  were  now  anxious  to  do  so ; others  who  had 
lived  in  concubinage,  prostrated  themselves  before  the  priests  in 
church,  supplicating  to  be  united  in  marriage  before  God.  Monte- 
verde had,  some  time  before,  increased  the  number  of  his  corps; 
and,  happening  to  be  before  Carora  on  the  'day  of  the  earthquake, 
he  attacked  and  took  it. 

Public  confidence  was  destroyed ; the  paper  money  of  the  re- 
public, which,  before  the  earthquake,  had  depreciated,  was  now 
reduced  to  nothing  ; and  the  situation  of  congress  became  extreme- 
ly difficult  and  perplexing ; not  less  so  than  when,  some  time  af- 
terwards, Miranda  received  the  news  that  Porto  Cabello  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards. 

It  is  proper  to  insert  here,  all  that  1 have  yet  to  relate,  concern- 
ing Lieut.  Col.  Simon  Bolivar,  so  as  not  to  interrupt  the  course  of 
events  that,  in  rapid  succession,  took  place,  after  his  arrival,  from 
Spain,  at  Caracas. 

Bolivar  retired,  with  his  lady,  to  San  Mateo,  one  of  his  country 
places,  in  the  valley  of  Aragua.  He  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  her 
soon  after  their  arrival  on  the  Main.  At  the  beginning  of  IS!  0,  the 
principal  leaders  of  the  intended  revolution  were  desirous  to  see 
Lieut.  Col.  Bolivar  amongst  them ; and  his  cousin  J.  Felix  Ribas, 
offered  to  sound  and  gain  him  over.  He  wTas  a brave,  daring  and 
high  spirited  young  man.  He  was  rich  also,  and  he  was  intimate 


28 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


with  Bolivar.  As  the  latter  was  rich,  and  his  father  had  great  in- 
fluence with  the  regiment  of  militia  of  the  plains  of  Aragua,  the 
leaders  expected  a powerful  support  in  gaining  over  the  son,  who 
was  beloved  for  his  generosity.  Ribas  had  an  interview  with  Boli- 
var, who  treated  the  attempt  as  a foolish  and  impracticable  one. — 
After  various  private  conversations,  Ribas  found  that  Bolivar  was 
not  to  be  gained  over.  The  resolution  of  the  19th  April,  there- 
fore, was  made  without  Bolivar’s  participation.  During  that,  and 
the  following  days,  as  is  known  to  all  who  were  there  at  the  time, 
he  came  not  at  all  to  Caracas,  but  staid  at  San  Mateo. 

When  the  patriotic  Junta  assembled  at  Caracas,  its  members, 
among  whom  Bolivar  had  various  friends,  were  anxious  to  see  him 
taking  an  active  part  in  their  new  government;  and  proposals  were 
made  to  him  to  choose  a civil  or  a military  office,  with  the  assur- 
ance that  his  choice  should  be  complied  with,  but  in  vain.  He 
declined  every  office,  under  the  pretext  of  the  state  of  his  health. 
At  last  the  Junta  proposed  to  him  a mission  to  London,  with  the 
rank  of  colonel  in  the  militia,  and  in  company  with  his  friend  Louis 
Lopez  y Mendez.  This  offer  he  accepted ; and  they  both  de- 
parted for  London  in  June,  1810. 

The  patriotic  Junta  hoped,  in  vain,  for  the  powerful  support  of 
the  British  cabinet.  The  two  deputies  could  obtain  nothing,  but 
leave  to  export  some  arms,  at  a great  price,  as  1 have  before  re- 
lated. Bolivar  much  disgusted,  after  a short  stay,  left  London  and 
came  with  these  arms  to  the  Main;  leaving  Mendez  in  London. — 
Shortly  after  he  retired  again,  and  declined  all  military  service  un- 
der the  orders  of  the  general  in  chief  Marquis  del  Toro. 

On  the  arrival  of  General  Miranda,  and  his  nomination  as  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  army  of  Venezuela,  he  prevailed  on  Boli- 
var to  accept  the  grade  of  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  staff,  in  the 
regular  army,  and  the  command  of  the  strongest  fortress  in  Vene- 
zuela, Porto  Cabello,  which  is  a fine  seaport.  He  assumed  this 
command  in  September,  1811. 

Miranda  sent  his  prisoners  of  war,  regularly,  to  Porto  Cabello, 
where  they  were  confined  in  the  citadel.  In  June,  1812,  these 
prisoners  revolted.  They  succeeded  in  killing  their  guards,  and 
in  taking  possession  of  the  citadel,  which  is  separate  from  the  city. 
Some  of  Miranda’s  officers  censured  Bolivar,  because  he  had  not 
carefully  enough  inspected  the  guard  specially  entrusted  with  the 
prisoners,  and  because  he  had  not  promptly  rallied  his  numerous 
garrison,  and  endeavored  to  subject  the  prisoners,  which,  as  they 
were  unarmed,  they  said  might  easily  have  been  done.  Bolivar, 
however,  secretly  left  his  post,  embarked  precipitately  with  eight  of 
his  officers  (among  whom  was  Thomas  Mantilla,  a brother  of  the 
then  intendant  at  Carthagena)  and  withdrew  in  the  night  without  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


29 


knowledge  of  his  garrison.  He  embarked  in  an  armed  schooner, 
commanded  by  a Danish  captain,  at  that  time  in  the  service  of  Vene- 
zuela, and  arrived  at  day  break  at  Laguira,  leaving  behind  his 
garrison,  large  magazines  of  powder,  arms,  military  stores,  &c. — 
From  Laguira  he  retired  to  San  Mateo,  and  sent  Thomas  Mantilla 
to  Gen.  Miranda  to  notify  him  of  this  event. 

The  garrison  at  Porto  Cabello,  waiting  in  vain  for  orders,  saw  at 
daybreak,  that  the  commander  had  departed,  and  judging  that  all 
was  lost,  retired  in  good  order,  leaving  the  place  to  its  fate.  Mon- 
teverde,  though  astonished  with  the  news  of  the  evacuation,  seized 
the  occasion  and  took  possession  of  Porto  Cabello.  This  event 
increased  his  forces.  He  had  been  destitute  of  every  thing,  and 
had  not  a single  strong  seaport  where  he  could  receive  the  neces- 
sary supplies  from  abroad.  Porto  Cabello  gave  him  about  1200 
prisoners  of  war,  now  liberated,  vast  stocks  of  munitions  of  war, 
arms,  &,c.  and  one  of  the  best  harbors  in  Venezuela. 

When  the  news  arrived  at  Vittoria,  the  head  quarters  of  General 
Miranda’s  army,  that  Porto  Cabello  was  lost,  every  one  was  aston- 
ished, and  dispirited.  Miranda  soon  felt  the  effect  of  this  loss. — 
Many  of  his  brave  officers  left  the  service,  and  a great  number  of 
the  men  deserted. 

Monteverde  wrote  to  Miranda  a letter,  which  the  latter  sent  to 
the  congress,  and  received  from  them  authority  to  treat  with  the 
Spanish  general.  In  virtue  of  the  treaty  (of  the  2Gth  July,  1812, 
ratified  at  Vittoria)  it  was  stipulated,  “ 1st,  That  the  constitution 
presented  by  the  Cortes  to  the  Spaniards,  should  be  introduced  in 
V enezuela,  and  recognized  by  its  inhabitants. 

2d,  That  no  person,  to  whatever  class  or  rank  he  might  belong, 
should  be  persecuted  or  troubled  for  his  political  opinions,  and  a 
general  amnesty  was  solemnly  promised. 

8d,  That  all  private  property  should  be  sacred  and  respected. 

4th,  That  any  one  might  leave  Caracas  and  Venezuela,  and  re- 
tire where  he  pleased  without  the  least  obstruction.” 

In  consequence  of  this  treaty,  Caracas  came  again  into  posses- 
sion of  the  Spaniards.  The  republican  congress  was  dissolved; 
and  the  republic  of  Venezuela  no  longer  existed  ! 

Gen.  Miranda  passed  from  Vittoria  to  Caracas,  intending  to  leave 
the  country  and  embark  on  board  the  English  corvette  Saphire, 
the  commander  of  which,  Capt.  Haynes,  was  ready  to  receive  him. 
This  circumstance  connected  with  the  secrecy  of  his  arrival  at  Cu- 
racao from  London,  his  assuming  the  name,  of  Martin,  his  letters 
of  recommendation  from  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  and  Mr.  Van- 
sittart  to  the  Governor  of  Curacao,  (at  that  time  in  possession  of 
Great  Britain,)  his  constant  correspondence  with  the  English  gov- 
ernment through  Curacao,  and  his  frequent  interviews  with  the 


30 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


commanders  of  English  men  of  war,  who  delivered  him  numerous 
letters  from  England,  rendered  him  suspected;  and  many  Venu- 
zuelans  believed  that  he  had  treacherous  views  against  his  coun- 
try.* His  enemies  were  increased  Jay  his  own  conduct  ; and  he 
became  very  unpopular.  He  answered  various  interesting  questions 
in  a dry  and  short  manner. 

He  preferred  English  and  French  officers  to  his  own  country- 
men— saying  that  these  were  ignorant  brutes,  unfit  to  command, 
and  that  they  ought  to  learn  the  use  of  the  musket,  before  they 
put  on  their  epaulettes  &tc. 

These  circumstances  induced  his  enemies  to  prevent  his  voyage 
to  England,  and  were  the  cause  of  his  arrest.  The  following 
facts,  being  little  known,  deserve  to  be  mentioned  here,  as  colonel 
Bolivar  was  one  of  the  three,  who  took  a leading  part  in  the  arrest. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  30th  July,  general  Miranda  arrived  at 
Laguira,  at  the  house  of  the  military  commandant,  the  republican 
lieutenant  colonel  Manuel  Maria  Casas,  who,  every  moment,  ex- 
pected to  be  relieved  by  a Spanish  garrison,  which  should  take 
possession  of  the  city  and  ports  of  Laguira,  in  conformity  with  the 
treaty  ofVittoria.  Miranda  met  a great  company,  and  among 
them  the  English  commander  of  the  Saphire,  Doct.  Miguel  Pena, 
civil  governor  (Jefe  Politico)  of  Laguira,  and  the  lieutenant  co- 
lonel Simon  Bolivar.  All  the  company  expected  Miranda.  He 
arrived,  fatigued  by  the  heat  of  the  day,  and,  after  having  refresh- 
ed himself,  was  invited  to  stay  at  supper,  and  to  sleep  that  night 
on  shore.  Capt.  Haynes  strongly  objected,  and  urged  Miranda 
to  go  with  him  on  board,  where  he  would  find  every  comfort,  his 
secretary,  servants,  trunks.  &c.  He  added  that  he  wished  to  sail 
immediately,  that  the  land  breeze  would  soon  rise  &c.  But,  Boli- 
var, Pena,  and  Casas  told  the  Captain  that  the  General  was  too 
tired  to  be  able  to  embark  that  night,  and  that  the  land  breeze 
arose  not  until  ten  o’clock  in  the  morning,  so  that  he  might  be  on 
board  in  due  time.  Miranda  hesitated ; but  he  consented  to  re- 
main. Capt.  Haynes  took  leave,  visibly  dissatisfied,  but  promis- 
ing the  General  to  send  his  boat  and  take  him  on  board. 

The  company  sat  gaily  at  suppet  ; and  Bolivar,  no  longer  fear- 
ing the  authority  of  his  commander  in  chief,  commenced  an  apolo- 
gy upon  what  had  happened  at  Porto  Cabello : But  Miranda 
would  not  hear  of  past  events,  but  talked  on  indifferent  topics, 
with  him,  and  the  rest  of  the  company.  Miranda,  aged  and  fa- 
tigued, begged  leave  to  retire  to  rest ; and  took  an  affectionate 
leave  of  all  the  three. 


* Miranda  was  born  in  Caracas 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


31 


By  order  of  Casas,  a bed  was  prepared  for  Miranda  in  a closet, 
which  could  not  be  locked.  While  he  slept,  the  triumvirate  were 
contriving  their  plan,  or  rather,  the  best  mode  ol  executing  it. 
The  plan,  as  I am  well  assured,  was  formed  by  Doct.  Miguel  Pe- 
na, a member  of  the  congress,  and  a great  enemy  ot  Miranda. 
The  steps  of  Miranda  were  carefully  watched.  Information  of  his 
being  about  to  embark,  as  is  stated  above,  being  obtained,  Doct. 
Pena,  on  his  way  from  Caracas  to  Laguira,  called  on  Don  T. 
C.  at  his  seat,  lying  between  the  two  cities,  and  proposed  to  him 
to  join  in  the  plot,  and  aid  the  arrest  of  Miranda,  who,  he  said, 
was  a traitor  to  his  country  in  signing  the  treaty  of  Vittoria.  That 
honest  man  told  Pena  that  the  plot  was  abominable  ; and  entreat- 
ed him,  but  in  vain,  to  desist  from  it.  Pena  leit  him  in  a hasty 
and  irritated  manner  ; and  soon  after  the  arrest  ot  Miranda,  Don 
T.  C.  was  arrested,  put  in  irons,  and  thrown  into  one  of  the  dun- 
geons of  Laguira.  This,  he  never  doubted,  was  the  result  of  the 
doctor’s  vengeance. 

Bolivar  arrived  first,  at  the  house  of  the  commandant  Casas, 
where  he  was  some  hours  after  joined  by  Pena.  They  communi- 
cated their  project  to  Casas,  and  he  joined  them.  Miranda  had 
yet  too  many  friends  to  render  his  arrest  practicable  in  the  day 
time. 

Capt.  Haynes  afterwards  told  some  of  his  friends,  from  whom  I 
had  these  particulars,  that  he  had  a certain  foreboding  that  mis- 
chief would  happen  to  Miranda  ; and  therefore  urged  him  to  go 
on  board  ; but  that  he  feared  to  speak  more  plainly,  lest  the  oth- 
ers should  understand  him. 

Miranda  was  arrested  in  the  following  manner.  Having  as- 
certained that  the  general  was  sound  asleep,  the  three  leaders,  af- 
ter a short  consultation,  determined  to  seize  him  that  night,  and 
give  him  up  10  the  Spanish  commandant  Monteverde.  Casas, 
as  military  commandant  at  Laguira,  ordered  a strong  detachment 
from  the  principal  guard.  This  detachment  he  commanded  to 
surround  his  own  house  in  perfect  silence,  to  suffer  no  one  to  pass, 
and  to  kill  any  one  who  attempted  to  escape.  Not  a word  was 
said  of  Miranda.  When  all  was  ready,  Pena,  Casas,  and  Bolivar, 
at  two  o’clock  in  the  morning,  with  four  armed  soldiers,  entered 
the  unlocked  room  of  general  Miranda.  He  was  in  a profound 
sleep.  They  seized  his  sword  and  pistols,  which  he  had  placed 
before  him.  They  then  awakened  him,  and  abruptly  told  him 
to  rise  and  dress  himself  quickly,  and  follow  them.  Miranda,  in 
surprise,  asked  them  why  they  awakened  him  at  such  an  early 
hour,  it  bemg  not  yet  daylight.  Instead  of  answering  the  ques- 
tion, they  told  him  he  was  a traitor,  who  deserved  to  be  hanged, 
&c. 


32 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Miranda,  unable  to  resist,  dressed  himself,  and  was  forced  to 
follow.  They  escorted  him  to  the  fort  called  San  Carlos,  at  some 
distance  from  Laguira,  and  situated  upon  a strong  hill,  where  he 
arrived,  exhausted  from  fatigue  and  chagrin.  Having  borne  all 
the  invectives  they  chose  to  load  him  with  on  the  road,  which  he 
was  obliged  to  walk,  as  soon  as  they  were  come  to  the  fort,  they 
ordered  him  to  be  put  in  irons,  and  notwithstanding  his  pathetic 
and  fervent  expostulations,  he  was  locked  in  one  of  the  darkest 
dungeons,  and  treated  like  the  vilest  criminal. 

The  three  chiefs  returned,  with  their  guard  to  Laguira,  and  the 
same  night,  despatched  an  express  with  a letter  to  the  Span- 
ish general  Monteverde,  informing  him  of  the  arrest  of  Miranda. 
This  commander  was  surprised  at  the  intelligence  ; but  instead  of 
ordering  the  immediate  release  of  Miranda,  and  so  preserving  in- 
violate the  faith  of  bis  own  treaty,  he  received  the  news  with  his 
accustomed  indifference  and  apathy,  and  took  no  step  in  favor  of 
Miranda,  or  against  him. 

The  day  after  Miranda’s  arrest,  a Spanish  column  arrived  in  the 
fort  of  San  Carlos,  to  relieve  the  independents.  Its  commander 
was  surprised  to  find  Miranda  in  irons,  and  sent  him  immediately, 
with  an  escort,  back  to  Laguira,  where  he  was  again  shut  up  in  a 
dark  mephitic  prison,  made  in  one  of  the  walls  of  this  place, 
where  he  remained  in  irons  during  several  months.  The  Spanish 
commandant  Don  Francisco  Xavier  Cerveres,  who  had  relieved 
the  patriot  commander  Casas,  gave  orders  to  send  Miranda  to 
Porto  Rico.  He  was  thence  transported  to  Cadiz  where  he  re- 
mained in  irons,  in  the  fort  of  La  Caraca  for  some  years,  and  per- 
ished. 

Such  was  the  miserable  end  of  Gen.  Miranda.  Without  en- 
tering into  any  political  controversy ; without  enquiring  whether 
Miranda  was  a traitor  to  his  country,  (which  well  informed  men 
affirm  to  have  not  been  the  case,)  history  will  demand  what  right 
Dr.  Miguel  Pena,  Don  Maira  Casas  and  Simon  Bolivar,  had  to 
arrest  their  former  chief  and  superior.  That  they  did  so  without 
order,  information,  or  participation  of  the  Spanish  general  in  chief 
Domingo  Monteverde,  is  an  undoubted  fact. 

The  earthquake,  the  weakness  of  the  captain  general  Millares, 
and  the  treaty  with  Miranda,  in  a short  time  rendered  the  midship- 
man Domingo  Monteverde,  master  of  a beautiful  province,  general 
in  chief  of  an  army,  and  sovereign  arbiter  of  about  a million  of 
souls.  Monteverde  was  weak,  apathetick  and  superstitious.  The 
friars,  monks  and  priests,  had  the  greatest  influence  over  him.  So 
also  had  the  Islenos,  inhabitants  of  the  Canary  Islands,  where  he 
was  born,  and  of  whom  many  were  established  at  Caracas,  La- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


33 


guira  and  Valentia.  These  all,  persecuted  their  enemies,  abused 
their  power,  and  ruined  many  thousand  inhabitants. 

When  the  particulars  of  Gen.  Miranda’s  arrest  were  known  at 
Caracas,  and  it  was  ascertained  that  Monteverde  acquiesced  in  it, 
all  the  friars,  monks  and  Islenos  gave  aloose  to  their  passions,  and 
Venezuela  again  became  the  theatre  of  frightful  scenes.  The 
following  are  selected  out  of  thousands  of  facts.  Monteverde  had 
with  him  two  favorites,  both  distinguished  by  their  cruel  and  san- 
guinary conduct.  He  tolerated,  and  never  punished  their  most 
daring  atrocities.  Both  were  colonels — Joseph  Antonanza,  and 
Juan  Suasola. 

After  the  treaty  of  Vittoria,  26th  July,  1812,  many  troops — 
whole  corps — passed  from  the  republican  to  the  Spanish  army,  and 
presented  themselves  to  Monteverde,  whose  head  quarters  were 
then  at  Valencia.  The  30th  of  July,  some  forty  of  these  soldiers 
came  to  the  Spanish  general  and  offered  their  services.  Monte- 
verde received  them  with  kindness,  and  ordered  Col.  Suasola  to 
take  an  escort  and  protect  them  on  their  road  to  Caracas,  where 
new  Spanish  corps  were  to  be  formed.  Suasola  was  displeased 
at  being  obliged  to  leave  Valencia,  (where  it  is  said  he  had  an  in- 
trigue.) He  obeyed,  however,  and  selecting  a strong  detachment 
of  men  entirely  devoted  to  him,  he  departed  with  his  charge. 
After  some  hours  march,  he  ordered  a bait,  and  a circle  to  be 
formed  by  his  troops,  and  the  patriot  soldiers  to  be  placed  in  the 
centre.  He  then  drew  his  sword,  and  in  few  words,  exhorted  his 

troops  to  kill  these  “ d d rebels,” — to  follow  his  example.  He 

then  fell  upon  them  with  his  sword,  and,  assisted  by  his  troops, 
murdered  with  swords  and  bayonets,  every  individual  of  the  re- 
publican soldiers.  Not  a man  of  them  escaped. 

Suasola,  gay  and  satisfied,  returned  to  Valencia.  Monteverde, 
knowing  that  he  could  not  have  made  his  journey  in  the  short 
time  of  his  absence,  enquired  in  surprise,  what  was  the  matter. 
“Oh  general,”  replied  Suasola,  laughing,  “I  have  found  out  an 
excellent  way  to  shorten  my  voyage,”  giving  him  to  understand  by 
an  unequivocal  sign,  that  he  had  murdered  the  men  placed  under 
his  care.  “ Oh ! very  well,  very  “well,”  said  Monteverde,  “ I did 
not  know ; it  is  well  done,  very  well  done.”  Suasola,  it  need  not 
be  told,  remained  unpunished,  and  free  as  before. 

The  same  Suasola,  encouraged  by  this  criminal  weakness,  en- 
tered, sometime  afterwards,  the  city  of  Aragua,  where  the  inhab- 
itants came  out  in  solemnity,  some  distance,  to  meet  and  honor  a man 
who  was  known  to  he  one  of  the  favorites  of  their  new  comman- 
der in  chief.  He  arrived  at  the  public  square,  where  refreshments 
were  beforehand  prepared  for  him  and  his  troops.  After  having 
spent  merrily  more  than  an  hour,  he  gave  a secret  order  to  his  troops 
5 


34 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


to  seize  men,  women  and  children,  and  cut  off  their  ears,  and  bring 
them  to  him.  This  savage  order  was  executed  notwithstanding  all 
the  cries,  supplications  and  resistance  of  the  inhabitants.  He  or- 
dered some  trunks  to  be  filled  with  these  sanguinary  trophies  which 
he  sent  to  his  companion  and  friend  colonel  Antonanza,  then  gov- 
ernor at  Cumana,  with  a pathetic  letter,  requesting  him  to 
“ accept  this  present  as  a proof  of  his  zeal  in  the  cause  of  his  be- 
loved king  Ferdinand  VII.”  This  conduct  was  highly  praised 
by  his  friend,  and  a part  of  the  trophies  were  sent  by  him  to  Ca- 
racas. Some  of  them  he  wore  in  his  hat  by  way  of  cockade,  and 
painful  to  relate,  his  vile  example  was  followed  by  various  inhabit- 
ants of  Cumana.  But  I must  add,  many  did  it  through  fear,  it 
being  the  practice  of  the  Spanish  troops,  to  threaten  all  who  did 
not  follow  their  example. 

The  colonel  Antonanza,  as  well  as  Suasola,  committed  the 
most  barbarous  and  cruel  acts  throughout  the  provinces  of  Cuma- 
na  and  Barcelona,  in  which  they  commanded.  The  first  having 
heard  that  the  inhabitants  of  Araura  were  distinguished  in  the  last 
war,  by  their  patriotism,  and  their  zeal  for  independence,  resolved 
to  punish  them  in  an  exemplary  manner.  In  violation  of  the  so- 
lemn promise  of  amnesty,  he  marched  with  a numerous  body  of 
troops  upon  the  city  of  Araura.  Many  of  the  inhabitants,  well 
aware  of  his  cruelty,  fled  hastily,  but  the  greater  number  remained, 
being  assured  by  his  emissaries,  that  he  was  coming  with  specific 
intentions,  and  that  he  would  faithfully  observe  the  amnesty.  Af- 
ter this  a great  many  persons,  particularly  women  and  children, 
came  to  welcome  him,  offering  whatever  their  poor  and  wretched 
circumstances  could  afford.  He  took  the  refreshments,  and  sudden- 
ly gave  orders  to  murder  every  man,  woman,  and  child.  Of  this 
horrid  massacre,  many  circumstances  are  known,  which  my  pen 
refuses  to  describe.  Antonanza  and  his  troops  plundered  and 
burnt  the  city,  and  Monteverde  remained  quiet. 

His  government  was  in  reality,  nothing  hut  the  most  complete 
and  sanguinary  anarchy.  Each  commander  of  the  smallest  de- 
tachment followed  his  own  will  and  caprice.  The  vast  territory 
of  Venezuela  was  again  the  theatre  of  murders,  cruelties,  and  all 
sanguinary  deeds,  committed  without  the  consent  of  Monteverde, 
who,  if  he  heard  of  them,  if  some  few  dared  to  complain,  could  not 
afford  them  any  redress,  his  authority  being  usurped  by  these 
chiefs  who  despised  his  weakness,  and  did  every  thing  according  to 
their  own  will  and  pleasure. 

In  consequence  of  this  weakness,  not  a single  article  of  the  trea- 
ty of  Vittoria  was  fulfilled.  Each  Spaniard  or  Isleno  became  an 
accuser  or  a tyrant ; and  the  prisons  were  soon  so  crowded,  that 
at  Caracas  and  Laguira,  the  commanders  were  obliged  to 
convert  various  large  houses  into  prisons.  Want  of  air  and  of  food 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


35 


caused  various  maladies,  and  many  thousands  fell  victims  to  their 
confinement. 

One  evening,  while  a stranger  w7as  with  Monteverde,  upon  some 
business,  the  secretary  handed  him  some  papers  to  be  signed. 
He  took,  and  signed  them  one  after  another,  and  handed  them  back 
to  the  secretary.  While  the  latt  er  was  in  the  act  of  withdrawing, 
Menteverde,  in  the  manner  of  one  waking  from  a dream,  inquired 
their  contents,  “ they  contain”  answered  the  secretary  with  a smile, 
“ orders  to  arrest  some  mischievous  individuals,”  and  he  departed 
with  them,  without  another  word  from  the  general  in  chief.  The 
stranger  who  was  on  good  terms  with  Menteverde  could  not 
repress  his  feelings,  but,  with  frankness  and  warmth,  pointed  out 
the  consequences  of  such  proceedings.  “ What  can  I do  sir,”  re- 
plied Monteverde,  “ to  know  their  crimes,  is  it  not  necessary  first 
to  secure  their  persons?  afterwards  they  will  be  tried  and  judged  !” 
No  inquiry  was  made  relative  to  their  supposed  crimes,  and  a 
great  many  arrested  for  political  opinions,  perished  miserably  in 
prison. 

Monteverde,  anxious  to  retain  his  ill  acquired  authority,  consult- 
ed his  friend  and  countryman,  the  post  captain  in  the  navy,  Don 
Jose  Antonio  Tiscar,  how  he  should  act  in  these  critical  circum- 
stances. The  captain  advised  him  to  write  to  his  legitimate  chief 
the  Capt.  Gen.  Don  Fernando  Millares,  (whose  cowardice  had 
frightened  him  from  Maracaybo  to  Coro,  and  thence  to  the  island 
of  Porto  Rico,)  inviting  him  to  come  and  take  into  his  hands  the 
civil  authority  and  the  command  of  the  army.  Such  was  the  weak- 
ness of  Monteverde’s  character,  that  he  followed  this  advice  in  spite 
of  his  own  wishes  and  intentions.  As  soon  as  Millares  received 
this  letter,  he  hastened  to  embark  with  a numerous  suite,  and  land- 
ed at  Porto  Cabello.  Monteverde  was  then  at  Valencia;  whence 
he  wrote  a second  letter  to  Millares,  telling  him  that  Venezuela, 
being  not  entirely  pacified,  it  would  be  detrimental  to  the  cause  to 
instal  him  at  that  moment.  That  all  had  best  remain  as  it  was,  for 
a short  time,  when  he  would  put  into  his  hands  the  power  which 
properly  belonged  to  him.  He  added,  that  he  himself  should  then 
depart  for  Spain,  where  he  hoped  to  be  rewarded  by  the  Cortes  for 
his  zeal  and  services. 

Millares,  believing  he  should  take  possession  of  his  new  and  bril- 
liant charge,  without  having  done  any  thing  to  deserve  it,  came  over 
from  Porto  Rico  with  a number  of  civil  and  military  officers,  all 
anxious  to  be  employed.  Among  the  latter  were  the  Mareschal  de 
Campo  de  D.  T.  Cagigal  and  the  brigadier  general  Fierro.  The 
friends  of  Millares,  of  stronger  and  more  courageous  minds,  advised 
him  to  march,  without  delay,  to  Caracas,  wdiere  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment was  already  established,  and  to  take  possession  of  the  of- 


36 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


fice  which  the  regency  and  Cortes  had  entrusted  to  him,  and  not  to 
Monteverde.  But  Millares  refused  to  follow  this  advice,  and  pre- 
ferred sending  the  brigadier  Fierro  to  negotiate  with  Monteverde, 
and  learn  definitely  his  intentions.  Fierro  arrived  at  Monteverde’s 
head  quarters,  and  had  various  conferences  with  him ; but  he  was 
obliged  to  return  with  the  simple  verbal  answer,  that  Monteverde 
neither  could  nor  would  change  his  last  determination  not  to  de- 
liver the  command  into  the  hands  of  the  captain  general  before  all 
was  pacified. 

Millares  humbly  submitted  to  the  will  of  his  subaltern,  and  de- 
parted for  Maracaybo,  where  he  waited  several  months  for  the  ex- 
pected message  from  Monteverde.  Perceiving  at  last,  that  he  was 
the  object  of  ridicule,  he  left  the  Main,  and  his  supposed  grandeur, 
forever,  and  returned,  as  paymaster  (countedor)  to  Spain. 

As  soon  as  Monteverde  was  sure  that  the  captain  general  had 
departed,  he  proclaimed  himself  captain  general,  and  commander 
of  the  naval  and  land  forces  of  Venezuela  ; and  leaving  Valencia, 
made  his  solemn  entry  into  the  capita]  of  Caracas,  on  the  9th  Au- 
gust, IS  12. 

Before  this,  he  issued  a proclamation  full  of  the  highest  promises. 
He  said,  “Caraguins!  the  time  has  at  last  come,  when  you  can 
enjoy  perfect  tranquility  and  security,  from  which  you  were  driven, 
two  years  ago,  by  seduction  and  crimes.  I promise — I pledge  my 
oath  now  to  you,  that  I can,  and  will  protect  your  felicity.  Let  us 
forget  all  that  has  passed.  For  my  part,  I will  give  you  a proof, 
in  forgiving  your  errors,  and  in  maintaining,  in  all  its  vigor,  the  treaty 
of  Vittoria,  and  never  shall  you  have  reason  to  complain  of  me.” 

But,  on  the  very  day  of  his  entry  into  Caracas,  the  people,  both 
there,  and  at  Laguira,  committed  the  greatest  disorders.  All  stran- 
gers, established  in  the  time  of  the  republic,  in  both  cities,  were 
very  ill  treated  ; the  mob  took  all  they  possessed — plundering  their 
houses  and  stores.  Many  of  them  were  arrested  and  thrown  into 
prison,  whence  they  escaped  with  the  greatest  difficulty. 

Such  was  the  anarchical  state  of  Venezuela  under  the  govern- 
ment of  Monteverde.  Before  I close  this  chapter,  I will  relate  some 
particulars  yet  unknown  to  the  world,  relative  to  the  origin  of  his 
usurped  power. 

When  the  revolution  began,  and  Emparan  was  arrested,  the  re- 
gency appointed  Millares,  then  governor  of  Maracaybo,  captain  gen- 
eral of  Venezuela.  He  was  proclaimed  as  such  in  the  provinces  still 
in  possession  of  Spain.  And  when  hostilities  began,  he  came  from 
Maracaybo  to  Coro,  where  he  ordered  the  sea  forces  to  assemble, 
in  readiness  to  assist  him  in  the  military  operations. 

Among  the  officers  of  the  navy  was  Domingo  Monteverde,  an  in- 
habitant of  the  Canary  Islands,  without  education,  and  possessed  of 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


37 


very  little  knowledge  ; but  ambitious  and  enterprising.  He  begged 
leave  to  come  on  shore,  and  presented  himself  before  the  new 
captain  general  Millares.  He  was  poor  and  badly  clothed.  The 
general  received  him  with  a haughty  and  disdainful  air,  asking  him 
abruptly,  what  he  wanted.  The  lieutenant  Monteverde  answered, 
that  he  wanted  his  excellency’s  permission  to  raise  a corps,  of  at 
least  a thousand  men,  for  the  purpose  of  driving  the  insurgents  out 
of  the  country,  or  subjecting  them  to  their  duty.  Millares,  aston- 
ished at  his  request,  replied  that  he  wras  an  audacious  subaltern,  that 
he  should  immediately  return  to  his  duty  in  his  vessel,  and  that  he 
must  not  come  again  to  trouble  him  with  such  demands,  and  dis- 
missed him.  Monteverde  was  not  intimidated  by  the  ill  humor  of 
the  general,  but  continued,  in  such  an  original  kind  of  wray,  to  re- 
present to  him  the  usefulness  of  such  a corps,  that  the  general 
could  not  help  being  diverted ; and,  at  length,  very  graciously  grant- 
ed the  order  so  perseveringly  sought  by  the  lieutenant,  who  now 
obtained  orders  to  take  from  the  vessels  of  the  squadron,  old  mus- 
kets, swords  and  uniforms,  and,  in  a few  days,  the  new  commander 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  200  vagabonds,  who  afterwards  in- 
creased to  the  number  of  as  many  thousands. 

Such  was  the  origin  of  the  power  of  Domingo  Monteverde  ; and 
we  have  seen  how  he  afterwards  treated  his  chieftain  and  bene- 
factor. 


38 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


/ 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Depature  of  Lieut.  Col.  Bolivar  from  Caracas  to  Caracao,  and 
Carthagena — Expedition  of  Bolivar  against  the  Spanish  in  Ve- 
nezuela— His  entry  into  Caracas — His  nomination  as  Dictator — 
Year  1S13. 


We  left  Lieut.  Col.  Bolivar  with  Doct.  Miguel  Pera  and  com- 
mandant Casas  at  Laguira,  after,  having  arrested  Miranda  in  the 
port  of  San  Carlos.  Bolivar  returned  quietly  to  his  country  seat 
where  he  resumed  his  usual  occupations.  But  he  soon  observed 
that  vexations  and  arrests  became  more  and  more  frequent,  so 
that  he  felt  not  assured  of  his  own  safety.  Soon  after  the  entry 
of  Monteverde  into  Caracas,  he  had  an  audience  of  this  Spanish 
commander,  who  received  him  most  graciously,  and  expressed  to 
him  his  satisfaction  that  he,  Bolivar,  had  been  an  instrument  in 
punishing  the  traitor  Miranda,  that  rebel  to  his  king.  He  readi- 
ly granted  him  a passport  to  leave  the  country,  and  hearing  it  was 
his  wish  to  go  to  Curacao,  he  gave  him  a letter  of  strong  recom- 
mendation to  the  same  English  merchant  of  whom  I have  already 
spoken,  and  who  was  on  his  departure  from  Porto  Cabello  ; urg- 
ing him  to  take  Col.  Bolivar  as  passenger  in  his  own  vessel.  Bo- 
livar joined  him,  and  found  him  on  board,  ready  to  sail.  As  soon 
as  Mr.  F.  L.  opened  Monteverde’s  letter  and  found  that  the 
name  of  the  bearer  was  Simon  Bolivar,  he  expressed,  in  strong 
terms  his  disaprobation  of  his  conduct  towards  Miranda,  and,  with- 
out permitting  him  to  offer  a word  in  reply,  ordered  him  to  leave 
the  vessel,  telling  him  that  no  consideration  would  have  induced 
him  to  receive  him  on  board.  Bolivar  attempted  in  vain,  to  jus- 
tify himself.  He  was  compelled  to  leave  the  vessel  and  go  on 
shore.  But,  soon  afterwards,  finding  another  vessel,  he  embarked 
with  his  cousin  Joseph  F elix  Ribas,  for  Curacao,  where  he  passed 
some  time,  devoting  himself  to  gambling  and  other  amusements  : 
the  two  cousins,  possessing  a large  amount  in  gold.  After  about 
six  weeks,  they  left  Curacao  for  Carthagena,  where  they  were 
well  received. 

At  that  time  (1812)  Manuel  Rodriguez  Torrices  was  president 
of  the  republic  of  Carthagena  ; an  honest,  good,  and  liberal  man  ; 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


39 


by  profession  a lawyer ; who  received  every  stranger  with  kindness. 
He  promoted  the  two  cousins  Bolivar  and  Ribas,  (who  offered 
their  services  in  the  republican  army  under  the  order  of  a French- 
man, Peter  Labatut)  at  the  instigation  of  the  latter,  to  the  rank  of 
colonels.  Previous  to  their  arrival,  a great  number  of  Caraguins, 
who  had  served  under  Miranda  at  Venezuela,  came  to  Carthage- 
na,  and  all  were  anxious  to  hear  news  of  events  in  their  own  coun- 
try. 

The  colonel  Ribas,  brave  and  patriotic,  the  same  who  was  one 
of  the  leaders  of  the  revolution  in  Caracas,  inspired  them  with  his 
own  zeal  and  ardor,  and  proposed  to  them  to  form  an  expedition 
against  the  Spaniards  in  Venezuela,  for  the  purpose  of  delivering 
his  countrymen  from  their  yoke.  He  told  them  they  could  not 
fail  to  be  joined  by  great  numbers,  as  soon  as  they  arrived  on  the 
frontiers  of  Venezuela.  All  the  Caraguins,  and  a number  of  stran- 
gers who  had  served  under  Miranda,  received  this  proposition  with 
rapture  ; and  Ribas  immediately  proposed  Bolivar,  then  a colonel, 
as  commander  of  the  expedition.  Bolivar  was  not  beloved,  and 
his  vanity,  pride,  and  coldness,  rendered  him  unpopular.  He  was 
known  also  to  have  left  his  garrison  at  Porto  Cabello,  and  to  have 
participated  in  the  arrest  of  their  beloved  old  general  Miranda. — 
However,  Ribas,  who  was  sincerely  attached  to  his  cousin,  man- 
aged affairs  so  well,  that  they  consented  at  last  to  name  colonel 
Bolivar  their  commander  in  chief,  with  the  express  condition  that 
colonel  Ribas  should  be  his  major  general  and  second  in  command. 
So  did  it  happen  that  Bolivar  was  elected. 

These  circumstances,  trifling  as  they  may  appear,  were  the  ori- 
gin of  the  subsequent  grandeur  and  military  power  of  general  Bo- 
livar ; who,  as  I shall  prove  by  facts,  has  ever  had  the  fortune  to 
profit  by  the  bravery,  skill  and  patriotism  of  others.  When  Ribas 
was  killed,  Bolivar  fled.  Piar  conquered  Guayana  in  the  absence 
of  Bolivar,  and  was  condemned  to  death  ; Brion  died  in  poverty 
when  Bolivar  was  at  the  head  of  the  government ; Paez  was  victo- 
rious wdien  Bolivar  was  not  with  him,  and  beaten  when  the  latter 
directed  the  operations  ; Sucre  gained  the  battle  of  Ayachucho  in 
Peru  when  Bolivar  was  sick. 

The  plan  of  an  expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  Venezuela, 
was  immediately  communicated  to  the  president  of  Carthagena, 
who  highly  approved  of  it,  and  authorised  such  officers  as  would 
follow  this  new  expedition,  to  quit  the  service  of  that  province  and 
join  it.  He  gave  orders  that  they  should  be  provided  with  money, 
arms,  amunition,  provisions,  transports,  &c.  and  persuaded  his 
cousin,  colonel  Manuel  Castillo,  to  join  Bolivar,  with  about  500 
men  from  the  garrison  of  Carthagena,  to  assist  him  in  his  enterprise. 


40 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Bolivar,  assisted  by  Ribas,  Briceno  and  others,  enlisted  about  300 
men,  and  with  these  and  colonel  Castillo’s  troops,  he  departed  in 
the  beginning  of  January,  1S13. 

But  alter  some  days  march  a dissention  relative  to  the  right  to 
command,  arose  between  Bolivar  and  Castillo,  and  increased  to  a 
great  height.  Colonel  Castillo  pretended  to  the  exclusive  com- 
mand of  the  troops  from  Carthagena,  because  the  president  had 
entrusted  to  him  the  500  men.  Bolivar  represented  that  the  same 
president  had  authorised  him  to  command  in  chief  the  whole  expe- 
dition. An  inveterate  hatred,  as  is  well  known,  has  long  existed  be- 
tween the  inhabitants  of  Caracas  or  Venezuela,  and  those  of 
Grenada.  The  former  generally  despise  the  latter.  This  divis- 
ion was  soon  established  between  these  two  parties.  The  troops 
of  Castillo,  all  Grenadans,  and  the  most  numerous  party,  began  to 
insult  the  Caraguins,  who  very  properly  recognised  Bolivar  as 
commander  in  chief  of  the  expedition.  The  strangers  took  the 
part  of  the  latter,  and  every  thing  foreboded  a general  and  serious 
conflict.  It  was  plainly  the  duty  of  Castillo  to  declare  himself  un- 
der the  orders  of  Bolivar,  and  to  soothe  and  appease  his  troops ; 
instead  of  which,  he  suddenly  departed,  and  returned  with  them 
to  Carthagena.  He  excused  his  defection  by  saying  that  the 
haughty  and  despotic  character  of  Bolivar  could  never  agree  with 
his  ; and,  strange  to  relate,  this  desertion  remained  unpunished. 

This  conduct  of  Castillo  was  the  ground  of  hitter  and  lasting 
hatred  between  him  and  Bolivar,  who,  as  soon  as  he  was  informed 
of  the  nomination  of  Castillo,  as  commander  in  chief  of  the  army 
of  Carthagena,  in  1815,  warmly  remonstrated  with  the  government 
of  Carthagena,  on  the  subject,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter. 

Bolivar  remained  with  about  three  hundred  men,  and  was  so 
discouraged,  that  he  thought  to  go  back  to  Carthagena,  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  a furtheir  supply  of  troops,  fearing  that  the 
expedition  might  otherwise  fail  entirely.  But  colonels  Ribas  and 
Briceno,  persuaded  him,  at  length,  to  pursue  his  course,  at  least, 
as  far  as  Bogota,  at  that  time  the  seat  of  the  congress  of  New 
Grenada,  where,  they  assured  him,  they  should  find  support.  He 
consented,  and  embarking  on  the  river  Magdalena,  they  arrived 
at  the  city  of  Mompox,  where  they  were  perfectly  well  received, 
and  supplied  with  money  and  provisions,  and  some-  hundred  re- 
cruits. Besides  receiving  more  troops  and  large  supplies  for  his 
expedition,  Bolivar  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  received,  with  his 
small  corps,  by  the  congress  at  Bogota,  with  great  distinction. 

The  inhabitants  of  New  Granada,  having  heard  of  the  vexations 
and  cruelties  commited  by  Monteverde  and  his  subalterns  in  Venezu- 
ela, were  excited  to  such  a pitch  of  indignation,  that  Bolivar  named 


MEMOIRS  OF,  BOLIVAR. 


41 


general,  with  his  cousin  J.  F.  Ribas,  met  volunteers  wherever  they 
passed,  so  that  his  troops,  in  a short  time  increased  to  the  amount 
of  more  than  two  thousand  men.  Raving  passed  the  Andes  in  the 
provinces  ofTimja  and  Pamplona,  he  crossed  the  river  Taihira  which 
separates  New  Grenada  from  Venezuela. 

Every  circumstance  favored  the  splendid  enterprise  of  general 
Bolivar  : the  farther  he  advanced,  the  greater  were  his  resources. 
As  soon  as  he  had  crossed  the  river  Jaihira,  his  proclamations, 
spread  throughout  the  country,  united  many  thousand  of  his  coun- 
trymen, who  saw  in  him  their  deliverer  from  destruction  and  des- 
pair. He  was  now  able  to  divide  his  forces  into  different  corps, 
and  to  detach  colonel  Briceno  to  Guadalito  for  the  purpose  of  or- 
ganizing there  a strong  body  of  cavalry,  of  which  he  wras  in  great 
need.  This  was  done  in  a short  time  ; for  the  richer  classes  in 
the  neighborhood  were  so  anxious  to  serve  in  the  expedition,  that 
they  voluntarily  armed,  equipped,  and  mounted  themselves,  at  their 
own  expense. 

Bolivar  marched  directly  against  the  enemy,  who,  by  his  sudden 
appearance,  were  surprised,  astonished,  and  discouraged.  The 
Spanish  army,  being  composed,  as  usual,  of  three  fourth’s  Creoles, 
these  deserted  by  hundreds  ; entire  corps — battalions — regiments — 
came  over  to  the  independents,  so  that  Bolivar  found  but  a very 
feeble  resistance,  wherever  he  appeared.  He  beat  his  enemy  at 
La  Grita,  and  took  possession  of  that  small  place,  as  he  did 
afterwards  of  Merida  and  the  whole  district  of  that  name,  and  also 
of  the  province  of  Barinas. 

The  Spaniards  having  rallied  and  reinforced  themselves,  fell  sud- 
denly upon  the  corps  of  Briceno,  and  beat  him  completely.  He 
and  seven  of  his  officers  were  taken  ; and  the  governor  of  Bari- 
nas, Don  Francisco  Tiscar,  ordered  them  to  be  shot.  Eight  of  the 
most  respectable  inhabitants  of  Barinas,  being  suspected  of  having 
assisted  colonel  Briceno  in  his  organization,  were  also  shot  ! From 
that  time,  the  war  became  much  more  bloody  and  murderous.  Not 
only  was  every  prisoner  shot,  but  various  Spanish  chieftains  extend- 
ed this  system  to  the  peaceable  inhabitants,  without  distinction  of 
sex  or  age  ! 

The  reason  the  governor,  Tiscar,  gave  for  ordering  the  death  of 
Briceno  and  his  officers,  was,  their  having  been  the  principal  insti- 
gators and  signers  of  the  proclamation  of  January  loth,  1S13;  in 
which  they  declared  that  they  would  put  to  death  all  Spaniards  and 
Islenos  (inhabitants  of  the  Canary  Islands)  that  might  be  taken 
prisoners. 

Of  that  sanguinary  document,  the  following  are  the  true  causes  : 
“ Bolivar  and  his  companions,  while  upon  their  march  from  Cartha- 
gena  to  Venezuela,  heard  that  the  Spaniards  and  Islenos  committed 
6 


42 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


the  most  barbarous  acts  upon  the  peaceable  inhabitants  in  Vene- 
zuela, who,  in  virtue  of  the  convention  between  Miranda  and  Mon- 
teverde,  bad  confidently  resumed  their  former  occupations.”  It 
will  be  remembered  that  Monteverde  was  born  in  one  of  the  Ca- 
nary Islands.  Surrounded,  as  be  was,  by  numbers  of  bis  country- 
men, be  was  weak  enough  to  concede  altogether  to  their  passions, 
and  their  hatred  against  all  who  took  an  active  part  in  the  revolu- 
tion at  Caracas.  This  news  so  embittered  all  the  Caraguins,  com- 
panions in  arms  of  general  Bolivar,  that  they  published  a solemn 
declaration  in  form  of  a manifesto,  in  which  they  proclaimed  the 
“ war  ol  death”  against  all  the  European  Spaniards  and  the  Islenos. 
The  manifesto  was  signed  by  Antonio  Nicolas  Briceno,  (the  same 
who  was  shot  at  Barinas,)  Antonio  Rodrigo,  Joseph  Debraiue,  and 
others,  all  officers  under  the  orders  of  general  Bolivar  in  his  expe- 
dition against  Venezuela.  The  Spaniards  accused  Bolivar  of 
signing  this  sanguinary  declaration,  and  said  he  began  the  proclaiming 
of  the  “ war  of  death  ;”  but  he  never  did  sign  it.  To  be  sure,  he 
should  not  have  suffered  the  publication  of  a paper,  so  strongly 
characteristic  of  the  bitterness  of  both  parties.  But  it  is  true,  on 
the  other  hand,  that  the  European  chieftains  put  to  death,  not  only 
various  American  prisoners  of  war,  but  peaceable  inhabitants  also, 
before  the  manifesto  was  published ; and  that  the  officers  of  gen- 
eral Bolivar,  acted  in  retaliation  of  what  these  Spaniards  had  done 
to  their  countrymen  at  Venezuela.  Whether  such  retaliation  be 
justifiable  or  not,  is  left  to  the  reader. 

We  will  now  occupy  a moment  with  a personage  who  has  been 
for  several  years  the  colleague  and  rival  of  general  Bolivar  ; and 
who  has  acquired  one  of  those  equivocal  reputations  which  it  is  the 
province  of  history  to  set  in  their  true  light. 

Soon  after  the  conclusion  of  the  capitulation  at  Vittoria,  and  when 
the  cruelties  of  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela  had  begun,  a weak  and 
ignorant,  but  very  ambitious  young  man,  assembled  about  100  of 
his  fellow  citizens  out  of  the  city,  at  Cumana,  where  they  held  se- 
cret meetings.  In  these,  he  excited  them  to  rise  against  their  op- 
pressors, and  to  arm  themselves  in  favor  of  liberty  and  indepen- 
dence. His  speech  was  received  with  enthusiasm,  and  he  was 
unanimously  named  general  in  chief.  This  is  the  military  origin 
of  San  Yago  Marino,  who,  from  a student,  rose  suddenly  to  the 
station  of  general  in  chief  of  the  army  of  the  province  of  Cumana, 
which  counted  not  150  soldiers.  The  cruelties  of  the  Spaniards 
soon  brought  him  many  adherents,  which  were  the  more  attached 
to  him,  as  he  was  of  a mild,  polite  and  humane  character.  He  es- 
tablished his  head  quarters  at  Maturin. 

As  soon  as  general  Monteverde  heard  of  this,  he  ordered  gen- 
eral Cagigal  to  join  him  with  his  strong  brigade,  appointing  the  day 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


43 


when,  and  place  where,  they  should  form  their  union,  to  attack  the 
troops,  posted  at  Maturin,  under  general  Marino.  Monteverde 
took  no  more  than  200  men,  and  having  arrived  at  the  place  of  ren- 
dezvous, he  found  neither  Cagigal  nor  his  troops.  Monteverde 
anxious  for  the  combat,  positively  refused  to  listen  to  any  prudent 
counsel,  and  in  a fierce  tone,  gave  orders  to  attack  “ these  traitors 
and  rebels.”  The  patriots  were  six  times  as  strong  as  he,  and  ad- 
vantageously posted.  After  a short  conflict,  he  was  totally  routed, 
as  his  officers  had  predicted.  His  horse  being  killed,  he  would 
have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  patriots,  if  the  presence  of  mind  of 
a reverend  capuchin,  named  Father  Coronel,  hadn  ot  saved  him. 
Coronel  was  fighting  bravely  at  his  side ; when  the  horse  fell,  he 
seized  the  general,  and,  with  his  .nervous  arms,  without  dismount- 
ing, placed  him  upon  his  own  vigorous  horse,  and  made  full  speed 
from  the  field  of  battle. 

When  general  Cagigal,  who  arrived  24  hours  after  the  defeat, 
learned  how  imprudently  his  commander  had  acted,  his  indignation 
was  excited.  But  instead  of  attacking  with  his  own  strong  corps, 
an  enemy  weakened  and  fatigued  by  the  recent  combat,  he  was 
discouraged,  thought  all  was  lost,  and  that  the  whole  province  of 
Venezuela  must  become  the  prey  of  the  patriots.  He  declared 
publicly,  that  he  would  take  refuge  in  the  province  of  Guayana,  to 
save  himself  and  his  troops.  His  strange  declaration  so  ex- 
asperated one  of  his  captains,  Joseph  Thomas  Boves,  who  heard 
it,  that,  forgetting  the  resDect  due  to  his  commander,  he  boldly 
remonstrated  against  so  base  a step.  But  seeing  that  the  panic  of 
his  general  rendered  him  incapable  of  listening  to  reason,  and  that 
he  had  resolved  at  all  events,  to  depart,  Boves  told  him  plainly 
and  bluntly,  that  the  general  would  act  as  he  liked,  but  that,  for 
his  own  part,  he  was  firmly  resolved  to  remain  in  Venezuela,  and 
there  combat  the  enemies  of  his  king  and  country,  as  long  as  one 
of  them  should  exist!  Cagigal,  seeing  that  Boves  was  inflexible, 
authorised  him  to  organise  a body  of  troops,  for  his  purpose,  as  nu- 
merous as  he  could  collect,  and  then  departed,  with  a strong  escort, 
for  the  purpose  of  putting  himself  in  safety  in  the  fortress  of  St. 
Tomas  de  la  Angostura,  in  the  then  subdued  and  quiet  province  of 
Guayana. 

Boves  having  rallied  as  many  as  would  follow  him,  came  in 
April,  1813,  to  the  city  of  Calabazo,  where  he  established  his  head 
quarters.  He  soon  organised  his  corps  of  infantry  and  cavalry, 
which  amounted  to  about  500  men.  This  was  the  origin  of  that 
famous  partizan,  who  was  distinguished  afterwards  during  the  war, 
by  his  astonishing  activity,  bravery  and  skill,  but  still  more  by  his 
barbarous  cruelty,  of  which  I shall  have  more  than  one  instance  to 
relate. 


44 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Marino,  proud  of  his  little  success,  now  took  the  title  of  general 
in  chief,  and  dictator  of  the  eastern  provinces  of  Venezuela.  He 
imposed  great  contributions,  established  a luxurious  mode  of  living, 
created  generals,  officers  of  the  staff  and  others,  and  a great  many 
civil  officers.  But  he  had  no  fixed  territory,  nor  any  well  instruct- 
ed officers,  and  still  less  had  he  any  well  disciplined  soldiers.  He 
had,  as  is  usually  the  case,  where  troops  are  hastily  raised,  a band 
of  armed  men,  without  uniforms  or  instruction. 

During  these  events  in  the  provinces  of  Cumana  and  Barcelona, 
general  Bolivar  entered  the  western  provinces  of  Venezuela.  He 
was  joined  by  many  thousands  of  his  countrymen,  who  driven  to 
despair  by  the  cruelties  of  the  Spaniards,  had  no  choice  but  to 
fight,  or  perish.  He  divided  his  forces  into  two  strong  corps,  gave 
the  command  cf  one  to  his  major  general  Ribas,  and  put  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  other.  Both  proceeded  by  forced  marches, 
through  different  roads  to  Caracas,  crossing  the  department  of 
Truxillo  and  the  province  of  Barinas.  The  Spaniards  were  beat- 
en easily  at  Niquitao,  Betioque,  Barquisimeto  and  Barinas.  At 
the  last  place,  governor  Tiscar,  like  general  Cagigal,  thought  all 
was  lost,  and  deserted  his  troops.  He  fled  to  St.  Tomas  de  la  An- 
gostura, in  the  province  of  Guayana,  where,  like  the  other,  he  found 
himself  in  safety. 

As  soon  as  general  Monteverde  was  apprised  of  the  rapid  pro- 
gress of  the  patriots,  he  rallied  his  best  troops  at  Lostaguanes, 
where  general  Ribas  attacked  him  soon  afterwards.  The  attack 
had  but  just  commenced,  when  the  greatest  part  of  his  cavalry, 
composed  of  natives,  passed  over  to  the  patriots  and  soon  decided 
the  victory  in  their  favor.  Monteverde  lost  some  hundreds  of  his 
men,  and  was  obliged  to  shut  himself  up  with  the  remainder,  in  the 
fortress  of  Porto  Cabello. 

General  Bolivar  advanced  rapidly  upon  Caracas,  and  found  very 
little  or  no  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  who  had  concen- 
trated his  forces  against  the  column  of  general  Ribas.  As  soon  as 
governor  Fierro  heard  of  the  approach  of  general  Bolivar,  he  hasti- 
ly assembled  a great  council  of  war,  in  which  it  was  concluded  to 
send  deputies  to  Bolivar,  proposing  a capitulation.  This  was  made 
and  signed  at  Vittoria,  about  a year  after  the  famous  capitulation 
between  general  Miranda  and  Monteverde.  By  this  treaty  Bolivar 
promised  that  no  one  should  be  persecuted  for  his  political  opin- 
ions, and  that  every  one  should  be  at  liberty  to  retire  with  his  pro- 
perty from  Venezuela,  and  go  whithersoever  he  pleased. 

While  the  deputies  were  assembled  at\  ittoria,  governor  Fierro, 
seized,  like  Cagigal  and  Tiscar,  by  panic  terror,  decamped  in  the 
night  time,  secretly,  and  so  hastily  that  he  left,  as  was  afterwards 
ascertained,  a very  large  amount  of  silver  money.  He  left  also 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


45 


more  than  1500  Spaniards,  at  the  discretion  of  the  enemy.  He 
embarked  at  Laguira,  and  arrived  in  safety  at  the  littte  island  of 
Curacao.  The  flight  of  their  governor,  of  which  the  inhabitants  and 
the  garrison  were  not  informed,  until  day  break  the  next  morning, 
left  the  city  in  the  greatest  trouble,  for  he  left  not  a single  order. 
The  Spanish  party  being  dissolved,  every  one  was  left  to  provide 
for  his  own  safety.  Its  principal  chiefs,  Monteverde,  Cagigal,  Fier- 
ro and  Tisear,  acting  in  conformity,  each  to  his  own  will,  had  all 
placed  themselves  in  safety  indeed,  but  without  the  least  union  or 
vigor  : Monteverde  remained  in  Porto  Cabello  without  sending 
forth  any  order  ; Cagigal  remained  with  Tisear,  at  Angostura ; and 
Fierro  in  the  island  of  Curacao. 

It  was  therefore  an  easy  task  for  Bolivar  to  enter  the  capital  of 
his  native  land,  and  to  take  possession  of  the  greatest  part  of 
Venezuela.  His  entry  into  Caracas,  (August  4th,  1S13,)  was 
brilliant  and  glorious.  The  friends  of  liberty,  who  had  suffered  so 
severely,  surrounded  him  from  every  corner  of  the  country,  and 
welcomed  his  arrival  with  many  signs  of  joy  and  festivity.  The 
enthusiasm  was  universal,  reaching  every  class  and  sex  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Caracas.  The  fair  sex  came  to  crown  their  liberator. 
They  spread  the  ground  with  many  flowers,  branches  of  laurel  and 
olive,  on  his  passage  through  the  streets  of  the  capital.  The 
shouts  of  thousands  were  mingled  with  the  noise  of  artillery,  bells, 
and  music,  and  the  crowd  was  immense.  The  prisons  were  open- 
ed, and  the  unfortunate  victims  of  liberty  came  forth  with  pale 
and  emaciated  faces,  like  spectres  from  their  graves.  But  not- 
withstanding this  appalling  sight,  the  people  indulged  not  their  sen- 
timents and  feelings  of  vengeance  against  the  authors  of  such  cruel 
deeds.  They  committed  no  disorder.  No  European  Spaniard, 
Isleno,  friar  or  priest,  was  dragged  from  his  hiding  place,  nor  even 
sought  for;  all  were  happy,  and  thought  only  of  rejoicing. 

The  entry  of  Gen.  Bolivar  into  Caracas,  was  certainly  the  most 
gratifying  event  of  his  whole  military  career.  And  notwithstanding 
his  enterprise  and  his  victories  were  greatly  facilitated  by  the  aston- 
ishing pusilanimity  of  his  enemies,  he  deserves  great  praise  for  his 
perseverance,  and  for  the  conception  of  such  an  undertaking,  in 
which  he  sacrificed  a considerable,  part  of  his  fortune,  to  furnish  his 
troops  with  the  means  of  following  him.  But  here,  I cannot  omit 
to  mention  a singular  and  characteristic  trait  of  that  vanity  of 
which  I have  already  spoken.  Previous  to  his  entry  into  Caracas, 
a kind  ot  triumphal  car  was  prepared,  like  that  which  the  Roman 
Consuls  used,  on  returning  from  a campaign,  after  an  important 
victory.  Their’s  was  drawn-  by  horses;  but  Bolivar’s  car  was 
drawn  by  twelve  fine  young  ladies,  very  elegantly  dressed  in  white, 
adorned  with  the  national  colors,  and  all  selected  from  the  first 


4G 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


families  in  Caracas.  They  drew  him,  in  about  half  an  hour,  from 
the  entrance  of  the  city  to  his  residence ; he,  standing  on  the  car, 
bare-headed,  and  in  full  uniform,  with  a small  wand  of  command 
in  his  hand.  To  do  this,  was  surely  extraordinary  on  their  part ; 
to  suffer  it,  was  surely  much  more  so  on  his.  Many  thousands 
were  eye  witnesses  of  the  scene.  To  them  I appeal  for  the  truth 
of  this  account  of  it. 

The  enthusiasm  of  the  inhabitants  of  Caracas  lasted  but  a short 
time.  Bolivar,  inflated  with  his  sudden  successes,  assumed,  in  the 
capital,  after  a few  days,  the  title  of  “ Dictator  and  Liberator  of 
the  western  provinces  of  Venezuela,”  in  emulation  of  Gen.  Ma- 
rino, who  had  taken  the  title  of  “Dictator  of  the  Eastern  Provin- 
ces.” The  denomination  of  Eastern  and  Western,  arises  from  the 
geographical  situation  of  the  provinces  of  Cumana  and  Barcelona, 
which  lie  east  from  Caracas,  of  which  Marino  was  entire  master. 
Bolivar  gave  the  name  of  “liberating  army”  to  all  those  troops 
which  came  with  him ; and  established  an  order  of  knighthood, 
called  “ the  order  of  the  Liberator,”  which  exists  to  the  present 
day,  with  this  alteration,  that  the  singular,  “ del  Libertador,”  has 
been  changed  into  “la  orden  de  los  Libertadores”  in  the  plural. 
He  established  a choice  corps  of  troops,  called  his  body  guard, 
expressly  and  exclusively  destined  to  his  personal  service,  named 
to  it  a great  many  officers  of  the  staff  and  others,  and  was  soon 
surrounded  with  flatterers  and  sycophants. 

Various  true  friends  of  liberty,  and  of  the  Dictator’s  glory,  ad- 
vised him  to  assemble  a Congress,  and  to  establish  a representative 
government,  like  that  of  the  first  congress  at  Caracas.  Among 
them  was  the  late  admiral  of  Colombia,  Louis  Brion,  who  died  at 
the  island  of  Curacao.  I might  mention  various  othes.  Bolivar 
answered  them  that  he  wished  to  consider  this  advice,  but  that  it 
would  be  inconvenient,  for  the  present,  to  assemble  a congress. 

Meanwhile  he  organised  his  government,  in  which  he  united  in 
himself,  the  three  powers,  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial ; in 
virtue  of  which,  he  became  absolute  master  of  the  liberty,  prop- 
erty and  lives  of  his  countrymen.  He  named  to  offices,  those 
who  could  flatter  him  most.  This  dictatorship  was  nothing  more 
nor  less  than  an  absolute,  despotic,  military  government. 

The  eight  beautiful  provinces  of  Venezuela,  were  now  divided 
between  three  military  chieftains,  viz.  Gen.  Monteverde,  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  Spanish  forces  which  occupied  the  prov- 
inces of  Guayana,  Maracaybo,  and  Coro  ; Gen.  Bolivar  dictator 
in  the  provinces  of  Caracas,  Barinas,  and  Margarita;  and  Gen. 
Marino,  dictator  in  those  of  Cumana  and  Barcelona. 

Each  of  these  chieftains  had  his  governors,  generals,  command- 
andants,  civil  and  military  officers,  and  troops;  who  all  lived, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


47 


at  the  expense  of  the  inhabitants.  Each  of  them  raised,  armed, 
organized  and  equiped  troops ; issued  proclamations,  manifestos, 
and  decrees.  These  bulletins  were  often  so  inflated  and  involved, 
that  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  ascertain  their  meaning ; and 
what  was  worse  still,  they  frequently  interfered  with  each  other,  in- 
somuch that  it  was  impossible  to  decide  which  ought  to  be  obeyed. 
To  day,  a city,  town,  or  village,  was  occupied  by  troops  of  one  of 
these  chieftains  ; to  morrow,  by  those  of  another.  The  subalterns 
and  soldiers  were,  of  course,  masters  of  the  inhabitants  ; and  they 
ordered  immediate  supplies  of  money,  provisions,  and  all  other 
necesseries.  There  were  no  laws,  no  regulations,  no  order  : bayo- 
nets, and  the  caprices  of  each  little  armed  band  of  soldiers,  so  call- 
ed, were,  for  the  time,  rulers  of  the  citizens.  A stronger  band 
drove  them  out,  and  new  vexations,  new  demands,  new  provisions, 
were  the  order  of  the  day.  This  anarchy  rendered  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Venezuela  so  miserable,  and  so  doubtful  on  which  of  these 
governments  to  rely,  that  many  of  the  most  distinguished  natives 
realized  what  they  could  of  their  fortunes,  and  embarked  with  their 
families,  in  search  of  another  country,  where  security  of  person  and 
property  could  be  found.  The  United  States  of  America,  and 
the  West  India  Islands  received  many  thousands  of  them. 

It  is  a curious  and  astonishing  proof  of  the  imbecility  of  gener- 
al Bolivar’s  character,  (of  which  I shall  give  more  than  one  proof) 
that,  powerful  as  lie  then  was,  he  suffered  a young,  inexperienced 
and  ignorant  individual,  San  1 ago  Marino,  to  raise  himself  to  be 
his  rival,  when  he  might  have  brought  him  to  act  under  his  orders. 
This  Eastern  Dictatorship  was  nothing  but  a division  of  the  territo- 
ry of  the  republic  of  Venezuela,  as  already  established  by  the  con- 
gress assembled  at  Caracas,  in  1811.  The  provinces  of  Cumana 
and  Barcelona,  then  made  an  integral  part  of  its  territory,  had  been 
always  governed  by  the  first  congress,  like  the  other  provinces  of 
Venezuela,  (except  Guayana,  Coro,  and  Maracaybo)  and  ought 
never  to  have  been  separated  from  them.  This  division  of  power, 
this  rivalry  between  the  two  dictators,  had  the  worst  effects  upon 
the  welfare  of  the  inhabitants,  and  upon  the  righteous  cause  of  lib- 
erty. It  lessened,  considerably,  the  strength  of  each,  and  increas- 
ed the  power  of  the  enemy.  It  was  the  cause  of  the  extraordin- 
ary duration  of  the  war  ; and  the  loss  of  the  lives  of  so  many  human 
beings  more. 

\Y  hen  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  provinces  heard  of  general 
Bolivar’s  arrival  at  Caracas,  a new  hope  arose  for  their  deliverance 
and  freedom,  and  numerous  volunteers,  from  all  quarters  and 
corners,  came  to  offer  their  services  to  the  new  dictator. 

The  funds  found  in  the  royal  treasury,  and  those  voluntarily  of 
fered,  united  to  the  revenues,  should  have  been  sufficient  to 


48 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


organise  these  volunteers  into  corps,  and  to  discipline  them,  so 
that  they  should  have  been  able  to  expel  their  discouraged  and 
diminished  oppressors,  from  their  territory  forever.  If  general 
Bolivar  had  possessed  common  talents  in  the  arts  of  war,  and  for 
civil  government ; nay,  if  he  would  have  followed  the  advice  of 
able  and  experience  d men,  it  would  have  been  an  easy  task,  in  the 
space  of  three  months,  to  finish  this  bloody  war,  and  give  freedom 
and  happiness  to  his  unfortunate  countrymen. 

In  the  month  of  August,  1 S 1 3,  Bolivar  was  far  moie  powerful 
than  any  sovereign  now  living  in  the  world,  in  proportion  to  the 
country,  and  the  resources  of  the  people.  Both  sexes,  of  every 
color  and  description,  (and  among  them  many  Spaniards,  Islenos, 
monks  and  priests,)  were  anxious  to  assist  him,  who,  so  solemnly 
promised  them  freedom  and  prosperity.  The  enthusiasm  of  the 
times,  spread  its  sacred  light  through  the  whole  country;  it  awak- 
ened the  indolent  inhabitants  of  those  immense  steppes  and  plains, 
known  under  the  name  of  the  Llaneros,  who,  afterwards,  so  singu- 
larly distinguished  themselves  under  the  orders  of  Paez,  Sedeno, 
Jarasa,  Roxas,  Monagas,  and  others.  Money,  merchandise,  hors- 
es, mules,  cattle  ; even  jewels,  pearls,  diamonds,  golden  chains, 
and  other  ornaments  of  the  fair  sex,  were  offered,  with  the  kind- 
est readiness,  to  Bolivar,  to  assist  him  in  his  glorious  enterprise. 

Nothing,  therefore,  was  wanting  but  ability  to  unite,  classify  and 
direct  these  vast  materials  and  resources,  and  skill  and  inclination 
to  surround  himself  with  men  ot  probity,  experience,  knowledge, 
talents  and  prudence.  To  them  he  might  have  confided  the  di- 
rection of  the  different  and  complicated  branches  of  his  new  gov- 
ernment. All  these  they  would  have  simplified,  establishing  the 
strictest  economy  in  each  department.  The  most  successful,  the 
most  brilliant  results,  would  have  been  obtained,  and  Bolivar  him- 
self would  have  deserved  to  be  compared  with  Washington. 

But  to  the  great  detriment  of  his  country,  and  the  cause  of  free- 
dom, Bolivar  rejected  the  advice  of  the  friends  of  rational  liberty. 
They  advised  him  to  a course  of  prudence  and  to  the  enacting  of 
wise  laws,  and  for  the  purpose  of  introducing  economy  and  order 
into  his  new  government.  He  formed  a government  of  his  own, 
such  as  it  was.  It  consisted  of  four  secretaries  of  state,  one  at  the 
head  of  each  of  the  departments,  of  the  interior,  of  justice  and 
mercy,  or  pardon,  [de  justicia  y gracia ] of  the  finances  and  of 
war.  All  received  their  orders  and  instructions  directly  from  the 
dictator,  with  whom  they  wrote  in  his  cabinet,  when  he  had  the 
leisure  and  pleasure  to  receive  them.  Every  thing  was  submitted 
entirely  to  him,  and  his  decision  rendered  a person  the  most  fortu- 
nate, or  the  most  wretched  being. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


49 


He  alone  directed  all  military  operations,  by  sea  and  land  ; is- 
sued proclamations,  and  made  regulations  and  laws.  He  united 
in  himself  all  the  powers  and  attributes  of  an  absolute  and  despotic 
sovereign.  Anxious  for  bis  authority,  he  never  suffered  another 
to  decide  in  any  case.  Wishing  to  do  all  himself,  he  confused 
every  thing,  for  every  thing  was  done  in  a hurry.  Moreover,  Bo- 
livar, like  most  of  his  countrymen,  loved  ease  and  his  pleasures, 
better  than  exertion.  His  favorite  occupations  were,  being  in  the 
company  of  his  numerous  mistresses,  and  lying  in  his  hammock 
surrounded  by  his  flatterers.  They  amused  him  with  their  stories, 
and  their  satyrical  and  witty  sallies,  on  absent  persons  who  had 
had  the  misfortune  to  displease  the  dictator.  The  most  important 
business  was  placed  and  left  in  the  hands  of  these  flatterers,  par- 
ticularly of  Segnorita  Josephine  M.,  his  acknowledged  mistress, 
who  had  the  greatest  influence  over  him,  and  who  was  extremely 
intrigueing  and  vindictive.  I have  seen  her  more  than  an  hundred 
times,  and  must  confess  that  I could  hardly  account  for  the  dicta- 
tor’s predilection  for  her.  It  lasted,  however,  until  1819. 

These  occupations  consumed  much  of  his  time ; the  remainder 
was  spent  in  riding  out  and  in  business.  Each  of  his  secretaries 
of  departments  made  to  him  a summary  report  of  what  had  been 
transacted  in  his  office,  and  also  a summary  proposal  of  what  ought 
to  be  done.  In  one  word,  he  wished  to  imitate  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte, and  was  highly  pleased  when  Charles  Soublette  told  him, 
in  my  hearing,  at  Campano,  in  May,  1816,  that  he  was  the  Napo- 
leon of  South  America. 

Bolivar’s  manner  of  governing  was  very  prejudicial  in  its  con- 
sequences. Its  defects  were  soon  felt  in  the  army,  in  the  navy, 
in  every  branch  of  the  public  administration.  The  public  revenues 
were  insufficient,  and  the  want  of  money  was  felt  every  where. — 
The  dictator  had  expended  large  sums  upon  his  mistresses  and 
his  flatterers ; other  large  sums  were  employed  in  the  purchase  of 
arms,  amunition  and  warlike  stores  from  abroad.  But  a great  part 
was  spent  upon  the  companions,  flatterers,  or  relations  of  the 
dictator.  They  took  the  money,  departed,  and  returned  no  more. 

This  want  of  money  was  not  easily  supplied.  The  measures 
adopted  by  the  dictator  to  procure  money,  were  a greater  evil  than 
the  want  of  it.  These  measures  justly  made  him  many  enemies. 
Amongst  others,  may  be  cited  the  extraordinary  taxes,  arbitrarily 
laid  upon  individuals  designated  by  him,  and  demanded  at  his 
pleasure  without  order  or  system.  Some  one,  for  example,  told 
him  that  Don  N.  bad  sums  of  money  concealed,  or  that  he  was  an 
enemy  to  the  common  cause.  Bolivar  immediately  sent  a detach- 
ment of  his  body  guards,  in  the  night,  to  the  house  of  N.  They 
surrounded  it,  and,  in  the  name  of  the  dictator,  penetrated  sudden- 


50 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


ly  to  his  bed  chamber,  where  the  officer  notified  him  that  his  master 
wanted  money,  and  named  a sum  to  be  given  into  the  hands  of  the 
officer.  At  another  time,  the  sum  demanded,  was  required  to  be 
paid  within  a certain  number  of  days.  If  the  inhabitant,  for  what- 
ever reason,  did  not  comply,  he  tvas  put  into  prison,  and  harshly 
treated,  until,  by  the  help  of  friends,  or  in  some  other  way,  he  ob- 
tained the  means  of  complying  with  the  demands  of  the  dictator. 

When  the  impartial  reader  recollects  what  happened  at  Laguira 
and  Caracas,  in  April  and  May,  1S27,  upon  the  seizure  of  some 
American  merchants,  that  they  were  put  into  prison  because  they 
would  not  pay  an  extraordinary  tax  imposed  upon  them  by  the 
president  Liberator,  although  they  alleged  that  the  government 
owed  them  a much  larger  sum  which  they  had  advanced,  for  which 
they  held  treasury  obligations,  (vales)  and  that  Bolivar  refused 
ihese,  and  persisted  in  demanding  their  cash  ; he  will  not  be  sur- 
prised on  hearing  what  the  same  Bolivar  did  in  1813,  at  Caracas. 

Were  I to  relate  all  that  happened  during  the  twelve  months  of 
the  dictatorship  of  Simon  Bolivar,  I should  form  another  large 
volume.  It  will  suffice  to  say,  that  the  anarchy  of  Monteverde 
gave  way  to  another  anarchy  more  insupportable  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Venezuela,  because  they  expected  from  their  countryman  any 
thing  but  what  he  actually  brought  upon  them. 

In  August,  1813,  the  dictator  sent  a body  of  troops,  under  the 
command  of  colonel  Giraldat,  to  besiege  the  castle  of  Porto  Ca- 
bello,  the  same  which  he  himself,  as  its  governor,  had  deserted  a 
year  before.  General  Monteverde,  after  his  defeat  at  Maturin,  had 
shut  himself  up  in  this  place,  and  he  was  again  defeated  by  general 
Ribas,  at  Lostaguanes.  He  was  greatly  embittered  against  the 
dictator  Bolivar,  whom  he  had  so  kindly  received,  and  so  strongly 
protected,  after  the  active  part  he  had  taken  in  the  arrest  of  gen- 
eral Miranda.  Monteverde  not  only  gave  a passport  to  Bolivar 
and  his  cousin  Ribas,  but  recommended  him  strongly  to  a mer- 
chant of  Curacao  (Mr.  Fr.  L ,)  who  was  ready  to  sail ; being 

fully  persuaded  that  Bolivar  wrould  retire  and  take  no  further  active 
part  in  this  war,  he  said  publicly,  that  he  had  been  betrayed  by  the 
dictator,  and  would  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  him.  In  truth, 
Monteverde  never  w'ould  treat  with  Bolivar  afterwards  ; but  twice 
sent  back  his  negociators  without  admitting  them,  or  their  letters, 
into  his  presence. 

The  inhabitants  of  Porto  Cabello,  were  exceedingly  exasperated 
against  Bolivar,  on  account  of  his  deserting  that  fortress,  while  in 
command  of  it,  and  learning  that  he  had  sent  a strong  body  of 
troops  to  force  them  to  surrender,  they  made  every  effort  in  their 
power  to  resist  him.  They  first  set  an  example  of  resistance  to 
the  garrison,  by  organizing  and  arming  themselves  at  their  own  ex- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


51 


pense,  and  by  openly  declaring  that  they  would  make  every  sacri- 
fice in  their  power,  before  they  would  submit  to  be  placed  again 
under  the  power  of  that  commander. 

The  dictator,*  apprised  of  what  passed  in  the  interior  of  the 
place,  gave  orders  to  blockade  it  by  sea  and  land.  But  the  squad- 
ron could  not  intercept  the  five  transports  from  Cadiz  with  1500 
chosen  troops,  under  the  command  of  colonel  Salomon,  besides  a 
great  supply  of  arms,  ammunition  and  other  warlike  stores. 

Before  the  arrival  of  this  convoy  at  Porto  Cabello,  it  directed 
its  course  towards  Laguira,  which  its  commander  supposed  to  be 
still  in  the  possession  of  the  Spaniards;  but  general  Ribas  had 
taken  it  some  time  before.  He  had  only  400  men,  and  these 
poorly  equiped  and  disciplined.  He  was  a skilful,  brave  and  ac- 
tive man.  When  the  squadron  was  descried,  he  truly  supposed 
them  to  be  Spanish  vessels,  and  immediately  ordered  the  Venezu- 
elan, to  be  exchanged  for  the  Spanish  colors.  This  convinced 
the  squadron  that  the  place  remained  under  the  power  of  Spain. 
It  approached  and  anchored  about  half  a gun  shot  from  the  bat- 
teries of  Laguira.  The  proper  dispositions  were  made  to  land 
the  troops,  which  consisted  of  the  fine  strong  regiment  of  La  Gre- 
nada, commanded  by  colonel  Salomon,  and  of  some  artillerists. 

Ribas  meanwhile  had  disposed  every  thing  so  to  receive  them 
as  to  destroy,  with  one  blowy  the  hopes  of  the  enemy.  He  set  at 
liberty  some  Spanish  officers  who  had  been  made  prisoners  of  war ; 
and,  among  them,  the  former  governor  of  Laguira,  Don  Felix 
Marmon.  These  he  compelled  to  put  themselves  in  full  uniform. 
Ribas  then  made  a short  and  energetic  speech  to  his  own  troops, 
who  were  frightened  and  discouraged  by  their  situation,  and  be- 
lieved they  should  all  be  taken  and  lost.  This  speech  inspired 
them  with  confidence,  and  every  one  repaired  with  spirit  to  his 
post.  Moreover,  Ribas,  having  with  him  an  intelligent,  cunning 
Isleno,  named  Don  Jose  Antonio  Maloni,  as  soon  as  the  squadron 
had  weighed  anchor,  he  sent  this  man  on  board,  promising  him 
great  rewards  in  case  of  his  fidelity,  and  the  success  of  his  strata- 
gem. He  instructed  Maloni  to  present  himself  before  the  Spanish 
commodore,  as  the  secretary  of  the  Spanish  governor,  Marmon, 
and  to  invite  him  and  his  principal  officers,  to  do  his  master  the 
honor  of  coining  on  shore,  and  partaking  of  a dinner  prepared  for 
them,  where  the  governor  was  anxious  to  receive  his  good 
friends  and  companions  in  arms.  The  commodore  on  hearing  the 
name  of  Marmon,  was  highly  pleased  to  find  that  his  good  old  ac- 
quaintance was  on  shore ; and  gave  the  necessary  orders  to  put 
out  the  long  boat.  Meanwhile,  colonel  Salomon  came  on  deck, 
and  examined  the  place,  (Laguira,)  with  his  spy  glass.  He  won- 
dered at  seeing  so  few  people  on  the  quay  and  in  the  streets,  as  he 


52 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


had  been  told  by  some  officers  on  board,  that  this  port  was  crowd- 
ed with  busy  people.  He  communicated  his  observations  to  the 
commodore,  and  advised  him  to  take  the  precaution  of  first  send- 
ing some  officers  on  shore,  who  might  ascertain  the  true  state  of 
the  place,  and  return  immediately  and  report  it  to  him.  The  com- 
modore followed  the  advice. 

When  Ribas  saw  the  boat  approaching,  he  sent  the  commandant 
Marmon  dressed  in  full  uniform,  upon  the  quay,  to  receive  his 
coutrymen.  He  had  instructed  Marmon  how  to  act,  and  what  to 
say  to  the  strangers,  and  had  assured  him  of  instant  death  in  case 
ol  his  deviation.  He  also  dressed  a number  of  his  own  officers, 
on  whom  he  could  rely,  in  Spanish  uniforms,  belonging  to  the  offi- 
cers who  were  his  prisoners  of  war,  and  sent  them  to  accompany 
Marmon,  as  a kind  of  staff.  He  gave  them  particular  orders  to 
watch  his  movements,  and  to  kill  him,  upon  the  least  suspicious 
action  or  sign;  and,  with  these  orders,  he  took  care  to  acquaint 
Marmon.  The  boat  arrived  at  the  quay,  but  none  of  the  officers 
landed,  notwithstanding  the  reiterated  and  pressing  invitations  of 
Marmon  to  them,  to  come  on  shore,  where  he  said  a good  dinner 
waited  for  them  at  his  house,  and  that  he  would  send  his  long  boat 
on  board  the  commodore,  and  bring  him  to  join  the  party.  The 
officers  replied,  only  by  desiring  the  commander’s  order,  to  take 
him  on  hoard  the  commodore,  who  would  be  very  glad  to  see  him. 
After  some  other  conversations  from  among  the  crowd  assem- 
bled, voices  were  heard  to  say  “It  is  a treachery!”  The  officers 
pulled  instantly  from  the  quay,  and  arrived  in  great  consternation, 
on  board  the  commodore,  to  whom  they  made  their  report.  The 
batteries  of  the  place,  and  the  surrounding  forts,  previously  pre- 
pared for  action  by  general  Ribas,  now  opened  a heavy  fire  upon 
the  squadron,  which  greatly  damaged  their  vessels,  and  killed 
about  200  of  their  men. 

In  one  of  the  sorties  of  the  garrison  of  Porto  Cabello,  colonel 
Giraldat,  commander  of  the  patriots,  was  killed  by  a musket  shot. 
His  death  spread  such  terror  among  his  remaining  troops,  that 
they  hastily  raised  the  seige,  leaving  behind  them,  their  artillery, 
ammunition,  baggage,  &lc. 

Considering  the  death  of  colonel  Giraldat  as  an  ordinary  occur- 
rence of  war,  every  one  was  surprised,  when  the  dictator  Bolivar, 
ordered  extraordinary  funeral  services  to  be  performed  in  honor  of 
him.  Many  songs  (which  exist  at  the  present  day)  were  composed 
in  honor  of  Giraldat,  representing  him  as  a most  extraordinary 
hero. 

Monteverde  gave  the  regiment  of  Grenada  some  days  rest,  after 
its  arrival  at  Porto  Cabello.  Col.  Salomon,  on  learning  the  origin 
of  the  usurped  power  and  grandeur  of  Monteverde,  became  jeal- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


53 


ous  and  offended  against  a commander  whom  he  considered  far 
inferior  to  himself.  This  had  fatal  consequences,  for  the  Span- 
iards in  Venezuela.  When  Monteverde  ordered  Salomon  to  put 
his  regiment  in  readiness  to  join  him,  that  they  might  march 
their  united  troops  against  Bolivar  and  Urdaneta,  who  were 
posted  at  Valencia,  Salomon  refused  to  give  him  a man  from  the 
corps  under  his  immediate  command,  and  declared  publicly  that 
Monteverde  was  not  worthy  to  give  him  any  order.  And  such 
was  the  weakness  of  Monteverde’s  character,  that,  instead  of  pun- 
ishing him,  he  condescended  in  the  kindest  and  humblest  manner, 
to  beseech  him  that  he  would  be  so  good,  at  least,  as  to  follow 
with  his  regiment.  Salomon  consented,  but,  as  we  shall  see,  from 
that  time,  more  heartily  despised  him. 

Monteverde  took  from  his  garrison  500  very  badly  armed  and 
disciplined  militia  men,  and  marched  them,  by  the  road  of  Agua 
Caliente,  towards  Valencia.  He  was  followed  by  Salomon’s  regi- 
ment, about  1300  strong,  upon  which  he  relied  entirely.  He  ad- 
vanced to  Naguanagua,  a small  village  not  two  leagues  distant 
from  Valencia,  without  the  least  rencontre  ; but  without  any  care 
whether  he  was  followed  by  colonel  Salomon  or  not.  The  dicta- 
tor, apprised  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  gave  order  immedi- 
ately to  evacuate,  where  he  was  with  the  strong  division  of  gener- 
al Urdaneta,  and  to  retire  toward  the  defiles  of  La  Cabrera.  There 
he  entrenched  himself.  He  ordered  this  hasty  retreat,  believing 
that  all  the  forces  from  Porto  Cabello  were  coming  together  upon 
him.  But  no  sooner  was  he  apprised  with  certainty,  that  it  was 
Monteverde  with  no  more  than  500  militia  men,  and  that  the  regi- 
ment of  Grenada  was  yet  remaining  very  quiet  at  Agua  Caliente, 
seven  leagues  distant  from  Naguanagua,  than  he  came  back  and 
gave  orders  to  attack  Monteverde.  The  latter  not  only  resisted  a 
force  three  times  as  strong  as  his  own,  but  began  to  repulse  them. 
Bolivar  was,  as  usual,  at  some  distance  behind,  and  could  not 
therefore  rally  his  troops.  But  general  Urdaneta,  putting  himself 
at  the  head  of  his  division,  attacked  and  routed  the  enemy.  Mon- 
teverde received  a musket  shot  in  the  neck,  which  fractured  his 
jaw,  and  in  part  caused  the  loss  of  the  action.  The  Spanish  gen- 
eral retreated,  with  the  remainder  of  his  troops,  towards  Porto 
Cabello. 

Bolivar  and  Urdaneta,  now  marched  upon  the  regiment  of 
Grenada,  which  they  encountered  in  a place  too  narrow  to  admit 
the  display  of  the  whole  force,  on  either  side.  The  Spaniards, 
after  some  exchange  of  musketry,  drove  the  patriots  back  ; but 
Salomon,  instead  of  pursuing  his  advantage,  ordered  a retreat. — 
He  entered  Porto  Cabello,  with  his  regiment,  on  the  5th  October; 
and  received  the  well  deserved  reproaches  of  Monteverde.  The 


54 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


latter,  being  unable  any  longer  to  command  the  former,  being  next 
in  rank,  took  command  of  the  Spanish  army. 

Several  other  actions  were  fought,  which  cost  many  lives  on 
both  sides,  without  any  important  result.  Bolivar  being  informed 
that  Monteverde  no  longer  commanded  in  Porto  Cabello,  sent  a 
new  negotiator  to  colonel  Salomon.  He  chose  for  this  military 
commission,  Don  Salvador  Gauia,  a priest.  After  the  usual  for- 
malities, the  priest  was  introduced  before  the  council  of  war,  which 
assembled  for  the  purpose.  He  began  a long  sermon,  as  if  he  bad 
been  in  the  pulpilt.  “ What  are  you  doing  gentlemen  ?”  said  he, 
“ would  it  not  be  better  for  you  to  surrender,  and  to  live  in  peace 
and  quietness,  than  to  expose  yourselves  to  the  horrors  of  a siege, 
during  which,  you  would  have  to  struggle  against  hunger  and  all 
kinds  of  misery,”  &c.  &c.  Who  would  have  imagined  that  such 
a singular  and  ridiculous  speech,  delivered  to  soldiers,  would  have 
made  such  an  impression  upon  the  officers  present,  as  to  gain  three 
fourths  of  them  in  favor  of  the  proposal  to  capitulate?  But,  one 
present,  who  was  commander  of  the  militia,  and  a merchant  at 
Porto  Cabello,  was  so  shocked  with  the  thought  of  capitulation, 
that  he  rose  from  his  seat,  and  spoke  vehemently  against  it.  He 
ended  his  speech  by  saying,  that  “ihose  who  were  afraid  to  defend 
the  place,  might  go  whithersoever  they  pleased  to  go.”  He  brought 
over  the  majority  to  his  opinion,  and  the  proposal  of  the  Dictator 
was  rejected.  The  clergyman  thought  proper  to  remain,  and  left 
Bolivar  and  iiis  cause,  and  embarked,  afterwards,  with  general 
Monteverde,  for  the  island  of  Curacao. 

The  patriots,  after  having  defeated  the  Spanish  forces  under 
Cevallos  and  Yanes,  directed  their  attention  against  Boves,  who 
had  considerably  augmented  his  forces.  Since  he  received  the 
authority  of  general  Cagigal,  to  raise  a separate  corps,  without 
limiting  its  number,  be  had  assembled  a great  many  slaves,  and 
colored  vagabonds,  had  opened  prisons,  and  other  places  of  con- 
finement, had  armed  them,  as  wTell  as  he  could,  and  had  organ- 
ized them  in  bodies  of  different  arms.  It  was  a confused  assem- 
blage of  vagabonds  and  criminals  of  every  description,  who  engaged 
themselves  in  the  hope  of  plunder  ; in  the  prospect  of  committing 
every  possible  crime  with  impunity.  Morales  was  the  second  in 
command  of  these  troops,  which  afterwards  increased  to  8000 
men,  and  which  the  Spaniards  themselves  commonly  designated 
by  the  name  of  ( la  division  infernale)  the  infernal  division.  These 
two  chiefs,  with  their  subaltern  commanders,  Puy,  Rosette,  Mar- 
hado,  and  others,  in  all  their  marches,  constantly  left  traces  of 
blood,  and  of  the  most  barbarous  cruelties,  of  which  I will  relate 
some  shocking  instances,  in  their  proper  plaees. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


55 


When  Boves  left  general  Cagigal  before  Maturin,  he  retired  to 
Calabezo,  whither  Marino  went  with  10C0  men  to  attack  and  sur- 
prise him  ; confident  of  destroying  this  new  enemy.  But  Boves, 
with  his  500  men,  not  only  repulsed  him,  but  routed  him  after  a 
short  conflict,  on  the  13th  December,  IS  13. 

Boves  now  took  very  active  measures  to  augment  his  forces. 
He  levied  heavy  taxes,  and  extraordinary  contributions  upon  the 
inhabitants  of  the  surrounding  countries,  threatening  them  with  fire 
and  sword,  in  case  of  refusal  to  pay  them.  He  acted  as  if  he  had 
been  absolute  master  and  commander  in  chief.  He  took  no  ad- 
vice. He  entirely  disregarded  the  authority  of  Monteverde, 
whom  he  considered  as  a usurper,  and  despised  as  a weak  man. 
He  organised  a great  number  of  guerillas,  which  procured  him 
money,  men,  horses  and  mules  ; and  began  his  operations  by  at- 
tacking Camacagua,  where  he  made  some  prisoners.  He  marched 
upon  Vittoria,  Rosette,  Mumara,  and  the  town  of  Chaguaramas, 
where  he  routed  the  enemy. 

He  again  established  his  head  quarters  at  Calabazo,  whence  he 
sent  out  different  parties,  which  took  possession  of  the  positions  of 
Charaguave,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Caracas. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Discontent  of  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela  with  the  Dictatorial 
Government — Convention  held  at  Caracas — Skirmish  of  Flora 
— Execution  of  1200  Spaniards  by  order  of  Bolivar — Action 
of  San  J\ lateo — Sending  of  Deputies  to  London  by  order  of  the 
Dictator — Victory  of  the  Patriots.  1813 — 14. 

The  rapid  and  unexpected  success  of  Boves,  and  his  sudden 
appearance  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  capital  of  Caracas,  the  in- 
surrection of  various  towns  and  places  of  the  interior  not  distant 
from  Caracas,  in  favor  of  the  Spaniards,  the  vexations  of  the 
agents  of  the  dictator,  and  his  arbitrary  measures,  by  which  the 
public  misery  increased  daily,  made  a very  unfavorable  impres- 
sion on  the  minds  of  the  Caraguins.  The  majority  loudly  imputed 
the  fault  to  the  dictator,  Bolivar.  They  accused  him  of  establish- 
ing a military  and  despotic  government,  putting  the  finances  into 
the  greatest  disorder,  neglecting  to  organize  and  discipline  the 
troops,  which  were  in  a miserable  condition,  of  having  constantly 


5G 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


opposed  the  formation  of  a Congress,  of  uniting  and  zealously  re- 
taing  the  three  powers  in  himself,  in  spite  of  the  advice  of  the  true 
friends  of  liberty. 

They  complained  that  he  acted  as  a sovereign  and  absolute 
master,  in  following  no  other  law  than  his  own  will,  and  many 
times  his  caprice.  The  fair  sex,  and  particularly  his  favorite  mis- 
tress, Segnorita  Josephine  Ma , commonly  called  Segnorita 

Pepa,  had  the  greatest  influence  in  many  nominations.  Many 
young  men,  relations  and  friends  of  these  female  favorites,  and 
who  had  no  other  merit,  obtained  grades  in  the  army,  and  lucra- 
tive offices,  in  preference  to  others.  One  of  them,  Charles  Sou- 
blette,  had,  as  I was  assured,  risen  in  a very  brilliant  and  rapid 
career. 

The  dictator  was  soon  apprised  of  the  general  dissatisfaction, 
and  perceiving  his  delicate  situation,  he  followed  the  advice  of 
some  friends  in  assembling  a kind  of  junta,  composed  of  the  most 
influential  inhabitants  of  Caracas,  which  was  held  in  the  convent 
of  San  Francisco,  in  the  capital,  January  1st,  1814.  His  inten- 
tions were  to  soothe  the  spirit  of  discontent,  by  appearing  to  com- 
ply with  the  general  wish,  by  establishing  a congress,  and  by 
rendering  a favorable  account  of  his  administration  during  the 
dictatorship.  He  appeared  on  the  1st  of  January,  1814,  in  this 
wTell  attended  assembly,  surrounded  by  a numerous  and  brilliant 
retinue  of  his  officers,  the  secretaries  of  state,  war,  and  justice,  and 
followed  by  a strong  body  guard.  The  square  before  the  con- 
vent, and  the  streets  through  which  he  had  to  pass,  were  occupied 
by  the  troops.  The  three  secretaries  read  long  memoirs,  in  which 
each  one  gave  an  account  of  the  transactions  of  his  department. 
After  this,  the  dictator,  placed  upon  an  elevated  armed  chair, 
rose  and  spoke  as  follows. 

“ Citizens,  The  hatred  vowed  to  tyranny  caused  my  departure 
from  Venezuela,  when  I perceived  my  country  a second  time  in 
chains  ; and  the  love  of  liberty  called  me  back  from  the  distant 
banks  of  the  Magdalena.  I have  overcome  all  obstacles  which  op- 
posed my  march  to  liberate  my  country  from  the  cruelties  and  hor- 
rors of  the  Spaniards.  My  elforls  have  succeeded  ; the  colossal 
power  of  the  enemy  has  been  destroyed,  & c. 

“ I have  consented  to  accept  and  keep  the  supreme  power,  in 
order  to  save  you  from  anarchy,  and  to  destroy  the  enemies  who 
would  have  supported  the  party  of  tyranny.  I have  given  you 
laws  ; I have  organized  an  administration  for  justice  and  the  finan- 
ces ; finally,  1 have  given  you  a government. 

“ Citizens,  I am  not  the  sovereign  ; your  representatives  will 
give  you  laws.  The  revenues  of  the  government  are  not  the 
property  of  those  who  govern  you.  Judge  now,  yourselves,  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


57 


without  partiality,  if  I have  sought  the  power  to  elevate  myself 
above  you,  or  if  I have  not  sacrificed  my  life,  my  soul,  every 
minute  of  my  time,  to  constitute  you  a nation,  to  augment  your 
means,  or  rather  to  create  them.” 

“ I now  aspire  to  transmit  this  power  to  the  representatives 
which  you  will  choose,  and  I am  convinced,  citizens,  that  you  will 
give  me  leave  to  resign  an  office  which  many  among  you  are  com- 
petent-to  occupy,  and  my  only  request  is,  that  you  will  leave  me 
the  only  honor  to  which  I aspire,  that  of  continuing  to  com- 
bat your  enemies  ; then  I will  never  rest  until  I see  liberty  estab- 
lished in  my  country.” 

This  speech  was  greatly  applauded,  and  various  motions  were 
made.  In  one,  the  orator  proposed  to  erect  a statue  to  the  dicta- 
tor, which  he  had  the  good  sense  positively  to  decline.  But 
another,  Don  Hurtado  de  Mendoza , the  same  who  was  lately 
sent  by  the  president  liberator,  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Lon- 
don, and  who,  in  May  1S28,  was  arrested  at  Kingston,  in  the 
island  of  Jamaica,  for  a debt,  contracted  in  London,  of  £3000 
sterling,  and  was  released  upon  bail.  This  person  made  a long 
speech,  exerting  himself  to  prove  the  necessity  of  leaving  the  su- 
preme power  in  the  hands  of  general  Bolivar , until  the  congress  of 
New  Grenada  could  meet,  and  the  two  great  provinces,  the  latter 
and  Venezuela,  be  united  under  one  government. 

This  proposal,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  sentiments  of  the  as- 
sembly, was,  nevertheless,  adopted,  because  no  one  dared  to  op- 
pose it  in  the  presence  of  the  dictator,  and  his  powerful  retinue. 
Bolivar  was  therefore  confirmed  dictator  of  the  western  part  of 
Venezuela,  and  nothing  further  was  ever  mentioned  of  the  convo- 
cation of  a congress,  nor  of  any  change  in  the  present  govern- 
ment. 

I have  translated  a great  part  of  the  speech  of  general  Bolivar, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  a short  comment.  This,  like  the  great- 
er part  of  his  speeches  and  proclamations,  contains  the  same  sen- 
timents, and  about  the  same  protestations  ; all  are  filled  with  high 
phrases  of  devotion  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  of  love  and  attach- 
ment to  his  country,  of  profound  submission  to  the  will  of  the 
people,  and  above  all,  of  a desire  to  resign  his  office,  and  to  enter 
into  the  common  class  of  simple  citizens.  From  1814  until  the 
present  day,  (July  1828,)  he  has  offered  his  resignation  on  every 
occasion.  But  in  fact  general  Bolivar  has  never  ceased  to  pos- 
sess the  supreme  power.  A man  who  firmly  resolves  to  resign 
power,  is  always  able  to  do  it.  What  did  general  Washington  ? 
and  what  has  the  present  liberator  done  from  1813,  to  the  present 
day? 


58 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Some  well  informed  persons  are  confident  that  Bolivar,  through 
some  friends,  suggested  to  Don  Hurtado  the  idea  of  making  this 
proposal  in  that  assembly,  for  the  purpose  of  sounding  public  opin- 
ion. If  we  compare  this  fact  with  what  has  happened  in  Angos- 
tura, in  Lima,  in  Bogota,  in  Carthagena,  and  now  in  Ocana,  the 
ground  of  such  confidence  will  be  by  no  means  doubted.  Gen- 
eral Bolivar,  in  his  last  message  to  the  national  convention,  assem- 
bled at  Ocana,  in  the  province  of  Carthagena,  containing  four 
closely  printed  columns  of  the  Gazeta  del  Gobierno,  dated  Bo- 
gota, February  29th,  1828,  speaks  much  more  plainly,  and  gives 
us  to  understand  that  the  military  power  is  the  support  of  civil 
society.  He  calls  the  members  of  the  assembly,  the  legitimate 
representatives  of  Colombia,  delegates  from  the  people,  “that 
sovereign  authority  of  which  he  is  the  subject  and  soldier,”  and 
resigns  into  their  hands  the  mace  of  the  president,  and  the  sword 
of  the  general.”  He  draws  a most  appalling  picture  of  the  disor- 
der, and  dangers  of  the  republic.  The  main  suggestions  of  the 
message,  are,  that  rights  and  selfish  interests  were  alone  heeded, 
but  duties  forgotten ; that  the  public  credit  was  threatened  with 
utter  ruin  ; that  the  government  was  essentially  ill  constituted,  all 
power  being  concentrated  in  the  legislature  ; that  the  right  of  suf- 
frage was  too  cheap,  and  too  much  diffused  ; that  the  juris- 
diction of  civil  authority  in  military  cases,  ought  to  be  no  longer 
tolerated  ; that  the  want  of  a general  system  of  police  pro- 
duced great  confusion,  and  the  grossest  abuses  ; that  the  spirit  of 
the  army  was  sensibly  deteriorated,  owing  partly  to  its  subjection 
to  the  civil  tribunals,  whose  doctrines  are  fatal  to  the  strict  disci- 
pline, the  passive  submission  and  blind  obedience,  which  form  the 
basis  of  military  power,  the  support  of  the  whole  society  ; that 
subordination  and  discipline  had  been  greatly  relaxed  too,  by  the 
obloquy  which  was  cast  upon  the  head  of  the  party  by  the  writings 
of  subalterns,  and  by  the  application  of  political  principles  to  the 
military  law  or  police  ; that  the  army  did  not  receive  half  its  pay  ; 
that  all  the  public  officers,  except  those  of  the  treasury,  had  suf- 
fered the  greatest  misery  and  distress  ; that  Colombia  could  not 
expect  to  be  regarded  or  valued  by  foreign  states,  unless  her 
internal  affairs  were  well  managed — in  short,  that  a new  distribu- 
tion of-power,  inexorable  laws,  were  imperatively  demanded  ; that 
a stronger  executive  is  indispensalle,  a firm,  vigorous  and  just  gov- 
ernment is  the  cry  of  the  country.  The  liberator  finishes  this 
long  message  by  representing  himself  as  a simple  citizen,  no  long- 
er distinct  from  the  multitude,  and  imploring  from  the  convention, 
a system  under  which  the  laws  should  be  obeyed,  the  magistrate 
respected,  and  the  people  free. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


59 


We  see  in  this  remarkable  and  characteristic  document,  the  se- 
cret wishes  of  the  president  liberator,  expressed  in  very  clear  and 
distinct  terms.  But  to  return  to  Caracas. 

The  dictatorial  power  was,  in  consequence  of  Hurtado’s  propo- 
sal, continued  for  the  government  of  those  provinces  of  Venezu- 
ela in  the  power  of  Bolivar  and  Marino.  Meanwhile  the  Span- 
iards gained  more  ground  and  greater  forces.  Among  the  latter, 
Boves  was  most  formidable  in  regard  to  his  skill,  his  activity  and 
audacity.  Boves  departed  February  1st,  with  600  infantry,  and 
1500  horse,  from  Calabezo,  surprised  the  advance  guard  of  the 
patriots  at  Flores,  and  put  every  one  of  them  to  the  sword.  He 
marched  afterwards  against  the  corps  of  general  Campo  Elias, 
posted  near 'the  village  of  San  Juan  de  los  Morros,  routed  him, 
and  killed  all  the  prisoners.  Boves  was  wounded,  and  forced  to 
establish  his  head  quarters  in  the  city  of  La  Villa  del  Cura.  He 
detached  from  thence  two  columns,  one  under  the  command  of 
captain  Rosette,  and  the  other  under  Morales,  with  orders  to 
march  upon  the  city  of  Caracas. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  capital,  alarmed  at  the  approach  of  the 
enemy,  raised,  in  the  greatest  haste,  1000  men,  entrusted  them 
with  the  defence  of  the  city,  and  gave  them  two  field  pieces. 

The  Spanish  division,  under  Yanes,  beaten  on  the  5th  Decem- 
ber at  Araura,  was  totally  routed.  He  retired  to  Nutrias,  and  from 
thence  to  San  Fernando  de  Apure,  where  he  recruited  quickly,  so 
as  to  be  enabled  to  take  the  field.  He  attacked  the  city  of  Ospino 
on  the  2d  of  February,  but  in  the  midst  of  the  action,  a republican 
column  returning  fromTugule,  attacked  suddenly  his  right  flank; 
Yanes  came  up  in  support  of  this  wing  with  a company  of  carbin- 
iers, and  received  two  musket  balls  which  killed  him.  The  Span- 
iards came  in  disorder,  but  Calzada  took  the  command,  rallied 
them,  attacked  the  enemy,  and  forced  its  retreat. 

Calzada  established  his  head  quarters  the  19th  at  Araura.  Col. 
Cevallos  marched  Feb.  3d  towards  Morituco,  arrived  March  7th 
at  Tacaraqua,  and  on  the  9th  surprised  the  enemy  before  Bar- 
quisimeto,  under  the  command  of  general  Urdaneta,  and  colonel 
\ illapol.  They  fought  bravely,  but  their  position  having  been 
turned  by  the  regiment  of  New  Grenada,  they  were  beaten,  with 
the  loss  of  about  200  men.  The  Spaniards  entered  Barquisimeto, 
where  they  committed  many  cruelties  upon  the  remaining  inhabit- 
ants; Cevallos  marched  from  thence  towards  Quibor  and  Tocuyo. 

The  dictator,  Bolivar,  having  been  informed  that  the  Spanish 
chieftains,  particularly  Boves  and  Morales,  had  committed  great 
cruelties  wherever  they  passed,  and  had  put  to  death  prisoners, 
peaceable  inhabitants,  nay,  even  women  and  children,  and  all  who 
appeared  to  them  not  attached  to  their  cause,  ordered  the  arrest  of 


00 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


all  the  Spaniards  and  Islenos  settled  at  Caracas  and  Laguira,  and 
published,  the  8th  ol  Feb.  1814,  a manifesto,  in  which  he  an- 
nounced this  arrest,  and  his  intention  to  put  all  these  individuals, 
together  with  the  Spanish  prisoners  of  war,  to  death , as  a retaliation 
for  the  victims  who  had  fallen  by  the  cruelty  of  the  Spaniards. 
He  announced  the  execution  of  this  sentence  to  be  at  Caracas  and 
Laguira,  the  14th,  15th,  and  16th  of  February. 

This  bloody  sentence  was  effectually  executed  upon  1253  Span- 
iards and  Islenos,  prisoners  of  war,  merchants,  and  others,  who 
had  never  taken  arms  against  the  dictator,  and  who  were  establish- 
ed in  Curacao  and  Laguira.  Of  these,  823  were  shot  at  Caracas, 
and  430  at  Laguira.  These  executions  lasted  the  three  appointed 
days,  without  any  other  trial  or  judgment.  The  dictator  would 
hear  no  representation,  no  entreaty.  Nothing  could  save  them. — 
Amongst  these  victims,  were  men  unable  to  walk  by  reason  of  in- 
firmity or  age,  many  of  them  being  80  years  old  and  upwards. — 
They  were  put  into  an  arm  chair  strongly  tied,  drawn  to  the  place 
of  execution,  and  shot ! — Those  who  at  that  time  lived  at  Caracas  or 
in  Laguira,  have  assured  me  of  this  notorious  fact.  It  can  also  be 
found  in  a printed  manifesto,  which  the  Spanish  Junta  ordered  to 
be  published,  after  the  evacuation  of  Caracas  by  the  dictator,  (July 
1814,)  together  with  the  details  of  this  horrid  butchery,  and  of  some 
very  pathetic  scenes  between  these  victims  and  their  surviving 
families. 

Boves  soon  recovered  from  his  wound,  and  on  the  12th  of  Feb. 
attacked  the  patriots  under  Ribas,  not  far  from  Victoria,  and  was 
totally  routed.  In  this  bloody  conflict,  neither  party  kept  any 
prisoners,  all  were  killed  after  the  action.  But  Ribas,  instead  of 
pursuing  his  advantage,  and  endeavoring  to  destroy  the  forces  of 
Boves,  left  the  command  of  his  troops  to  colonel  Campo  Elias, 
who  remained  quiet  at  Valencia,  while  the  general  returned  to 
Caracas.  Bolivar,  observing  with  anxiety  the  rapid  progress  of 
the  Spaniards,  united  at  Valencia,  all  his  disposable  forces,  and 
marched  against  Boves  on  the  19th  of  Feb.  He  marched  towards 
San  Mateo,  while  a small  squadron  of  armed  boats  and  transports, 
loaded  with  troops,  were  passing  along  the  shores  of  the  beautiful 
lake  Valencia,  to  protect  the  plantations  of  tobacco,  much  of  which 
was  raised  in  this  district. 

Boves  having  promptly  rallied  his  routed  troops,  with  the  re- 
mainder of  his  division,  marched  to  San  Mateo  to  meet  the  dicta- 
tor, and  while  the  latter  was  at  his  country  seat,  occupied  all  the 
surrounding  hills.  Boves  expecting  Bolivar  to  come  and  attack 
him,  was  disappointed.  The  dictator  remained  quiet  in  his  head 
quarters.  He  tried  to  surprise  Bolivar,  but  was  repelled.  He 
now  made  a ruse  de  guerre , which  succeeded.  He  tried  to  de- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


61 


ceive  the  Patriots  in  the  valley,  by  attacking  their  posts,  which 
were  soon  supported  by  the  remander  of  the  troops.  By  feigning 
a retreat,  he  drew  them  into  an  ambush  of  a strong  body  of  cav- 
alry, having  black  colors  at  the  ends  of  their  lances,  which  fell 
suddenly,  with  loud  cries,  upon  the  rear  and  wings,  while  Boves 
assailed  them  in  front.  Very  few  of  Bolivar’s  troops  were  able  to 
escape.  The  dictator  and  some  of  his  officers  saved  their  lives 
by  the  speed  of  their  horses. 

The  dictator  and  his  staff  were  just  called  to  dinner,  when  the 
attack  commenced.  A few  hours  after,  Boves  and  his  officers 
entered,  gaily,  and  sat  down  to  the  dinner  prepared  for  the  former. 
Boves  on  leaving  San  Mateo  burned  the  house,  and  destroyed  its 
appurtenances.  The  military  operations,  on  both  sides,  were  di- 
rected with  so  little  order,  that  continual  changes  took  place  in  the 
occupation  of  cities  and  ground.  No  one  could  depend  upon  con- 
tinuing to  possess  even  a small  farm,  far  less  a town  or  a province. 
Daily  skirmishes  took  place,  followed  by  cruelties  upon  the  de- 
fenceless inhabitants,  who  were  daily  in  danger  of  being  vexed  or 
murdered.  To  relate  all  these  little  actions,  which  ruined  the 
country,  without  any  benefit  to  either  of  the  contending  parties, 
would  be  increasing  the  pages  of  this  limited  work,  without  any 
advantage  to  the  reader.  I will,  therefore,  relate  here  no  transac- 
tions but  those  of  the  greatest  interest. 

The  Spaniards,  whose  forces  increased  rapidly,  saw  the  neces- 
sity of  having  more  union  in  their  operations,  and  particularly  of 
having  a commander  in  chief.  Monteverde  having,  in  consequence 
of  his  wound,  embarked  from  Porto  Cabello  for  the  island  of 
Curacao,  where  he  spent,  during  several  months,  one  hundred 
dollars  daily,  for  the  expense  of  his  table.  This  fact  alone,*  af- 
fords convincing  proof  of  the  vexations  and  the  plunder  committed 
on  the  Main  during  the  command  of  Monteverde,  who  had  been, 
as  I have  mentioned,  a poor  and  destitute  subaltern. 

General  Cagigal  received  his  nomination  as  captain  general  and 
commander  in  chief  of  the  Spanish  army,  in  April,  captain  gener- 
al Millares  having  retired.  He  arrived  from  Angostura  with  a 
numerous  retinue,  at  San  Carlos,  where  Cevallos  and  Calzada 
were  waiting  for  him  with  their  troops.  He  took  the  command  in 
chief,  ordered  large  supplies  of  ammunition  and  other  warlike  stores 
from  Porto  Cabello,  also  400  horses  from  other  parts  of  Venezu- 
ela, and  recruited  a large  number  of  men. 

Meanwhile,  the  dictator  made  an  attempt  to  gain  the  protection 
of  the  British  government.  On  the  12th  of  May,  he  sent  off  the 


I have  this  feet,  from  the  mistress  of  the  boarding  house  at  (Juracao,  where  he  lived. 


G2 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


colonels  Linode  Clemente  and  John  Robertson,  for  London,  in 
order  to  obtain  favorable  treaties  of  commerce,  and  other  supports. 
They  embarked  at  Laguira,  in  the  English  frigate  Palma,  the  com- 
mander of  which  offered  them  passage.  On  their  arrival  at  St. 
Thomas’s,  the  Danish  governor  refused  to  admit  them  in  their  di- 
plomatic character,  and  they  returned  to  Laguira  and  Caracas. 
The  dictator,  occupied  with  more  important  concerns,  relinquished 
the  plan,  and  thought  of  it  no  mote. 

Laguira,  being  besieged  by  a strong  body  of  Roves’  troops, 
general  Piar  marched  in  support  of  the  city.  The  besiegers  were 
attacked,  and  routed  with  the  loss  of  400  men ; and  were  com- 
pelled to  raise  the  seige. 

The  Gazette  Extraordinary  of  Caracas,  published  the  31st  of 
May,  1814,  stated  that 

“ A general  artillery  salvo,  fired  at  8 o’clock  this  morning,  an- 
nounced to  the  inhabitants,  the  brilliant  and  decisive  victory  gained 
by  the  republican  army  over  the  Spaniards,  on  the  plains  of  Car- 
abozo.  The  following  is  the  official  account.” 

“ 1 have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  your  Excellency  of  the  com- 
plete victory  of  our  army  over  that  of  Spain,  under  the  command 
of  general  Cagigal  and  colonel  Cevallos,  in  the  savannas  of  Cara- 
bozo,  at  six  leagues  distance  from  this  city,  (Valencia.)  Their 
troops  have  been  totally  destroyed,  with  little  loss  on  our  side. 
They  left  on  the  field  of  battle,  all  their  artillery,  munitions,  bag- 
gage, a great  many  dead,  2000  horses,  all  that  had  belonged  to 
them,  colors,  drums,  arms,  forges,  &c.  included.  The  few  re- 
maining soldiers  fled  into  the  woods,  and  were  pursued  on  all  sides, 
Sixty  or  seventy  horsemen,  with  Cevallos,  barely  escaped ; our 
squadrons  pursuing  them  with  ardor,  &c.  &c. 

. ( Signed ) ANTONIO  MUNOS  TEBAR. 

Head  Quarters  at  Valencia,  29th  May,  1814.” 

From  this  time,  which  was  the  ne  plus  ultra  of  the  patriot 
achievements  under  the  dictatorship,  their  star  declined,  and  that 
of  Spain  once  more  gained  the  ascendant.  The  misfortunes  of 
the  patriots  were  the  natural  result  of  the  inactivity  in  which  their 
leaders  indulged,  who,  instead  of  pursuing  the  advantages  they 
gained,  and  making  every  exertion  to  destroy  the  remnant  of  the 
Spanish  forces,  particularly  by  attacking  Boves,  relied  too  much 
on  their  partial  successes,  and  gave  the  enemy  time  to  recruit,  and 
to  supply  all  their  losses. 

Moreover,  the  dictator,  Bolivar,  had  made  himself  many  ene- 
mies by  his  haughty  manner,  his  arbitrary  conduct,  and  his  contra- 
dictory decrees  and  regulations,  given  one  day  and  revoked  anoth- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


63 


er ; but  especially  by  having  never  taken  a single  step  towards 
convening  a congress,  and  carefully  avoiding  every  occasion  to  com- 
ply with  the  wishes  of  a majority  of  the  people.  The  still  heavy, 
extraordinary  taxes,  and  the  forced  contributions,  paid  from  the 
beginning  of  his  dictatorship,  were  increased,  to  defray  the  public 
expenses ; commerce  and  industry  being  greatly  reduced  by  the 
heavy  duties  paid  at  the  custom  house  ; and  by  the  protracted  war, 
in  which  the  slaves  were  called  to  take  arms,  upon  the  promise  of 
their  liberty. 

The  army,  if  such  a band  of  badly  clothed,  ill  armed,  and  poor- 
ly disciplined  men,  can  be  so  called,  were  neither  regularly  paid, 
fed,  nor  drilled.  Those  who  belonged  to  his  staff  and  to  his  nu- 
merous body  guard,  were  much  better  treated  than  the  rest.  This 
created  great  jealousy  and  disaffection  among  the  others.  The 
effect  was,  that  when,  some  months  afterwards,  the  Spaniards  again 
took  possession  of  Caracas,  Laguira,  Valencia,  &c.,  thousands  of 
these  troops  passed  over  to  the  Spanish  army. 

During  the  inactivity  of  Bolivar,  the  enemy  had  full  time  to  re- 
pair his  losses.  Captain  general  Cagigal  was  by  no  means  a good 
military  officer,  but  he  was  an  excellent  administrator,  a good  poli- 
tician, a man  of  great  humanity  and  feeling,  polite  and  popular — 
and  these  qualities  gained  him  many  partizans. 

After  his  defeat,  he  retreated  to  San  Carlos,  and  Cevallos 
to  Barquisimeto ; at  which  places  they  both  employed  their 
utmost  exertions  to  rally  their  scattered  troops,  remount  their 
cavalry,  &tc. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  in  Venezuela,  that  in  spite  of  daily 
fighting,  nothing  had  been  gained  by  the  republicans,  for  w?ant 
of  able  and  skillful  leaders,  as  will  be  shown  in  the  following 
chapter. 


64 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Boves — Battle  of  La  Puerto — Defeat  and  flight  of  the  two  Dicta- 
tors— Caracas  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards — Bolivar  and 
Marino  embark  at  Cumana — Their  reception  at  Margarita  and 
Carupano — Their  arrival  at  Carthagena — Memoire  justifica- 
tive— Secret  history  of  their  conduct  at  Carthagena — Factions 
and  party  spirit  in  this  city — Particulars  of  what  happened  in 
the  assembly  of  the  legislative  body  at  Carthagena — Persecu- 
tions oj  the  author.  Year  1814. 

Amongst  all  the  Spanish  enemies  of  the  dictator,  at  that  time, 
BoveS  was  undoubtedly  the  most  dangerous  ; the  bravest,  and  most 
powerful.  A short  account  of  his  life  and  actions  may,  perhaps, 
be  interesting. 

Joseph  Thomas  Boves  was  one  of  those  partizan  chieftains,  dis- 
tinguished by  his  activity, audacity,  bravery,  skill  and  cruelty,  which, 
a time  of  civil  war  raises  from  a low  station,  to  the  summit  of  pow- 
er, for  the  terror  and  the  torment  of  those,  who  unfortunately  fall 
within  their  reach. 

He  was  a Castilian  by  birth,  and  of  very  low  extraction.  He 
came  to  the  Main  before  the  revolution,  as  a serjeant  of  the  Ma- 
rine corps,  and  obtained  the  command  of  a gun  boat,  employed  in 
watching  the  coast,  to  prevent  fraud  upon  the  customs.  Instead  of 
seizing  the  smugglers,  he  was  gained  over,  and  protected  them ; and 
being  detected  and  denounced,  he  was  cashiered,  and  punished 
with  some  months  confinement.  He  had  acquired  some  money, 
and  had  began  to  be  a pedlar,  travelling  from  the  plains  to  the 
capital,  and  back  to  the  plains  ; and  in  this  way  gained  his  liveli- 
hood. When  the  revolutionary  war  began,  his  ambition  awoke, 
and  he  intrigued  so  well  that  he  was  named  captain  of  militia.  As 
such,  he  accompanied  general  Cagigal  in  1813,  in  his  march 
against  Maturin,  of  which  an  account  has  been  given  in  a preceding 
chapter.*  Many  instances  of  his  barbarous  cruelty,  which  ren- 
dered him  the  terror  and  the  scourge  of  the  Venezuelans,  have  been 
also  related.  He  received  in  the  action  of  the  5th  December  1814, 
a wound  with  a lancet,  and  died  soon  after,  a brigadier  general. 


'See  Chapter  VI 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


65 


In  the  last  chapter,  some  account  was  given  of  the  condition  of 
the  contending  parties.  Amongst  the  Spaniards,  Boves  was  de- 
cidedly the  most  powerful  in  numbers  and  in  military  daring.  His 
infernal  division,  as  the  Spaniards  called  it,  was  a band  of  black 
and  colored  people,  who,  animated  by  the  hope  of  plunder  and 
the  prospect  of  committing  all  crimes  with  impunity,  and  by  the 
highest  expectation  of  reward  in  case  of  successs,  fought  with  per- 
fect desperation. 

Boves  having  speedily  united  his  forces,  marched  in  June, 
from  Calabozo  against  the  two  dictators,  Bolivar  and  Marino,  who 
had  formed  their  junction  at  La  Puerta,  a small  place  between  La 
Villa  de  Cura  and  the  city  of  San  Juan  de  Los  Morros.  The  Span- 
iards attacked  them  the  14th  of  the  same  month,  routed  them  com- 
pletely, killed  and  took  from  them  over  1500  men,  seven  guns, 
their  baggage,  &c.  Bolivar  fled  in  full  speed  towards  Caracas, 
and  Marino  to  Cumana.  Colonel  Diego  Talon  was  made  prison- 
er, and  hanged  the  day  after  the  battle,  in  the  city  of  Cura ; more 
than  60  officers  were  shot  by  order  of  Boves. 

By  this  victory,  the  latter  became  master  of  the  beautiful  plains 
of  Aragua;  he  also  intercepted  the  communications  of  the  capital 
with  the  interior,  with  the  corps  which  besieged  Porto  Cabello, 
and  with  the  garrison  in  the  fort  of  La  Cabrera.  He  marched 
without  loss  of  time  against  the  latter,  routed  a party  of  patriots, 
and  marched  upon  Valencia,  where  the  independents  had  fortified 
themselves  ; Boves  forced  them  to  retire  into  the  principal  street, 
which  was  strongly  barricadoed.  He  left  a strong  corps  to  besiege 
them,  and  marched  with  the  remainder  of  his  division  to  force 
the  patriots  to  raise  the  siege  of  Porto  Cabello.  These,  advised 
of  his  approach,  retreated  in  the  night  of  the  20th  of  June,  and 
marched  towards  Ocumare,  where  they  embarked  for  Laguira. 

Boves  entered  the  fortress  of  Porto  Cabello  the  1st  of  July, 
where  he  received  the  news  of  his  advancement  to  the  grade  of 
colonel  in  the  Spanish  army.  On  the  2d,  he  again  marched  against 
Valencia,  with  the  resolution  to  order  an  assault  and  to  force  the 
patriots  in  their  entrenchments.  They  were  compelled  to  surren- 
der by  capitulation.  He  detached  two  columns  to  march  through 
different  roads  upon  Caracas.  One  commanded  by  colonel  Ra- 
mon Gonzales  marched  through  Los  Cocuisas,  where  he  attacked 
a patriot  corps  which  had  retired  precipitately  towards  Los  Teques, 
upon  Bolivar’s  sending  advice  to  its  commander,  general  Ribas, 
that  the  enemy,  with  a second  column,  had  entered  the  other  road 
and  directed  its  march  towards  Los  Teques.  This  was  the  other 
column  of  Boves,  led  by  colonel  Mendoza.  The  column  of  Gon- 
zales followed  its  march  almost  to  San  Pedro,  in  order  to  call  off 
9 


GG 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


the  attention  of  the  enemy,  and  in  case  of  need,  to  assist  colonel 
Mendoza.  «* 

General  Ribas,  instead  of  the  dictator  Bolivar,  rallying  all  the 
disposable  forces  in  the  capital,  marched  at  the  head  of  the  di- 
vision against  Gonzales,  who  had  not  500  men,  whilst  Bolivar  and 
Ribas  were  more  than  1200  strong,  in  order  to  rout  him,  and  then 
to  fall  upon  the  second  column  and  save  Caracas.  But  Bolivar, 
quite  discouraged,  listened  to  the  advice  of  some  weak  friends,  and 
held  various  conferences  with  the  archbishop,  (who,  during  the 
dictatorship,  had  remained  at  Caracas,)  to  advise  with  him  “wheth- 
er it  would  not  be  best  to  evacuate  the  city  and  to  leave  it  in  the 
power  of  the  Spaniards  ?”  General  Ribas  wras  invited  to  these 
conferences;  he  indignantly  refused,  and  preferred  putting  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  troops,  to  consulting  a prelate  who  was  general- 
ly known  to  be  secretly  in  favor  of  Spain. 

The  spirit  of  the  inhabitants  wras  by  this  time  much  changed. 
Their  confidence  in  the  dictatorial  government  wras  of  course  great- 
ly diminished,  by  their  seeing,  that  in  spite  of  their  great  sacrifices 
during  a whole  year,  the  state  of  Venezuela  still  remained  misera- 
ble and  defenceless ; Caracas  having  no  money,  no  provisions,  no 
ammunition,  the  army,  so  called,  no  clothing,  nor  good  organization 
or  discipline.  The  dictator  himself  felt  it  necessary  to  abandon 
the  place,  and  he  did  so  in  great  haste. 

Colonel  Gonzales,  who  marched  through  Vittoria  towards  Anti- 
mano  at  two  leagues  distance  from  Caracas,  found  the  remainder 
of  the  discouraged  division  of  Ribas,  which  he  attacked.  Ribas 
himself  fought  bravely,  but  his  division  could  not  withstand  the 
force  of  Gonzales,  and  he  was  obliged  to  retreat.  This  excited 
great  consternation  among  the  inhabitants,  who  confided  in  the 
military  skill  and  bravery  of  general  Ribas,  rather  than  in  the 
dictator. 

Caracas  and  Laguira  were  evacuated  in  haste,  and  Bolivar  re- 
tired with  the  remainder  of  his  troops  upon  Barcelona  5nd  Cuma- 
na,  ordering  the  vessels  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Laguira  to  follow 
him. 

The  inhabitants  of  Caracas  were  again  left  in  the  power  of  the 
Spaniards.  Bolivar  requested  the  archbishop  to  preside  in  the 
Junta  entrusted  with  the  affairs  of  the  city,  and  left  them  to  their 
miserable  fate.  The  Junta  sent  some  deputies  to  colonel  Gonza- 
les, commending  to  him  the  care  of  the  city  and  its  inhabitants. 
He  entered  Caracas  the  17th  July,  1814. 

The  Patriots  had  some  hopes  in  the  division  of  general  Urdaneta 
and  the  troops  which  the  dictator  might  rally  in  his  retreat  on  Bar- 
celona ; but  the  former,  after  having  occupied  Barquisimeto,  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR.  67 

reinforced  his  division,  arrived  from  Truxillo,  and  was  attacked 
by  colonel  Cevallos  ; and  Bolivar  found  himself  suddenly  be- 
sieged and  surrounded  by  the  inhabitants  of  Barcelona  and  its  en- 
virons, who  revolted,  and  declared  in  favor  of  the  Spaniards. 
They  marched  against  him,  with  a strong  body  of  cavalry  in  the 
retreat  upon  Cumana  and  Maturin,  whilst  a column  of  the  divis- 
ion of  Boves  pursued  and  harrassed  his  rear  guard.  The  dicta- 
tor retreated  with  his  troops  to  Arguita,  not  far  distant  from  Bar- 
celona, where  Boves  attacked  and  routed  him  the  8th  of  August. 
The  dictator  lost  four  field  pieces,  about  a thousand  muskets,  and 
his  baggage  and  more  than  1500  men  were  killed  and  wounded. 

Bolivar  seeing  no  longer  any  hope  of  safety,  secretly,  in  the 
same  night,  left  his  troops,  and  departed  with  his  cousin,  general 
Ribas,  some  aid  de  camp#,  and  good  guides,  who  conducted  him 
through  by  roads  in  safety  to  the  city  of  Cumana,  where  he  ar- 
rived the  night  of  the  24th.  He  remained  a few  moments,  and 
then  immediately  embarked  on  board  the  Bianchi,  where  he 
judged  himself  safe.  Marino,  with  some  of  his  oflfcers,  followed 
him  soon  after. 

General  Ribas  had  in  vain  employed  all  his  exertions  to  prevail 
upon  the  dictator  not  to  despair  so  soon,  but  to  remain,  to  rally  the 
troops,  and  to  fortify  Cumana.  He  told  them  that  by  embarking, 
they  would  discourage  their  countrymen,  and  ruin  the  cause  of 
liberty.  But  his  expostulations  were  of  no  avail ; the  two  dicta- 
tors were  so  anxious  to  depart,  that  they  ordered  the  commander 
of  the  squadron,  Joseph  Bianchi,  to  cut  his  cables,  and  to  sail 
without  the  least  loss  of  time.  Ribas,  and  some  other  officers, 
were  highly  displeased  with  this  departure.  They  preferred  to 
remain,  and  to  die  in  the  cause  of  liberty  and  independence. 

As  soon  as  Bolivar  and  Marino  arrived  at  the  sea  port  of  Juan 
Griego,  in  the  island  of  Margarita,  the  general,  Arismendy,  sent 
them  word  “ that  he  was  surprised  to  find  them  both  coming  there 
like  fugitives  ; and  that,  if  they  departed  not  immediately  to  join 
their  brave  countrymen,  whom  they  had  left  in  so  cowardly  a 
manner,  he  would  treat  them  like  deserters,  and  shoot  them,  as 
they  deserved.” 

As  the  decided  character  of  general  Arismendy  was  perfectly 
known  to  them  both,  they  thought  it  not  proper  to  goon  shore,  and 
departed  precipitately  for  Carupano,  a large  burrough  and  harbor 
on  the  Main,  not  far  distant  from  Juan  Griego.  There  they  met 
colonel  Bermudes,  who,  with  some  patriots,  occupied  the  fort  and 
the  burrough.  Bermudes  astonished  to  see  them,  after  some  con- 
versation, abruptly  asked  general  Bolivar  what  he  had  done  with 
his  troops,  where  was  general  Ribas?  kc.  Bolivar,  some- 


68 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


what  confused,  answered  that  he  had  left  them  at  Cumana. — Ber- 
mudes  replied,  Well,  sir,  return  then,  immediately,  to  join  your 
troops ; if  not,  I will  treat  you  like  deserters,  and  try  you  before  a 
court  martial. 

Rebuked  and  disgraced  by  their  own  countrymen  and  subal- 
terns, and  feeling  their  forlorn  situation  ; instead  of  returning  to  the 
Main,  they  tried  a last  essay  to  put  themselves  in  safety.  They 
steered  towards  Carthagena,  where  every  one  was  astonished  to 
see  them  arrive,  the  25th  September  1814. 

The  cities  of  Cumana  and  Barcelona  were  occupied  by  the 
Spaniards  the.  29th  August,  and  Venezuela  fell  again  into  the  pow- 
er of  its  tyrants.  Ribas  and  Bermudes  assembled  some  troops 
and  marched  towards  Maturin,  where  they  were  joined  by  all  who 
remained  faithful  to  the  patriots. 

Bolivar  and  Marino  w'ere  received  at  Cathagena  in  a manner 
beyond  their  most  sanguine  hopes.  The  governor,  at  that  time 
called  the  president  of  this  province,  was  a generous,  honest,  and 
enlightened  patriot ; all  those  who  have  known  Manuel  Rodri- 
guez Torrices,  will  agree  with  us  in  saying  he  was  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  Grenadans.  He  received  every  stranger  with  great 
attention,  and  during  his  being  at  the  head  of  the  government  of 
the  province,  Carthagena  was  flourishing,  and  the  only  spot  on  the 
patriotic  Main,  where  security  and  liberty  were  to  be  found.  As 
soon  as  he  left  the  province,  to  be  president  of  the  executive  of 
New  Grenada,  at  Bogota,  consisting  of  three  members,  Carthage- 
na declined  in  its  prosperity  and  commerce,  and  became  the 
theatre  of  factions. 

The  two  ex-dictators  were  now  anxious  to  excuse  their  precipi- 
tate flight  from  Cumana,  and  published,  in  the  official  Gazette  of 
Carthagena,  of  the  30th  of  September,  a kind  of  justificatory  me- 
moir, too  remarkable  and  characteristic  not  to  he  translated  liter- 
ally. It  has  the  following  title  : — Arrival  of  Generals  Bolivar 
and  Marino , and  Exposition  of  the  motives  which  obliged  them  to 
leave  Venezuela,  and  to  seek  a refuge  in  JYeiv  Grenada. 

“ After  the  army  of  Venezuela,  under  the  orders  of  these  two 
officers,  had  suffered,  the  14th  of  June  last,  at  La  Puerta,  an 
unexpected  defeat,  in  consequence  of  which,  the  enemies  of  liberty 
remained  masters  of  the  fertile  plains  of  Araguaand  intercepted  the 
communication  between  the  capital,  and  the  cities  in  the  interior, 
with  the  army  of  the,  east,  the  besieging  corps  before  Porto  Cabel- 
lo,  and  the  fortification  of  La  Cabrera,  the  fate  of  the  republic  was 
decided.  The  cities  in  the  neighborhood  of  Caracas,  which 
alone  supported  the  struggle,  fell  suddenly  into  the  power  of  the 
enemy,  and  Caracas,  insolated,  and  without  resources,  even 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


69 


deprived  of  the  necessary  food,  was  no  longer  able  to  resist  the 
efforts  of  the  numerous  forces  which  assailed  it  from  all  sides. 

“In  spite  of  all  these  inconveniences,  the  chiefs  were  nevertheless 
resolved  to  defend  Caracas,  and  for  this  purpose  organised,  in  haste, 
all  the  forces  which  they  could  assemble  ; but  as  the  want  of  every 
thing  daily  increased,  the  enemy  approached.  The  enemy,  hop- 
ing to  be  reinforced,  appeared  to  suspend  bis  march,  and  to  assume 
again  the  defensive,  in  order  to  receive  them.  Gen.  Bolivar  was 
now  forced  to  order  a sortie  against  the  enemy,  who  had  advanced 
to  Antimano,  thinking  that  this  division  could,  not  be  the  principal 
corps  of  Boves,  who  was  occupied  in  besieging  Valencia. 

“ He  marched  on  the  6th  July,  with  his  small  army,  but  return- 
ed the  same  night  to  Caracas ; all  his  cavalry  and  a division  of  his 
infantry,  having  been  beaten  the  evening  of  the  same  day  by  a nu- 
merous body  of  troops,  which  were,  according  to  the  report  of  eye 
witnesses,  more  than  2000  men  strong,  whilst  the  republican  army 
amounted  not  to  600  infantry  and  400  horse.  The  first,  all  com- 
posed of  recruits,  neither  disciplined  nor  experienced;  the  latter, 
having  the  same  deficiencies,  were  badly  mounted.  Tbe  worst 
was  to  find  these  two  bodies,  spiritless,  without  confidence,  and 
discouraged  by  the  exaggerated  accounts  given  them  of  the  supe- 
rior forces  of  the  enemy,  by  individuals  interested  to  hinder  the 
sortie  of  the  troops.  It  would  have  been  imprudent  to  persist  and 
to  die  in  the  place,  without  munitions  or  provisions,  when  by  effect- 
ing a retreat  towards  the  eastern  provinces,  the  army  could  have 
been  reorganised,  and  put  in  a state,  not  only  to  keep  the  field,  but 
to  reconquer  the  lost  ground,  which  they  would  be  compelled  to 
leave  for- the  moment.  These  considerations  determined  the  gen- 
eral in  chief  to  evacuate  the  capital,  and  to  retire  with  the  troops 
which  were  in  garrison,  with  all  the  inhabitants,  and  what  belonged 
to  the  government,  towards  the  province  of  Barcelona,  where  some 
other  forces  could  be  assembled. 

“ Preparations  were  begun  the  7th  July  to  put  in  execution  the 
proposed  plan,  but  the  prodigious  number  of  emigrants  which  fol- 
lowed the  army,  whom  it  was  incumbent  on  us  to  protect ; the  great 
quantity  of  baggage  which  belonged  to  the  army,  the  want  of  horse 
for  its  transportation,  and  the  very  rough  and  bad  roads,  offered  so 
many  difficulties  and  inconveniences,  that  in  spite  of  all  speed,  it 
was  not  possible  we  could  arrive  in  less  than  twenty  days,  at  Bar- 
celona. 

General  Marino,  dictator  of  the  east  of  Venezuela,  had  already 
united  in  the  city  of  Aragua,  on  the  borders  of  the  plains  of  Ca- 
racas, all  the  troops  which  could  be  furnished  by  the  provinces  to 
continue  the  war ; but  these  recruits  were  also  raised  in  haste  and 


70 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


totally  undisciplined ; it  was  therefore  necessary  to  begin  to  drill 
them  before  the  opening  of  the  campaign.  He  was  occupied  with 
disciplining  them  when  he  received  the  advice  of  the  enemy’s  hav- 
ing taken  possession  of  Chaparro,  a village  10  leagues  from  Aragua. 
The  republican  army  was  less  than  1500  men  strong  in  infantry, 
and  700  cavalry,  while  the  enemy,  from  the  reports  received,  had 
more  than  3000  men  of  all  arms. 

“ The  republican  army  protected  the  city  of  Aragua,  covered 
by  the  river  of  the  same  name,  which  was  at  this  time  of  year  so 
deep,  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  ford  it.  Gen.  Bolivar,  relying 
upon  these  advantages,  waited  not  for  the  arrival  of  more  troops, 
which  were  in  march  to  reinforce  him,  but  principally  for  cartridges, 
of  which  he  was  in  great  need,  when  on  the  17th  of  August,  he 
received  a report  that  his  main  guard  posted  to  defend  the  princi- 
pal post  where  the  river  could  be  crossed,  had  retired,  and  that 
the  enemy  had  immediately  crossed  it.  The  battalion  of  chasseurs, 
which  was  sent  to  take  possession  again  of  the  post,  missed  unluck- 
ily the  road,  and  left  a free  passage  to  the  enemy,  who  soon  came 
very  near  to  the  guards,  which  protected  the  entry  of  the  city. 
The  action  began  with  a very  dreadful  and  destructive  fire  of  mus- 
ketry, which  lasted  more  than  four  hours;  but  the  cartridges  of  the 
defenders  of  Aragua,  (who  had  no  more  than  GO  thousand,)  were 
entirely  exhausted,  at  a moment  when  the  principal  corps  of  the 
enemy  (composed  of  more  than  five  thousand  men)  was  not  yet 
come  to  action.  In  those  circumstances,  nothing  was  to  be  done, 
but  to  try  to  save  some  of  the  troops  by  any  possible  means.  Gen. 
Bolivar  advanced  at  the  head  of  a piquet,  of  cavalry,  to  open  himself 
a road  to  Barcelona,  which,  as  he  was  told,  was  intercepted  or- 
dering the  remainder  to  follow  ill  the  same  direction.  But  his 
troops  were  recruits;  having  suffered  a loss  of  more  than  GOO  men 
in  killed  and  wounded,  a panic  terror  having  seized  them  on  seeing 
such  a numerous  body  of  enemies,  it  was  impossible  to  perform 
this  retreat  with  order  and  coolness.  Many  commanders  of  bat- 
talions had  been  killed,  which  increased  the  difficulty  of  the  re- 
treat, which  was  effected  in  great  disorder  upon  Barcelona  and 
San  Mateo.  Thus  were  totally  destroyed  all  hopes  of  raising 
again  the  forces  of  the  republic  of  Venezuela. 

“ Gen.  Bolivar  arrived  at  Barcelona,  which  he  found  in  insurrec- 
tion. There  he  united  the  few  troops  which  had  taken  this  road, 
and  directed  his  march  towards  Cumana,  in  the  rear  of  the  fami- 
lies which  had  emigrated  from  Caracas.  Terror  had  seized  every 
one,  and  each  was  thinking  how  best  to  fly.  The  troops  which  had 
perceived  the  danger,  were  the  first  who  fled.  The  confusion 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


71 


was  so  great  that  of  700  infantry  which  departed  from  Barcelo- 
na, there  were  not  200  men  left  in  a body. 

“ As  soon  as  general  Marino  heard  of  the  loss  suffered  by  the 
army  of  Aragua,  he  took  some  measures  for  security ; but  he  saw 
himself  forsaken  by  his  troops,  and  even  by  the  commandant  of  the 
fort  of  Cumana,  who  had  embarked  on  board  of  the  squadron,  and 
that  without  the  permission  of  the  general,  before  general  Bolivar’s 
entry  in  the  night  of  the  25th  August.  The  unexpected  news  that 
the  perfidious  commander  of  the  marine,  Joseph  Bianchi,  had  the 
intention  to  sail  that  same  night,  without  asking  or  waiting  for  leave 
from  government,  [or  speaking  more  plainly,  of  general  Marino,] 
who  had  given  him  the  command  and  the  treasury,  with  the  small 
quantity  of  ammunition  left,  forced  the  generals  of  Venezuela  to 
embark  themselves  in  order  to  save  their  property  ! 

“ When  they  arrived  at  Margarita,  and  afterwards  at  Carupano 
on  the  Main,  they  found  these  countries  in  anarchy,  in  consequence 
of  the  seditious  views  of  some  military  chieftains,  who  were  anxious 
to  raise  themselves  to  the  high  station  of  first  magistrates  ! 

“ After  having  tried  every  means  of  conciliation  which  prudence 
could  dictate,  being  convinced  of  the  obstinacy  of  these  seducers, 
in  order  to  avert  a civil  war,  which  would  have  been  unavoida- 
ble if  the  two  generals  had  tried  to  maintain  their  own  dignity* 
in  remaining  in  that  country,  they  adopted  the  moderate  res- 
olution of  quitting  Venezuela,  and  coming  to  this  capital  (Car- 
thagena)  to  go  farther  on,  and  take  the  command  of  the  army  of 
general  Urdaneta,  who  occupies  the  western  provinces  of  Vene- 
zuela, and  to  co-operate  in  their  way  to  the  complete  liberation  of 
New  Grenada.” 

Notice  here  this  justificatory  memoir.  It  is,  for  those  distant 
readers  who  know  nothing  about  the  circumstances,  very  suffi- 
cient, to  give  a plausible  coloring,  to  a dark,  and,  in  itself,  a very 
bad  picture. 

Having  been  perfectly  able  to  examine  minutely  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  events  related  in  this  memoir,  and  having  not  the 
least  interest  to  mislead  the  public,  I will  truly  and  faithfnlly  relate 
the  facts. 

Credible  eye-witnesses  of  both  parties  have  assured  us  positively, 
“that  the  column  of  colonel  Gonzales  exceeded  tlot  550  men,  that 
the  second  under  colonel  Mendoza  was  less.”  It  is  therefore 
cautiously  said  in  the  memoir  : according  to  the  reports  of  eye-wit- 
nesses, the  division  of  Gonzales  alone  was  two  thousand  men  strong  ! 


* We  take  leave  to  ask  what  sort  of  dignity  can  be  attribured  to  any  person  who 
leaves  his  post  without  permission  ? 


72 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


They  avow  that  the  capital  had  no  provisions;  that  when  they 
took  the  sudden  resolution  to  defend  it,  the  recruits,  raised  in  haste, 
stood  in  want  of  every  thing. — But  how  came  this  want  ? Bolivar 
and  Marino  possessed,  from  August  1813  until  July  1814,  a large 
part  of  the  provinces  of  Venezuela;  the  sea  ports  of  Laguira,  Cu- 
mana,  Barcelona,  OcUmare,  Carupano,  of  the  Island  of  Margarita, 
and  many  others,  offered  them  every  facility  from  abroad;  the 
great  enthusiasm  of  the  inhabitants,  in  the  beginning  of  their  honor- 
able enterprise,  gave  them  more  than  sufficient  means  to  bring  it  to 
a close.  All  contributed  to  facilitate  and  to  consolidate  their  con- 
quest. Instead  of  using  these  powerful  means  for  the  benefit  of 
their  cause,  they  ruined  the  country  by  a bad  administration  and 
arbitrary  measures.  And  when  they  thought  that  all  these  means 
were  exhausted,  they  lost  all  hopes  and  strength  of  mind ; they 
finally  put  themselves  in  safety,  and  left  thousands  of  their  coun- 
trymen, who  had  placed  the  greatest  confidence  in  them,  in  misery 
and  despair.  The  precipitate  flight  of  the  two  dictators  would 
have  destroyed  forever  the  sacred  cause  of  freedom,  if  their  sub- 
alterns, Ribas,  Villapol,  Urdaneta,  Paez,  Piar,  Arismendy,  Ber- 
mudes,  and  many  others,  had  not  acted  better  then  they  did  ! And 
when  the  two  latter  gave  them  well  deserved  reproaches,  they 
stigmatized  them  in  the  memoir,  as  seditious  men , who  were 
anxious  to  assume  the  power  of  a first  magistrate ! 

What  has  happened  with  the  victorious  troops  at  Carabobo  ? 
How  did  they  lose  the  precious  time  to  pursue  their  victory  gained 
over  Cagigal  and  Cevallos  ? Why  did  they  leave  them  time  to 
reorganize  their  forces  ? Why  not  at  once  fall  upon  Boves,  or  at 
least  organize  Guerillas  to  harrass  and  intercept  the  means  of  their 
enemies  ? These  had  to  struggle  against  public  opinion  and  all 
the  difficulties  which  climate,  the  nature  of  the  territory,  want  of 
every  thing,  put  in  their  way.  Instead  of  this,  Bolivar  had  all  the 
advantages  united,  which  required  no  more  than  an  ordinary  capaci- 
ty to  give  them  a fair  direction.  The  besieging  of  Porto  Cabello 
was  confided  to  the  hands  of  young  men  without  experience  and 
military  talents,  like  Giraldot  and  d’Ahugar.  We  have  known  very 
well  the  latter,  and  can  answer  for  him,  that  he  was  much  fitter  for 
intrigues,  as  he  showed  at  Cartliagena  in  1815,  then  to  command 
fifty  men ! 

The  siege  of  Porto  Cabello  lasted  from  August  1813  until  July 
1814,  and  wasted  much  money  and  many  men,  who,  however,  died 
not  in  battles,  hut  mostly  by  maladies  and  the  unhealthiness  of 
the  environs  of  that  fortress.  These  men,  and  the  money  for  all  the 
necessary  warlike  stores,  could  have  been  much  better  employed 
any  where  else,  as,  moreover,  the  least  check  spread  such  a panic 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


73 


through  their  camp,  that  they  left  cannon,  baggage  and  everything 
more  than  once,  and  raised  the  siege,  which  continued  to  last  un- 
til 1824,  at  which  time  Porto  Cabello  was  finnally  taken  by  capitu- 
lation. 

The  two  dictators  began  by  saying  “ that  the  unexpected  defeat 
of  the  14th  June,  at  La  Puerta,  decided  the  fate  of  the  Republic  of 
Venezuela',  and  that  the  communication  between  the  capital  and 
the  eastern  army , the  corps  which  besieged  Porto  Cabello,  and  the 
garrison  of  the  fortifications  at  La  Cabrera,  was  intercepted.  And 
they  despaired  when  they  publicly  acknowledge  the  existence  of 
an  army , (that  of  Marino,)  a besieging  corps,  and  a garrison  at  La 
Cabrera ; when  further  they  say,  that  Bolivar  had,  on  the  6th 
July.  600  infantry  and  400  cavalry,  and  that  he  determined  to 
march  to  the  eastern  provinces,  where  the  army  could  have  been 
reorganized  and  put  in  a state  to  reconquer  the  lost  ground.  And 
we  may  ask  the  reason  which  compelled  the  dictator  Bolivar  to 
return  the  same  evening  of  the  6th  July  so  quickly  to  Caracas  ? 
Where  left  he  his  1000  men?  It  appears  by  the  report  of  some 
well  informed  eye-witnesses,  that  he  acted  here  by  the  same  mo- 
tives which  caused  his  sudden  embarkation  at  Cumana,  at  Ocumare, 
(in  1816  ;)  his  desertion  from  Porto  Cabello,  (in  1812  ;)  his  flight 
from  Barcelona,  (in  1S17  ;)  his  going  from  Carthagena  to  King- 
ston in  Jamaica,  (in  1815  ;)  &lc.  &c.  Moreover,  have  the  Span- 
iards not  sufficiently  proved  that  the  dictators  left  behind  immense 
means,  by  which  they  have  carried  on  the  war  upon  the  Main  ten 
years  longer  ? What  shall  we  think  of  such  a confession  ? It  can 
only  mislead  strangers  totally  unacquainted  with  the  want  of  ca- 
pacity, the  ignorance  of  military  operations,  and  in  the  administration, 
of  these  chieftains. 

The  dictators  complain  of  the  too  great  quantity  of  baggage,  the 
prodigious  number  of  emigrants,  and  the  want  of  transports  in  their 
retreat.  May  we  ask  a simple  subaltern  officer,  of  the  least  expe- 
rience, if  he  would  not  have  burnt  or  destroyed  that  prodigious 
quantity  of  baggage,  which  opposed  the  quickness  of  a retreat  on 
similar  occasions  ? Bolivar  would  have  been  then  in  time  to  quell 
the  insurrection  at  Barcelona,  would  have  made  his  junction  with 
Marino,  whose  army  was  about  2000  men  strong,  and  probably 
have  repulsed,  if  not  beaten,  the  enemy.  And  what  has  been  the 
fate  of  all  these  emigrants,  who  put  their  last  hopes  upon  Bolivar? 
The  memoir  says  clearly  enough,  “ that  it  was  impossible  to  per- 
form this  retreat  with  order  and  coolness.”  It  states  further,  “ ter- 
ror had  seized  every  one,  and  each  was  thinking  how  best  to  fly.” 
The  troops  which  had  perceived  the  danger  were  the  first  which 
fled,  and  we  see  clearly,  that  the  dictator  provided  himself 
10 


74 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


with  good  guides  and  horses,  and  arrived  with  a few  officers  safe 
at  Cumana,  &c.  From  this,  can  be  easily  drawn  the  consequen- 
ces of  the  miserable  fate  of  these  emigrants,  of  whom  the  memoir 
speaks  not  a word,  in  spite  of  the  great  protection  promised  by  the 
dictator. 

What  signify  the  following  words  : “ As  soon  as  general  Ma- 
rino heard  of  the  loss  suffered  by  the  army  of  Aragua,  he  took 
some  measures  for  security  ?” — when,  some  paragraphs  before,  it  is 
stated,  “ that  general  Marino,  dictator  of  the  east  of  Venezuela,  had 
already  united  in  the  city  of  Aragua,  all  the  troops  which  could  be 
furnished  by  the  provinces,  to  continue  the  war?”  By  these  words 
it  should  appear  that  Marino  left  Aragua  before  the  attack,  or  that 
Bolivar  came  after  the  retreat  of  Marino,  with  his  recruits,  from 
Aragua  to  Cumana.  And  in  what  consisted  these  same  measures 
for  security,  taken  by  Marino?  Was  it  in  ordering  the  ammuni- 
tion to  be  embarked,  which  would  have  been  so  serviceable  to 
Bolivar’s  troops  ? or  was  it  in  embarking  hastily  his  trunks  and 
baggage,  and  the  money  of  the  public  treasury?  And  what  shall 
we  say  of  the  singular  reason  given  in  their  memoir : “ that  the 
newTs  of  the  intention  of  commodore  Bianchi  to  make  sail  &c. 
compelled  the  dictators  to  embark,  in  order  to  save  their  property ” — 
of  very  little  importance  is  indeed  the  loss  of  some  two  or  three 
vessels,  and  the  small  sum  which  is  called  so  pompously  the  public 
treasury , in  comparison  with  the  life,  liberty,  and  prosperity  of 
their  countrymen,  who  placed  full  confidence  in  the  skill,  the  vir- 
tue, and  the  bravery  of  the  two  dictators,  who  deserted,  in  order  to 
save  such  a trifle  ! The  truth  is  that  the  only  cause  of  this  unex- 
ampled desertion,  lay  not  at  all  in  the  salvation  of  that  property, 
hut  in  themselves,  as  Ribas  and  thousands  of  others  did  not  act 
so  prudently , as  Bolivar  and  Marino  did  in  Cumana.  If  there  wras 
something  to  be  saved  on  board  the  vessels,  Marino  was  alone 
enough  to  save  it ; but  Bolivar,  so  anxious  to  be  compared  with 
the  greatest  heroes  of  antiquity,  who  entered  in  triumph  eleven 
months  before  into  Caracas,  who  published  so  many  promising 
proclamations — Bolivar,  at  least,  should  have  remembered  that 
posterity  will  look  sharp  upon  his  actions,  and  place  them  in  their 
proper  light.  Tbit  fear  is  stronger  than  reason  and  reflection ; and 
Bolivar  forgot  every  thing  and  embarked. 

That  the  sacred  cause  of  liberty  was  not  at  all  extinguished  in 
Venezuela,  and  that  their  flight  w-as  very  improper,  will  be  seen  by 
the  events  of  which  we  shall  speak  hereafter. 

We  must  now  enter  into  some  particulars  which  will  throw  more 
light  upon  the  character  of  Bolivar,  and  show  how  grateful  he  was 
to  Carthagena,  to  that  little  republic,  which  assisted  him  so  power- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


75 


fully  in  his  first  expedition  against  Monteverde  in  1813,  and  which 
received  him  with  so  great  hospitality  and  unexpected  honors,  in 
September  1814,  where  Arismendy  and  Bermudes  (both  Vene- 
zuelans and  his  subalterns)  had  treated  him  literally  as  I have  re- 
lated. The  particulars  which  follow,  make  a distinct  and  char- 
acteristic picture  of  the  secret  history  of  Simon  Bolivar,  totally  un- 
known, but  of  which,  I vouch  for  the  truth  as  an  eye-witness, 
having  served,  at  that  time,  in  the  army  of  Carthagena. 

When  four  years  since,  an  article  in  the  American  of  New  York 
appeared,  announcing  that  I was  preparing  a history  of  the  Repub- 
lic of  Colombia,  some  good  friend  took  the  alarm,  fearing  I might 
publish  the  truth , and  used  every  exertion  to  preoccupy  public 
opinion  against  this  work,  by  trying  to  disparage  my  private  char- 
acter, and  services  at  Carthagena.  The  article  referred  to  ap- 
peared in  the  Aurora  at  Philadelphia,  about  four  years  ago.*  I 
have  always  despised  an  anonymous  writer  in  such  cases ; there  is 
a cowardice  in  aspersions  of  this  nature  against  a man,  who  came, 
as  a stranger,  to  an  hospitable  and  generous  country,  where  alone 
freedom  and  the  sacred  rights  of  mankind  are  to  be  found  in  the 
full  extent  of  their  vast  signification.  After  some  mature  reflection, 
and  the  suggestion  of  my  friends,  I suspected  that  the  article  against 
me  came  from  a certain  personage  at  Washington,  who  was  at  that 
time  a great  partizan,  and  an  intimate  Iriend  of  the  brothers  Pin- 
eres  at  Carthagena,  and  whom  I could,  if  necessary,  name. 

The  poor  Mr.  M.  consul  of  Colombia  at  New  York,  has  render- 
ed himself  ridiculous,  in  the  eyes  of  many  of  my  friends,  acquainted 
with  the  transaction  in  a certain  trifle,  which  showed  clearly  how 
much  he  feared  me. 

All  these  obscure  tnanoeuvers  shall  never  silence  me,  nor  hin- 
der me  from  telling  and  shewing  the  truth  by  facts  and  not  in  words 
only  ; those  facts,  related  by  me,  who  have  given  my  name,  and 
can  vouch  for  all  I say,  will  never  be  erased ; the  public  and  pos- 
terity will  best  judge  them,  and  not  the  selfish  and  interested  wri- 
ters of  some  anonymous  criticisms.  Napoleon  used  to  say,  11  ny  a 
quo  la  verite  qui  blesse  ! The  more  the  public  shall  hear  speaking 
against  me,  the  better  will  it  be  convinced  that  this  verite  les  a 
blesse.  I declare  here  that  I never  will  take  the  trouble  to  answer 
any  of  these  attacks  as  unworthy  of  me,  and  my  established  and 
well  known  character. 


* I have  never  attached  any  importance  to  such  an  attack,  and  therefore  cannot 
precisely  tell  in  what  number  the  article  appeared.  When  I twice  pressed  the  then 
Editor  of  the  Aurora,  to  give  me  the  name  of  his  correspondent  Americanus,  he  never 
answered  my  letter  ! 


76 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  generals  Bolivar  and  Marino  at  Car- 
thagena,  (September  1814)  Manuel  Rodriguez  Torrices  was  at  the 
head  of  the  government  of  this  province,  as  he  had  been  when 
Bolivar  served  in  1812  and  1S13  as  colonel.  He  was  an  attorney 
at  law,  an  honest  and  upright  man,  with  liberal  principles  and 
very  humane  and  moderate  ; but  he  had  a great  defect,  for  a man 
of  such  high  standing  ; he  was  too  wTeak,  too  indolent  and  too  fear- 
ful, and  but  little  fit  to  govern  a province  agitated  by  war  and 
factions.  This  weakness  had  encouraged,  a year  before,  various 
intriguers  to  attempt  getting  themselves  into  the  office  of  president ; 
he  hesitated  to  arrest  and  to  try  them  before  a court  of  justice. 
At  the  head  of  that  faction  were  the  brethren  Pineres.  The  elder, 
German,  was  president  of  the  high  court  of  justice  of  the  province  ; 
the  second,  Gabriel , vice-president  of  the  government  of  Cartha- 
gena.  Both  were  without  transcendant  merit,  but  since  the  revo- 
lution have  become  rich  and  powerful.  They  committed  great 
vexations,  and  lived  in  a high  and  luxurious  way.  The  soundest 
part  of  the  inhabitants  hated  and  feared  them,  as  being  audacious, 
very  intrigueing,  cunning,  vindictive,  and  as  having  a strong  party 
with  the  mob  and  all  those  who  had  nothing  to  lose.  The  presi- 
dent and  his  friends  were  well  aware  of  these  intrigues,  but  feared 
taking  severe  measures  against  them,  lest  the  mob  should  openly 
take  part  in  their  favour,  and,  revolting,  commit  great  depredations. 
This  weakness  rendered  them  of  course  more  audacious. 

Such  was  the  interior  state  of  Carthagena,  when  Bolivar  arrived 
from  Cumana.  He  immediately  united  himself  very  closely  with 
these  two  brothers,  because  they  llattered  him  greatly,  but  more 
because  they  were  great  enemies  of  Manuel  Castillo,  the  the  gen- 
eral-in-ehief  of  the  army  of  the  province  who  was  a relation  and 
and  an  intimate  friend  of  the  president  Torrices. 

I have  related  in  a preceding  chapter  how  Castillo  behaved  with 
Bolivar  in  1813,  and  the  reasons  on  which  was  afterwards  ground- 
ed [he  haired  between  these  two  ambitious  chieftains.  Bolivar, 
very  vindictive  but  perfectly  dissimulating,  was  very  glad  to  find  a 
good  occasion  to  avenge  himself  against  Castillo  ; and  as  the  time 
of  an  election  of  the  president  was  near,  Gabriel  Pineres  proposed 
confidentially  to  general  Bolivar  the  office  of  general-in-chief,  if  he 
would  assist  him  to  be  chosen  president.  The  latter  accepted  the 
proposal,  with  the  secret  intention,  as  well  informed  persons  say, 
to  put  aside  Pineres  and  to  name  himself  dictator  of  Cartha- 
gena, in  order  to  employ  all  the  means  which  the  province  had  at 
that  time,  to  march  a second  time  against  the  Spaniards.  This 
assertion  gains  much  credit,  as  it  is  well  known  by  those  who  know 
the  character  of  Bolivar,  that  he  would  never  have  consented  in 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


77 


earnest  to  accept  a subaltern  rank,  after  what  he  had  been  at  Car- 
acas. 

General  Bolivar,  on  arriving  at  Carthagena  had  taken  his  quar- 
ters at  the  palace  of  the  bishop,  who  had  emigrated,  where  Mrs. 
Soublette  and  her  two  pretty  daughters  were  established  a fortnight 
before  Bolivar’s  arrival.  The  two  sisters,  whom  I visited  various 
times,  talked  always  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm  of  general  Boli- 
var, whom  they  designated,  even  then,  by  the  name  of  poor  Si- 
mon, (in  relating  to  me  the  events  at  Caracas,  where  they  had 
formerly  resided  with  their  mother  and  their  brother  Charles,)  and 
to  whom  they  appeared  to  be  uncommonly  and  tenderly  attached. 
The  inhabitants  of  Caracas  and  Laguira,  those  of  St.  Tomas  de 
La  Angostura  in  Guayana,  and  every  stranger,  who  resided  at  the 
latter  city  in  1818 — 19,  will  confirm  this  fact,  the  source,  as  they 
say,  of  the  high  standing  of  Charles  Soublette,  the  present  secre- 
tary general  of  the  president  liberator. 

When  the  two  Pineres  had  settled  every  thing  with  general  Bol- 
ivar, they  bad  very  frequent  secret  conferences  with  him  and 
their  partizans.  Marino,  and  a great  many  Caraguin  officers  were 
initiated  ; the  former  living  in  the  house  of  Gabriel  Pineres.  The 
latter  gained  about  twenty  deputies  of  the  most  intrigueing  and 
noisy  class  ; and  the  money  which  the  dictators  had  brought  with 
them,  served  to  gain  more  adherents. 

At  that  time  were  assembled  at  Carthagena  more  than  800 
strangers,  counting  the  owners  and  the  crews  of  privateers. 
Among  them  Pineres  had  a strong  party,  because  Torrices  bad 
laid  heavy  duties  on  the  prize  merchandise,  and  had  limited  the 
privateering  business,  by  which  Carthagena  subsisted  in  a great 
measure  at  that  time.  Pineres,  knowing  the  persons  concerned  in 
the  privateers  were  not  much  satisfied  with  those  restrictions,  em- 
ployed every  means  to  ferment  this  dissatisfaction.  One  of  these 
means  was  to  post  up  a libel  against  the  existing  government,  in 
which  he  said  that  the  majority  of  the  strangers  were  on  the  side 
of  the  vice  president  Pineres  ; that  they  should  open  their  eyes 
upon  the  vexations  and  the  tyranny  of  Torrices,  and  promising 
formally  that  all  would  change  in  their  favour,  if  they  would  sup- 
port him  in  the  approaching  election,  &c. 

The  police  officers  seeing  these  libels  on  the  church  doors  and 
at  he  corners  of  the  streets,  the  next  morning,  showed  them  to  the 
president  and  the  general-in-chief,  Castillo.  I was  some  time  pre- 
vious to  this  event  in  the  service  of  the  army  of  Carthagena  at 
the  solicitation  of  the  president  and  the  general-in-chief.  They 
could  not  offer  me  more  than  the  grade  of  colonel,  in  virtue  of  the 
constitution,  by  which  the  Congress  of  New  Grenada  sitting  at 


78 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Tunja  had  reserved  the  exclusive  right  to  name  and  to  confirm  all 
the  generals ; but  as  I had  not  come  to  seek  any  grade,  hut  to 
serve  the  sacred  cause  of  freedom  as  I did  at  the  beginning  of  the 
French  revolution,  I contented  myself  with  the  solemn  promise  of 
these  two  gentlemen,  to  deliver  my  brevet  of  general  to  the  pre- 
sident Torrices,  who  took  upon  himself  to  send  it  to  the  Congress 
of  New  Grenada  to  be  confirmed,  and  I accepted  provisionally  to 
serve  as  colonel  in  this  army,  until  the  return  of  my  commission. 
Since  then  I have  heard  nothing  more  of  it.  Castillo  and  his  su- 
perior, general  Cortez  of  Campomanes,  were  no  more  at  that  time 
than  colonels,  but  were  called  generals. 

The  president,  Torrices,  on  seeing  this  libel,  sent  immediately 
for  the  general-in-chief  and  the  corregidor,  as  chief  of  the  police, 
and  communicated  to  them  the  paper.  Castillo,  after  some  conver- 
tion,  suggested  the  idea  of  calling  on  me  as  a man  whom  they  could 
rely  on  and  consult  with.  We  were  intimate,  and  so  he  came  to 
my  house.  I had  seen  the  libel  and  was  much  better  acquainted 
with  the  facts,  than  he  and  the  president  coidd  be.  I assured  him 
that  the  government  could  count  upon  the  firm  resolution  of  a 
great  majority  to  support  it.  They  departed  together  to  the  palace 
where  Ducoudray  repeated  to  the  president  Torrices,  yet  pale  and 
agitated,  what  he  had  said  to  Castillo.  Ducoudray  spoke  then 
with  some  of  the  owners  of  the  privateers  ; amongst  them  was  Mr. 
Charles  I.  from  New  Orleans,  an  enterprising,  wealthy,  and  very 
determined  man,  who  had  a great  ascendency  over  the  other  cap- 
tains of  tlie  privateers.  He  convoked  them,  and,  in  a short  speech, 
persuaded  them  to  rally  round  the  existing  government,  and  oppose 
any  faction  that  should  try  to  overthrow  it,  &cc.  This  had  a very 
good  effect,  and  amongst  them  was,  I must  say  to  their  honor,  not 
a single  dissenting  voice.  Every  measure  was  taken  with  the  gen- 
eral-in-chief,  to  whom  Ducoudray  was  called.  The  latter  was 
named  the  commander  of  all  the  strangers  residing  in  the  fortress. 
The  numerous  crews  of  the  privateers  were  secretly  debarked, 
armed,  and  organized  in  companies,  and  divided  into  the  different 
quarters  of  the  city,  and  at  the  most  important  posts  on  the  wall, 
at  the  batteries,  &c.  The  day  before  the  sitting  of  the  legislature, 
all  was  in  the  greatest  activity.  Ducoudray  and  Castillo  went 
about  the  whole  night,  busy  in  visiting  the  posts  and  giving  the  ne- 
cessary orders.  All  the  captains  of  privateers,  the  foreign  officers 
and  merchants,  French,  English  and  German,  and  the  comman- 
ders of  a good  armed  Battalion  of  coloured  French  people,  can- 
not be  too  much  praised  for  their  exertions  to  maintain  a very  se- 
vere discipline  amongst  such  an  assemblage  of  men  from  different 
countries,  and  of  different  colour ; and  what  is  much  more  to  be 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


79 


admired,  is,  that  during  the  two  days  and  three  nights  of  their  be- 
ing under  arms,  not  a single  excess  was  committed,  not  a single 
complaint  of  disorder  was  brought  before  Ducoudray  or  Castillo. 
The  inhabitants  of  Cartliagena  will,  if  they  ever  see  this  account, 
confirm  what  is  here  stated.  Such  was  the  good  behaviour  of 
these  strangers,  so  generally  hated  by  the  Colombians  ! Should 
we  have  seen  a thousand  of  these  latter,  or  of  their  troops,  behave 
so  quietly,  as  did  these  800  strangers,  on  a similar  occasion  ? 

Meanwhile  the  brothers  Pineres,  Bolivar,  Marino,  and  their  ad- 
herents, were  busily  employed  in  preparing  their  means  to  strike 
a decisive  blow  in  the  assembly,  which  was  to  assemble  the  next 
morning  at  eleven  o’clock.  I was  that  same  evening  at  the  house 
of  Bolivar,  to  visit  the  Soublette  family,  and  found  there  a large 
assembly  of  Caraguins  ; but  Bolivar  was  busily  engaged  with  the 
Pineres  in  his  private  room.  I saw  going  into  and  out  of  his  cabi- 
net, a great  many  gentlemen,  and  amongst  them  the  personage  men- 
tioned before,  but  he  remained  not  a half  hour  in  the  house.  This 
resembled  very  much  one  of  the  most  active  head  quarters,  of 
which  I have  seen  some  during  my  military  career.  I could  say 
in  truth  that  the  moving  in  and  out  of  all  these,  not  naturally  very 
sitting  Caraguins,  would  have  filled  with  awe  and  fear,  any  one 
not  initiated  into  the  secret,  as  the  presage  of  some  extraordinary 
event,  as  if  the  enemy  was  to  besiege  the  place  ; while  the  palace 
of  the  president  was  quiet  and  deserted,  and  himself  sick,  and  in 
bed ! 

The  following  day,  the  representatives  of  the  legislature  of  the 
province  of  Cartliagena  assembled  at  their  usual  place,  in  the 
palace  of  the  now  abolished  inquisition.  All  the  members  were 
present  except  the  president  Torrices,  who  had,  during  the  night, 
a strong  fever,  the  effect  of  his  anxiety  of  mind.  Pineres,  his  an- 
tagonist, was  highly  pleased  on  hearing  this  news,  as  it  now  be- 
longed to  him  to  preside  in  the  assembly.  His  retinue,  as  Presi- 
dent on  this  occasion,  assembled  at  his  residence,  to  escort  him  with 
great  formality  to  the  assembly.  Ducoudray  arrived  with  his 
adjutants,  a little  later  than  the  appointed  hour,  and  found  a very 
large  company  assembled  in  the  saloons.  Don  Pineres  saw  him 
enter,  rose  from  his  seat,  came  to  meet  him  at  the  door  of  the  sa- 
loon, took  him  by  the  hand,  and  told  him  very  obligingly,  they  were 
then  waiting  for  him,  and  that  he  was  welcome ; he  took  his 
hat  to  put  it  upon  a table.  Ducoudray,  surprised  at  such  unusual 
attention  from  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  government,  suffered  it 
not,  but  threw  it  himself  upon  one  of  the  tables.  Pineres  assigned 
him  a seat  opposite  to  himself,  near  to  the  open  piazza,  inquired 
with  apparent  interest  after  the  state  of  his  health,  and  obligingly 


80 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


reproached  him  for  not  having  yet  called  to  see  him.  He  asked 
him  a number  of  insignificant  questions,  but  in  an  awkward  man- 
ner, and  with  a mind  very  much  preoccupied  and  distracted,  look- 
ing at  intervals  towards  the  door,  and  then  at  the  piazza,  which 
faced  the  great  square ; his  whole  behaviour  showed  clearly  great 
uneasiness  of  mind  and  anxiety.  Neither  Bolivar,  Marino  or  any 
of  the  Caraguin  officers,  not  employed  in  the  army  of  Carthagena, 
were  present. 

Soon  after  Ducoudray’s  arrival,  they  told  the  vice  president, 
Pineres,  “ all  was  ready  to  receive  him  at  the  assembly.  The 
numerous  retinue,  consisting  of  the  civil  and  military  officers  of  the 
province,  and  some  distinguished  strangers,  was  obliged  to  cross 
the  public  square  filled  with  troops,  in  order  of  battle,  and  paying 
him  the  usual  honors,  and  with  a great  crowd  of  people.  Pineres 
appeared  to  wish  to  harangue  these  troops,  but  Castillo  and 
Ducoudray  being  on  his  left  and  right  side,  and  observing  all  his 
movements,  were  ready  to  oppose  such  an  unusual  and  dangerous 
step.  He  appeared  to  have  observed  it,  then  after  having  looking 
some  minutes  at  them,  he  turned  abruptly  towards  general  Castillo, 
who  was  at  his  right,  and  told  him  Vamos,  Vamos ! (let  us  go, 
let  us  go.)  In  saying  these  words,  he  made  a motion  with  his  left 
arm,  and  saluted  with  the  right  hand,  in  which  he  held  his  hat, 
being  uncovered*. 

As  the  assembly  was  a public  one,  seats  were  reserved  in  its 
interior  for  the  general  in  chief,  and  the  other  officers,  and  for 
some  distinguished  strangers.  About  half  an  hour  after  the  open- 
ing of  the  sitting,  Gabriel  Pineres  presiding,  one  of  the  represen- 
tatives belonging  to  the  faction,  a great  friend  of  Pineres,  rose, 
and  made  a motion  to  convert  the  sitting  into  a secret  one,  to  treat 
and  debate  upon  a subject  of  the  highest  consequence,  in  which  it 
was  important  to  leave  to  the  deputies  the  liberty  to  speak,  without 
being  influenced  by  military  authority , and  still  less  by  stran- 
gers!. The  president,  Pineres,  rang  immediately  his  bell;  then 
there  were  heard  various  murmurs  among  some  of  the  members 
opposed  to  this  strange  motion.  Some  rose  to  speak,  but  Pineres 
called  to  order,  and  silenced  them.  He  ordered  the  serjeant  at 
arms  to  invite  every  one  not  belonging  to  the  assembly,  to  clear 
the  room,  and  to  close  the  doors  ; that  was  done,  and  astonished 
all,  as  being  an  unusual  and  extraordinary  measure  ; no  president 


* I enter  into  all  these  details  in  order  to  show  the  character  of  these  rulers  in  their 
true  light,  not  by  reasoning,  as  so  many  writers  have  done,  but  by  facts. 

t These  were  the  expressions  of  Dr.  S.  The  same  personage  w'ho  resided  some  years 
ago  at  Washington,  as  Minister  of  Colombia,  and  w ho  is  one  of  the  greatest  partisans 
and  flatterers  of  the  dictator. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


81 


of  an  assembly  in  a free  state  having  the  right  to  take  upon  him- 
self to  put  in  execution  a measure,  without  having  been  supported 
by  the  majority,  when  a motion  of  such  importance  is  made. 

Ducoudray,  who  sat  next  to  Castillo,  when  he  heard  this  strange 
and  insulting  motion  of  Dr.  S.  said  to  him,  laughing,  that  it  was  a 
forty  eight  pounder  directed  against  them,  and  remarked  to  him 
the  concert  which  was  visible  between  Pineres  ana  S.  as  the  for- 
mer silenced  with  his  bell  and  his  cries,  every  opposing  voice.  Cas- 
tillo informed  him  that  S.  had,  the  evening  previous,  very  frequent 
and  long  conferences  with  the  vice-president,  and  afterwards  with 
general  Bolivar,  and  was  seen  passing  three  or  four  times  from  the 
residence  of  the  one  to  the  other.  General  Ducoudray,  as  soon  as 
he  came  from  the  assembly,  sent  the  order  to  the  commander  of 
the  arsenal  to  deliver  the  four  brass  field-pieces,  which  he  had 
designated  the  day  before,  with  their  batteries  ; ordered  a larger 
number  of  cartridges  to  be  distributed  to  the  different  posts,  and 
sent  word  to  their  commander  to  be  ready  at  the  first  signal  given. 
Every  column  had  received,  the  night  before,  the  necessary  in- 
tructions,  and  the  most  severe  orders  were  given  to  suppress  any 
riotous  act,  and  prevent  bloodshed,  and  to  leave  the  most  perfect 
freedom  to  the  deputies.  But  as  the  president  Torrices  had  signi- 
fied in  his  conversation  with  Ducoudray  and  Castillo,  that  his 
friends  would  be  intimidated  from  acting  in  his  favor,  by  those  of 
the  faction,  he  requested  from  both,  a respectable  armed  force,  to 
support  these  friends  when  they  should  call  for  assistance. 

While  the  two  generals  were  on  the  floor  of  the  assembly,  they 
saw  enter  in  the  Corregidor,  Elias  Lopez,  being  called  to  the  bar 
as  the  director  of  the  police.  The  friends  of  Torrices,  well  in- 
formed that  a respectable  armed  force  was  ready  to  support  their 
independence,  were  not  to  be  moved  by  the  hostile  attempts  of  the 
friends  of  Pineres  against  '.lie  existing  government,  and  a large 
majority  voted  for  Manuel  Rodriguez  Torrices  to  be  continued  as 
president,  and  another  large  majority  elected  Don  Juan  de  Toledo 
as  vice-president,  so  that  Gabriel  Pineres  was  entirely  excluded. 
Enraged  at  this  defeat,  they  announced  that  an  armed  force  was 
assembled,  in  order  to  influence  the  assembly,  and  moved  the 
Corregidor  might  be  called  to  cot  firm  the  fact.  He  was  asked, 
“ it  it  was  true  that  an  armed  corps  of  strangers  were  assembled  ? 
by  whom  commanded  ? and  upon  what  authority  they  acted  &lc.  ?” 

The  faction  had  now  good  opportunity  to  avenge  themselves 
upon  Torrices,  in  accusing  Ducoudray,  who  acted  by  the  former 
authority  of  the  president,  and  the  general-in-chief.  But  as  Torri- 
ces had  not  explained  to  his  friends  in  the  assembly,  that  Ducou- 
dray had  received  full  authority  from  him  to  act  as  he  did,  the 
11 


82 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


decree  against  him,  passed  without  any  opposition.  The  sub- 
stance of  this  decree  was,  tliat  this  commander,  a stranger , (as 
they  designated  him,)  should  be  called  before  the  Corregidor,  and 
that  his  trial  should  commence  in  twenty-four  hours  after  this  ses- 
sion, as  having  committed  an  act  of  high  treason  against  the  repre- 
sentitives  of  the  people.  To  this  decree  was  wanting  a little  trifle, 
viz  : the  sanction  of  the  president,  to  whom  alone  the  executive 
power  was  confided. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  morning,  general  Ducoudray  received 
a written  invitation  from  the  Corregidor,  Elias  Lopez,  to  call  at  his 
office,  where  he,  the  Corregidor,  had  to  communicate  to  him  some 
business  concerning  the  said  Ducoudray.  As  the  latter  was  not 
at  all  acquainted  with  the  existence  of  such  an  accusation,  he  was 
surprised  to  receive  an  invitation  of  this  kind,  and  told  the  bearer 
to  be  so  good  as  to  tell  the  Mr.  Corregidor  that  if  he  had  seme  com- 
munication of  importance  to  make,  and  would  take  the  trouble  to 
do  it  personally,  or  in  writing,  and  call  on  him,  he  would  receive 
him  with  pleasure.  Some  minutes  after  Ducoudray  received 
an  official  letter  from  the  same  Coregidor  in  which  he  com- 
pelled him  to  give  a detailed  account  of  his  (Ducoudray’s)  con- 
duct during  the  night  of  the  1st  and  2d  October,  and  that  hy 
superior  order  ! Ducoudray  answered  him  in  his  letter,  “ that  as 
he  did  not  show  any  authority  superior  to  him,  other  than  that  of 
the  president  and  the  general-in-chief,  he  was  very  sorry  to  de- 
cline positively  giving  to  any  body  else  an  account  of  his  conduct, 
demanded  through  the  channel  of  Mr.  Corregidor.” 

In  receiving  this  answer,  the  Corregidor,  in  a great  rage,  called 
immediately  on  the  president,  and  denounced  general  Ducoudray 
formally,  showing. him  the  letter.  When  Torrices  had  under- 
stood the  whole  affair,  he  reproached  the  Corregidor  with  having 
acted  too  rashly,  in  serving,  as  an  instrument  of  a faction,  which 
had  tried  to  change  the  government,  and  assisting  them  to  ruin  an 
officer,  who  did  nothing  except  to  obey  his  instructions,  and  who 
acted  only  by  his  ( president  Torrices5)  formal  authority  ! That  he, 
the  Corregidor,  must  first  begin  hy  impeaching  him,  the  presi- 
dent, before  he  could  take  any  further  steps  against  this  officer,  &c. 

The  president  sent  his  aid  de  camp  to  general  Ducoudray  and 
communicated  to  him  all  that  had  happened  between  him,  the 
president,  and  the  Corregidor,  and  expressed  his  satisfaction  with 
Ducoudray’s  services.  The  Corregidor  came  some  days  after  to 
pay  a visit  to  general  Ducoudray,  and  they  were,  and  have  since 
remained,  very  good  friends. 

The  faction  was  silenced,  and  Torrices  remained  in  quiet  pos- 
session of  the  presidency. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


83 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Situation  of  New  Grenada — Arrival  of  General  Bolivar  at  the 
Congress  of  Tunja — His  reception — His  march  against  Bogota 
and  Carthagena — His  stay  at  JMompox — Correspondence  be- 
tween him  and  General  Castillo — Bolivar's  secret  motives  in 
besieging  Carthagena — Details  of  this  siege — Bolivar  embarks 
for  Kingston  in  the  island  of  Jamaica.  Years  1814-15. 

The  twenty-two  provinces  of  New  Grenada  rose  about  the  same 
time,  then,  the  eight  of  Venezuela  ; and  after  many  commotions  the 
provinces  of  Casanare,  Pamplona,  Tunja,  Neyva,  Popayan,  Car- 
thagena, Mariquita,  Antiochia,  Choco,  and  Socorro,  formed  an 
union,  and  on  the  27th  November  1811,  at  Bogota,  adopted  a 
federal  compact  in  68  articles  ; whereupon  a congress  was  assem- 
bled, which  united  in  itself  the  legislative  and  executive  power. 
But  this  compact  was  not  approved  of  by  the  leaders,  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Cundinamarca,  (Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,)  which  was  the 
origin  of  a long  and  bloody  civil  war  between  Marino,  as  president 
of  the  latter  province,  and  the  congress  of  New  Grenada. 

Bernardo  Alvarez  had  succeeded  Antonio  Marino,  as  president 
of  the  province  of  Cundinamarca.  The  former  refused  obstinate- 
ly to  unite  his  province  with  the  others,  notwithstanding  congress 
bad  sent  on  various  occasions  commissioners  to  represent  to  him 
all  the  fatal  consequences  of  his  obstinacy. 

These  internal  divisions  had  the  most  fatal  consequences  on  the 
prosperity  and  liberty  of  this  beautiful  and  rich  country.  Out  of 
twenty-two  provinces,  ten  only  had  sent  deputies  to  the  first 
congress,  who  removed  its  residence  from  Bogota  to  Tunja,  in 
consequence  of  the  ambitious  views  of  its  president,  Antonio  Ma- 
rino, who  caused  the  convocation  of  some  deputies  of  the  other 
provinces  not  in  the  possession  of  the  Spanish  troops.  These  pro- 
posed a monarchical  constitution  in  their  assembly,  held  at  Bogota, 
but  without  success.  Guito  Pastos,  Santa  Martha,,  and  other  pro- 
vinces, remained  yet  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards.  The  con- 
gress at  Tunja  had  very  limited  power.  Cundinamarca,  the  rich- 
est and  most  populous  province  of  New  Grenada,  having  refused 
to  join  the  union,  and  impeded  by  its  example  the  union  of  six 
others. 


84 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Such  was  the  internal  situation  of  New  Grenada,  when  general 
Bolivar  arrived  from  Carthagena  at  Tunja,  on  the  22d  November 
1814,  where  the  congress  was  then  assembled. 

The  name  ol  Bolivar  was  already  so  generally  known,  and  his 
reputation  so  highly  established,  that  he  was  received  by  congress 
with  distinguished  honors.  The  members  of  this  assembly,  admired 
in  him  his  successful  march  from  Carthagena  to  Caracas,  a year 
before,  and  regarded  him  as  a hero,  a skilful  soldier,  and  one  of 
the  greatest  patriots  on  earth.  Those  few,  fully  acquainted  with 
the  leading  circumstances,  which  united  in  his  favor  to  raise  him 
to  power  and  fame,  those  who  saw  in  him  an  ambitious  and  selfish 
leader,  who  tried  to  abuse  his  power,  without  having  the  capacity 
required  to  sustain  such  a station,  were  of  course  silenced  by  the 
great  majority,  and  dared  not  oppose  the  enthusiastic  reception  of 
general  Bolivar. 

We  have  seen  that  these  leading  facts  were  1st,  the  proposal  of 
Felix  Ribas,  to  his  companions  assembled  at  Carthagena,  at  the 
end  of  1812,  to  unite  to  avenge  the  cruelties  of  Monteverde  and 
his  subalterns,  committed  in  Venezuela  after  Miranda’s  arrest.  2d, 
Ribas  nomination  as  commander-in-chief  of  this  expedition,  no  con- 
fidence being  placed  in  his  cousin  Bolivar,  after  his  having  clandes- 
tinely deserted  the  fortress  of  Porto  Cabello,  entrusted  to  him  by 
general  Miranda.  3d,  How  Ribas  at  last  succeeded  to  prevail 
over  bis  countrymen  in  obtaining  the  nomination  of  colonel  Boli- 
var as  their  commander  in  his  place.  4th,  How  Bolivar  proposed, 
after  the-  defection  of  colonel  Manuel  Castillo’s  forces,  to  abandon 
the  enterprise,  and  to  retreat  again  to  Carthagena,  and  how  Ri- 
bas, colonel  Brizeno,  and  some  few  others,  persuaded  him  to 
go  forward.  5th,  How  the  cruelties  of  the  Spaniards  had  driven 
the  Venezuelans  to  despair,  who  rallied  by  thousands  under  the 
standard  of  their  countrymen,  Bolivar  and  Ribas  ; how  the  Creole 
troops,  in  the  beginning  of  some  combats,  deserted  the  Spanish 
colours  and  joined  the  patriots ; how  Bolivar  was  home  by  the 
force  and  union  of  the  most  favorable  circumstances  to  a fortunate 
grandeur  and  glory  ! 

We  have  seen  further  how  easy  it  was  for  him  to  force  Marino 
to  unite,  and  obey  him,  and  to  drive  the  scattered  and  discourag- 
ed remainder  of  the  Spanish  troops  forever  out  of  his  country  ; to 
assemble  a congress,  and  to  give  liberty  and  prosperity  to  his  coun- 
trymen. He  did  nothing  of  all  this  ; his  aim  was  power,  absolute 
power,  in  prosperity,  and  when  the  lime  had  arrived  to  show  his 
skill,  courage,  and  superiority  in  that  adversity  which  befel  him 
after  the  loss  of  the  battle  of  La  Puerta,  he  suddenly  despaired, 
and  left  his  deceived  countrymen  in  the  greatest  misery,  and  em- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


85 


barked  hastily  at  Curaana,  anxious  to  save  himself.  We  have 
seen  how  Ribas  and  others  remained,  how  the  two  dictators  were 
received  and  treated  by  Arismendy  and  Bermudes,  &c.  These 
leading  facts  were  totally  unknown,  or  disregarded  by  the  mass  of 
the  people,  who  only  admired  the  brilliancy  and  the  rapid  success- 
es of  Bolivar’s  entry  into  Caracas. 

The  critical  situation  of  the  congress  at  Tunja,  increased  by  the 
tidings  of  the  formidable  expedition  preparing  at  Cadiz,  under 
command  of  general  Alorillo,  ready  to  cross  the  ocean,  and  to  de- 
stroy them.  They  felt  the  necessity  of  acting  more  vigorously, 
and  of  being  better  united.  Two  measures  were  adopted  as  the 
most  important  and  pressing  : 1st,  to  force  the  president  of  the 

province  of  Cundinamarca  to  unite  that  province  with  the  con- 
gress ; 2dly,  to  march  against  Santa  Martha,  the  only  fortified  sea- 
port in  New  Grenada,  remaining- in  the  power  of  Spain.  Its  pos- 
session was  very  important  for  the  republic,  lying  at  the  mouth  of 
the  large  river  Magdalena,  which  opened  the  way  to  the  internal 
provinces,  and  the  city  of  Bogota. 

The  arrival  of  general  Bolivar  gave  a greater  activity  to  these 
projected  measures,  and  he  was  entrusted  with  both.  Every  ex- 
ertion was  made  to  collect  troops  and  to  provide  for  their  wants  ; 
general  Urdaneta  was  ordered  to  join  Bolivar  with  his  strong  divis- 
ion, which  retreated  after  the  battle  of  La  Puerta  in  Venezuela, 
to  the  city  of  Cucuta  in  the  interior  of  New  Grenada,  and  Boli- 
var was  proclaimed  commander-in-chief  of  the  three  forces  under 
the  title  of  captain  general  of  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada. 

He  departed  from  Tunja  in  December  1814,  and  marched  with 
his  troops  against  Bogota,  to  force  the  president,  Alvarez,  to  join 
and  obey  the  congress.  The  city  was  surrounded,  and  attacked 
by  order  of  Bolivar  ; and  as  some  entrenchments  made  in  the 
hurry  two  years  ago,  in  the  time  of  a civil  war  with  Marino,  were 
almost  totally  ruined,  the  inhabitants  could'  not  resist,  with 
their  few  armed  men,  against,  at  least,  two  thousand.  Bolivar  re- 
ceived a deputation  from  the  president,  Alvarez,  who  had  ample 
powers  to  sign  a capitulation,  which  was  granted.  By  it,  the  prov- 
ince of  Cundinamarca  consented  to  join  the  union,  and  to  obey 
and  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the  congress,  with  the  condition 
that  they  might  enjoy  the  same  privileges  as  the  other  provinces, 
which  was  granted.  But  notwithstanding  this  capitulation,  signed 
and  ratified  by  Bolivar,  he  permitted  the  pillage  of  a part  of  this 
beautiful  and  large  city,  during  forty-eight  hours ; a fact  notorious 
and  known  to  many  eye  witnesses  ol  this  strange  proceeding ; 
and  when  Alvarez  and  many  other  inhabitants  of  Bogota  made  him 
the  strongest  representations  against  such  a behaviour,  he  replied 


86 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


in  an  angry  tone,  that  he  was  authorized  by  the  laws  of  war  to  act 
as  he  did,  because  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  had  resisted  his 
troops,  and  deserved  punishment.  This  act  was  greatly  disap- 
proved of,  it  being  against  all  laws  of  war  in  civilized  countries,  to 
plunder  a city  after  a capitulation  signed  anil  approved  by  both 
parties.  The  excesses  and  cruelties  committed,  particularly 
against  females,  were  great  and  horrid,  and  his  troops  loaded  them- 
selves with  gold,  silver,  and  jewels,  of  every  kind  ! 

The  Junta  of  Bogota  invited  congress  to  assemble  again  in  their 
city,  which  invitation  was  complied  with  ; and  soon  afterwards  the 
deputies  once  more  assembled  in  this  capital.  Congress  now  had 
means  and  power  to  act,  and  its  measures  gained  more  energy, 
and  were  more  efficient.  They  made  some  salutary  reforms  in 
the  administration,  and  named  an  executive  power  of  three  mem- 
bers, consisting  of  Manuel  Rodriguez  Torrices,  the  late  president 
at  Carthagena,  Garcia  Rubera,  and  Manuel  Pey,  men  well  known 
for  their  unfeigned  patriotism  and  talents.  The  title  of  president, 
as  leader  of  the  Provincial  Government,  was  changed  into  that  of 
governor,  and  all  the  governors  of  the  federal  provinces  were  sub- 
jected to  the  authority  of  the  congress,  and  required  to  give  a 
direct  account  of  all  that  passed  in  their  respective  provinces  to 
the  Executive  Convention,  which  had  very  extended  power. 

The  union  of  Cundinamarca  and  the  changes  made  by  congress 
had  a very  favorable  influence  upon  the  inhabitants  of  New  Gren- 
ada, who  were  further  pleased,  as  various  aggravating  laws 
were  abolished,  and  many  strangers  called  to  settle  amongst  them 
by  a decree  of  congress  of  the  13th  July  1S14,  by  which  protec- 
tion and  assistance  were  promised  to  them.  A manufactory  of 
arms  was  established  at  Antiochia  and  another  of  hats  at  Bogota. 
The  liberty  of  the  press  was  unrestrained  and  a great  many  cler- 
gymen distinguished  themselves  in  the  most  sacred  cause  of  liber- 
erty  and  independence. 

A great  many  strangers  came  to  establish  themselves  at  Car- 
thagena, where  they  met  with  a kind  reception,  and  were  strongly 
protected  by  congress,  and  the  provincial  government.  Others 
entered  the  service  in  their  army.  Pierre  Labat  and  Jean  Cas- 
tellux  were  named  to  command  in  chief  the  forces  of  the  land 
troops,  and  Luis  Aury  those  of  the  marine.  Ducoudray  Holstein 
received  the  command  of  the  fort  of  Boca  Chica  in  very  criti- 
cal circumstances,  and  was  at  the  head  of  the  troops  by  land  and 
sea. 

In  comparing  this  true  and  honorable  manner  of  acting  by  New 
Grenada,  with  that  of  the  dictators,  we  regret  to  say  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  two  dictators,  Bolivar  and  Marino,  in  Venezuela  in 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


87 


1S13  and  IS  14,  was  the  reverse  of  the  former.  The  dictators 
had  neither  laws  nor  fixed  rules  in  their  republics,  so  called  ; the 
security  of  persons  and  property  depended  on  their  will,  and  de- 
cree ; the  liberty  of  the  press  was  a mere  name  ; a single  phrase 
which  an  editor  would  have  published  in  his  paper  against  the  rulers 
would  have  been  punished  instantly  : taxes  and  contributions  were 
increased,  and  misery,  ruin,  and  death,  were  the  fruits  ol  their 
memorable  dictatorial  government.  They  destroyed  what  the  con- 
gress in  New  Grenada  had  created,  and  the  presence  of  general 
Bolivar,  in  the  latter  province,  was  as  pernicious  as  his  appearance 
was  in  Venezuela. 

We  have  seen  already  how  he  acted  in  Venezuela  as  dictator; 
now  we  will  see  how  far  his  presence  in  New  Grenada  was  perni- 
cious to  the  welfare  of  the  latter.  After  some  stay  at  Bogota,  gen- 
eral Bolivar  departed  with  his  troops,  and  arrived  at  Honda,  where 
large  barges  were  in  readiness  to  embark  them  on  the  river  Mag- 
dalena, which  they  descended.  He  arrived  at  the  beautiful  city 
of  Mompox,  which  was  on  a large  and  elevated  island  in  the  midst 
of  the  river.  Its  inhabitants  were  rich,  and  have  distinguished 
themselves  in  the  revolution  by  their  enthusiasm  for  liberty,  and 
their  courage.  This  spirit  extended  to  the  fair  sex  ; they  killed, 
in  one  night,  400  well  drilled  and  armed  Spaniards,  which  Morillo 
sent  as  a garrison,  and  declared  again  in  favor  of  freedom  and  lib- 
erty. This  courageous  deed  was  done  by  the  advice,  and  the 
participation  of  the  women  at  Mompox,  in  the  night  of  the  1 6th 
June,  1S16. 

As  soon  as  the  Spanish  governor  at  Santa  Martha,  general  Mon- 
talvo, was  informed  that  general  Bolivar  had  descended  the  river 
at  the  head  of  a numerous  body  of  troops,  and  had  arrived  at  Mom- 
pox, he  suspected  its  destination,  and  felt  very  much  alarmed.  The 
fortress  was  in  a pitiful  miserable  state  for  defence,  badly  sup- 
plied, and  not  having  200  men  to  defend  it.  All  those  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  miserable  state  of  this  fortress,  and  the  bitter 
secret  hatred  with  which  the  inhabitants  of  Santa  Martha  suffered 
the  arbitrary  and  sanguinary  actions  of  the  too  well  known  Montal- 
vo, agree  in  opinion  that  if  general  Bolivar  had  presented  himself 
with  his  army,  as  he  was  ordered  to  do,  the  majority  of  the  inhabi- 
tants would  have  forced  the  feeble  garrison  to  open  to  him  the 
gates,  and  would  have  received  him  as  their  liberator.  Montalvo, 
sanguinary  and  cruel,  was  a great  coward,  and  had  already  be- 
spoken a French  vessel,  in  which  he  caused  his  most  valuable  ef- 
fects to  be  embarked  secretly,  and  was  ready  to  fly  at  the  first 
alarm.  Such  was  the  state  of  Santa  Martha  at  the  arrival  of  general 
Bolivar  at  Mompox. 


88 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


But  general  Bolivar  preferred  to  sacrifice  the  welfare  of  his 
cause,  and  to  forget  the  sacred  engagements  taken  with  the  con- 
gress to  conquer  Santa  Martha,  as  he  promised  the  day  before  his 
departure  fromTunja  to  various  of  its  members,  in  order  to  avenge 
himself  of  a personal  insult,  received  of  colonel  Manuel  Castillo, 
as  I have  stated  in  another  chapter,  where  the  latter  left  him  with 
his  troops  on  his  march  against  Venezuela  in  January,  1813. 

Here  are  the  true  particulars  of  this  not  much  known  action  of 
general  Bolivar,  which  was  the  cause  of  the  total  ruin  of  New 
Grenada  in  1813. 

The  inhabitants  of  Mompox  received  Bolivar  and  his  troops 
with  open  arms,  well  persuaded  that  he  was  going  to  take  Santa 
Martha,  possession  of  which  was  highly  important  for  the  commerce 
and  welfare  of  the  former.  This,  and  his  principal  officers’  assur- 
ances, that  such  wras  his  intention,  increased  the  general  satisfac- 
tion. Some  respectable  and  well  informed  men  have  assured  me 
positively,  that  such  was  his  first  and  firm  intention,  and  it  is  just 
to  mention  it  here ; but  unluckily  for  him  and  New  Grenada, 
general  Bolivar  has  not  strength  of.  character  enough  to  pursue  a 
settled  plan  with  vigour  and  energy;  unless  his  own  personal  in- 
terest is  particularly  concerned.  In  this  latter  case  he  will  per- 
form every  thing,  except  feats  of  personal  danger  and  daring,  to 
gain  his  aim.  He  prefers  circuitous  roads  and  dissimulation  to 
frankness,  or  loses  his  fortitude  as  soon  as  he  feels  himself  desti- 
tute of  assistance,  or  the  weaker  party. 

At  the  head  of  the  municipality  (city  common  council)  of  the 
city  of  Mompox,  was,  at  that  time,  Mr.  Celedonio  Pineres,  as  cor- 
regidor,  or  mayor.  He  was  the  eldest  brother  of  the  two  Pineres, 
of  which  Gabriel  (vice-president  of  Carthagena)  tried  to  remove 
Manuel  Rodriguez  Torriees,  the  president  of  that  government,  in 
union  with  general  Bolivar,  as  I have  related  before.  This  Cele- 
donio Pineres  had  very  frequent  opportunities  to  converse  with  the 
general,  as  the  latter  lived  in  his  bouse.  He  communicated  to 
him  all  that  had  happened  after  his  departure  from  Carthagena, 
where  his  two  brothers,  during  the  absence  of  Manuel  R.  Torriees, 
who  was  called  to  Bogota,  as  one  of  the  commissioners  of  the  ex- 
ecutive named  by  congress,  were  trying  again  to  get  the  upper 
hand.  Castillo,  at  that  time,  with  his  army  at  St.  Stanislaus  and 
Baraquilla,  hearing  of  what  was  going  on  in  Carthagena,  assem- 
bled his  principal  officers  and  proposed  to  them  to  march  against 
his  native  place,  to  restore  the  legitimate  governor  of  the  province 
to  his  office,  and  to  re-establish  order  in  the  public  affairs,  having 
received  various  letters  from  his  friends  calling  on  him  and  his 
troops  for  assistance.  I was,  at  this  time,  with  general  Castillo 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


89 


and  intimate  with  him,  so  that  I was  acquainted  with  all  the  par- 
ticulars which  I relate,  and  could  name,  if  necessary,  the  friends 
of  order  which  wrote  to  Castillo.  I saw  all  these  letters  which  he 
communicated  to  me.  In  this  private  council  of  war,  held  by- 
Castillo,  it  was  determined  to  march  against  Carthagena,  and  to 
defeat  the  whole  faction.  This  tvas  done  very  easily,  having  the 
majority  of  the  inhabitants  on  our  side,  who  opened  the  outer  land- 
gate,  called  the  half- moon,  at  two  o’clock  in  the  morning,  without 
any  resistance  on  the  5th  of  January  IS  15,  and  Pineres,  Delha- 
gar,*  and  about  twenty  others,  of  the  ringleaders,  were  arrested, 
and  put  into  the  prisons  of  the  Inquisition.  But  general  Castillo 
not  satisfied,  condemned  to  deportation  all  these  leaders,  and  re- 
mained in  quiet  possession  of  Carthagena,  where  Juan  de  Dios 
Amador  was  elected  governor  of  the  province. 

Caledonia  proposed  now  to  Bolivar  to  avenge  his  brothers,  and 
to  force  Castillo  to  recal  them  and  their  friends.  The  captain 
general,  who  hated  Castillo  mortally,  saw  a welcome  occasion  to 
avenge  his  personal  insult,  changed  his  mind,  and  followed  the  per- 
fidious suggestions  of  Caledonia  Pineres.  Bolivar  flattered  him- 
self with  the  hope  that  the  strangers  might  be  now  in  his  favour, 
knowing  that  they  were  much  displeased  with  the  haughty  man- 
ners, and  arbitrary  measures  of  Castillo  in  Carthagena.  He  im- 
agined that  these  strangers,  united  with  the  numerous  secret 
friends  of  the  banished  brother  Pineres  would  leave  him  no  more 
to  do  than  to  present  himself,  with  his  troops,  before  the  fortress 
of  Carthagena,  to  see  its  gates  opened  to  receive  him.  But  as  he 
could  by  no  means  go  against  Carthagena  instead  of  Santa  Mar- 
tha, he  consulted  with  his  new  friend  to  find  a plausible  pretext  to 
put  his  army  in  march.  Then  general  Bolivar,  who  like  the  greatest 
part  of  his  countrymen,  the  inhabitants  of  Caracas,  is  very  dissem- 
bling, and  very  dexterous  in  finding  out  various  secret  means  to 
intrigue,  and  to  gain  his  aim  by  numerous  windings  and  doublings 
— he  openly  professed  to  he  a warm  patriot,  a disinterested  soldier, 
who  wished  for  the  welfare  of  his  country,  but  was  always  anx- 
ious to  save  his  reputation  and  zealous  to  preserve  his  authority. 
In  the  preservation  of  this  absolute  power  lies  exclusively , all  the 


* This  Pelhagar  was  a profile  of  general  Bolivar,  when  dictator  at  Caracas,  and 
commanded  the  siege  before  Porto  Cabello,  and  was  one  of  the  first  who  fled  when 
Boves  came  after  the  battle  of  La  Puerta  to  Porto  Cabello  in  June,  1814.  This  same 
Duhagar  was  a young  unbearded  colonel  of  19  years,  who  trembled  extremely,  when 
Castillo  sent  one  of  his  officers  with  guarded  men  to  arrest  him  that  same  night.  This 
officer,  captain  Garcia,  told  me  afterward,  laughing,  that  he  had  never  seen  such  cow- 
ardice in  a colonel ! 

12 


90 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


patriotism  of  general  Bolivar.  Here  is  the  pretext  of  which  he 
made  use  to  cover  his  secret  purpose  of  revenge  on  this  occasion. 

He  sent  an  officer  (the  same  Thomas  Montilla  whom  he  had 
sent  to  general  Miranda  in  June  1S12,  aftet  his  desertion  from 
Porto  Cabello)  to  the  government  at  Carthagena,  in  order  to  de- 
mand from  it  arms,  ammunition  &c.  of  which  he  was  in  great 
need,  as  he  pretended,  to  enable  him  to  carry  on  the  siege  of 
Santa  Martha.  This  demand  greatly  surprised  the  government 
of  Carthagena,  as  its  members  were  well  aware  that  general  Boli- 
var was  amply  provided  with  all  the  necessary  means  to  besiege 
Santa  Martha  ; it  appeared  to  them  strange,  too,  that  the  general 
sent  this  letter  after  a stay  of  about  a lortnight  at  Mompox,  and 
that  he  had  not  applied  in  embarking  at  Honda.  More  strange 
did  it  appear  to  them,  how  he  should  not  have  known  as  positive- 
ly as  they  did  in  Carthagena,  the  miserable  state  of  Santa  Martha, 
and  the  readiness  of  its  inhabitants  to  open  the  gates  to  him  as 
soon  as  he  should  present  himself  with  an  imposing  number  of 
troops.  All  these  considerations  together  gave  rise  to  many  sus- 
picions, and  the  men  best  informed,  considering  the  character  of 
general  Bolivar,  suspected  “ that  his  real  intention  was  to  render 
himself  master  of  Carthagena,  to  displace  Castillo,  and  to  punish 
him,  in  revenge  for  the  affront  received  in  January  1813  ; to 
change  aftenvards  the  existing  government  in  recalling  the  banish- 
ed brothers,  Pineres,  and  finally  to  march  with  the  troops  of  Car- 
thagena united  with  his  own,  and  the  means  which  this  w7ell  fur- 
nished fortress  could  afford  him,  a second  time  against  Caracas  to 
free  his  native  land,  and  then  re-establish  his  lost  dictatorship. 

As  soon  as  this  letter  was  received,  the  general  Manuel  Castillo 
and  the  lieutenant  colonel  Marino  Montilla  (brother  of  Thomas) 
at  that  time  a bitter  enemy  to  Bolivar,  suggested  to  the  governor, 
what  might  be  the  real  intentions  of  the  general.  It  was,  there- 
fore,  concluded  to  send  an  officer  who  could  be  relied  on  to  gen- 
eral Bolivar  at  Mompox.  The  bearer  of  these  letters  wTas  one  of 
the  aid-de-camps  of  general  Castillo,  captain  Manuel  Davilla. — 
The  general  wrote  in  his  letter  to  Bolivar  : that  he  would  sup- 
ply him,  with  pleasure,  with  all  that  he  wanted ; he  would  find 
in  the  magazine  at  Savanilla,  a small  fort  and  sea  port  at  twenty 
leagues  distant  from  Mompox,  between  that  city  and  Santa  Mar- 
tha, all  that  he  demanded,  and  that  he,  Castillo,  had  already  de- 
livered the  necessary  orders  to  that  effect ; he  could  nevertheless 
assure  him  positively  by  all  the  secret  intelligences  received  from 
Santa  Martha,  that  its  inhabitants  were  waiting  for  him,  and  his 
army,  and  ready  to  open  the  gates  as  soon  as  he  would  present 
himself.  He  added  : “ he  could  easily  convince  himself  of  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


91 


truth,  if  he  would  solely  advance  with  his  troops,  as  far  as  the 
banks  of  the  Cienega  river,”  &c. 

The  governor  Juan  de  Dios  Amador  confirmed,  in  a separate 
letter,  all  that  general  Castillo  had  stated,  and  urged  Bolivar  in  a 
very  pathetic  and  strong,  but  obliging  manner  to  lose  not  a single 
moment  in  advancing  against  Santa  Martha,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
would  receive  him  as  their  liberator. 

Captain  Davilla  met  with  a very  harsh  reception  in  delivering 
his  letters  to  general  Bolivar,  who  was  still  at  Mompox.  When 
Davilla  came  back  to  Carthagena  he  repeated  to  various  of  his 
friends  some  expressions  which  were  not  very  polite,  nor  worthy 
to  be  used  in  the  ordinary  way  of  conversation.  He  added  that 
various  of  Bolivar’s  officers  insulted  him,  and  proposed  to  the  gen- 
eral to  arrest  and  treat  him  as  a spy,  sent  expressly  from  Cartha- 
gena to  examine  what  was  passing  in  their  head  quarters  ! This 
party  spirit,  this  hatred,  this  unworthy  treatment  of  an  officer  in 
mission,  deserving  at  least  a civil,  though  it  should  be  a cool  re- 
ception, was  communicated  from  the  commander-in-chief  to  the  sub- 
alterns, and  showed  clearly  the  vindictive  character  of  Bolivar 
against  Castillo  and  all  who  came  from  him.  Davilla  was  dismiss- 
ed without  any  answer  ! 

The  festivals,  balls,  dinners,  &c.  at  Mompox,  of  which  Bolivar 
is  a passionate  friend,  lasted  during  the  whole  time  of  his  stay; 
and  the  attack  upon  Santa  Martha  was  delayed.  It  appears  that 
in  leaving  Mompox,  he  had  already  determined  to  act  hostilely 
against  Carthagena ; and  in  descending  the  river  from  Mompox 
to  Magdalena,  he  gave  orders  to  seize  all  the  armed  gun-boats 
which  general  Castillo  had  established  on  the  river,  to  keep  the 
communication  open  between  Carthagena,  Honda  and  Bogota. 
He  declared  the  officers  to  be  his  prisoners,  and  gave  the  com- 
mand to  others  chosen  out  of  his  army.  This  manifestly  hostile  act 
against  Carthagena  showed  clearly  his  real  intentions. 

He  debarked  his  troops  at  the  little  fort  called  Carabano,  and 
instead  of  marching  directly  against  Santa  Martha,  where  all  were 
in  the  greatest  consternation,  he  left  it  behind  and  directed  his 
march  through  Baraquilla,  Soledad,  St.  Stanislaus  against  Cartha- 
gena. His  head-quarters  were  established  at  Purbello,  four 
leagues  from  the  latter  city.  Here  new  festivals  and  balls,  were 
his  occupation  for  a fortnight. 

The  inhabitants  of  Carthagena,  anxious  to  hear  from  general 
Bolivar,  followed  his  operations  and  lived  in  hopes  he  might  act 
in  accordance  with  their  wishes,  and  take  Santa  Martha.  But  as 
soon  as  the  news  arrived  of  his  hostility  against  the  patriot  gun- 
boats belonging  to  the  republic,  as  soon  as  his  arrival  at  Tur- 


92 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


bacco  was  known,  the  general  indignation  raised  to  such  a degree, 
that  they  forgot  the  arbitrary  acts  of  general  Castillo,  and  organ- 
ized themselves  in  regular  corps  to  repulse  by  force  of  arms,  the 
unheard  of  attempt  of  general  Bolivar  against  his  brethren,  against 
the  cause  of  freedom  and  independence.  More  than  six  hun- 
dred strangers  established  at  Carthagena  rallied  round  the  gov- 
ernment and  joined  the  armed  inhabitants,  in  organizing  the 
camp  and  mounting  guards.  General  Castillo  had  never 
been  so  powerful  as  during  the  siege  of  Carthagena.  Martial  law 
was  proclaimed,  which  gave  him  unlimited  power,  and  each  one 
was  anxious  to  prove  his  devotion  to  the  cause.  Many  thousands, 
and  amongst  them  the  most  distinguished  ladies  in  Carthagena, 
worked  day  and  night  at  the  fortifications,  erected  and  enlarged  in 
order  to  put  the  place  in  a better  state  of  defence. 

Soon  after  Bolivar’s  departure  from  Carthagena  to  Tunja,  Du- 
coudray  Holstein  was  appointed  commander  of  the  four  beautiful 
forts  of  Boca  Chica,  which  are  the  key  of  New  Grenada.  These 
forts  are  at  the  entry  of  the  sea-port  of  Carthagena,  and  lay  at 
the  month  of  a very  deep  and  wide  canal,  four  leagues  long,  by 
which  the  vessels  pass  into  the  port  of  the  latter  place.  These 
forts  were  considered  the  key  of  the  main,  and  were  a post  of 
honor  and  confidence,  in  the  command  of  that  officer  in  a time  of 
civil  war,  in  which  he  served  against  general  Bolivar,  and  whilst 
Morilla  and  Morales  besieged  Carthagena  and  Boca  Chica.  He 
wTas  fortunate  enough  to  save  the  foreigners  at  Carthagena,  who 
came  to  save  their  lives  under  the  protection  of  the  batteries  of 
these  forts.  He  was,  therefore,  perfectly  able  to  be  well  inform- 
ed of  all  secret  transactions  passing  at  that  time. 

General  Bolivar  being  soon  acquainted  with  what  passed  in 
Carthagena,  and  learning  the  general  indignation  felt  against  him, 
began  to  fear  and  feel  that  he  had  acted  too  rashly.  But  being 
no  more  than  four  leagues  from  Carthagena  (at  Turbacco)  and 
unable  to  return  and  attack  Santa  Martha,  and  his  hostile  inten- 
tions against  Carthagena  being  too  much  divulged,  he  resolved  to 
throw  off,  as  much  as  possible,  his  responsibility.  He  assembled 
a great  council  of  war,  and  there  he  spoke  a long  time,  and  with 
great  warmth,  against  the  government  of  Carthagena  ; and  at  the 
end  of  his  speech  he  asked  the  advice  of  his  officers,  and  sound- 
ed their  dispositions  to  know  how  he  should  act  in  this  dilemma. 
Not  one  of  these  officers  opposed  the  intentions  of  their  com- 
mander, and  had  vigour  of  mind  enough  to  represent  the  disgrace- 
ful consequences  of  acting  as  enemies  against  a province  which 
had  always  shown  patriotism  and  zeal  for  the  sacred  cause  of  lib- 
erty, and  never  given  any  motive  of  disunion  or  disobedience  to 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


93 


the  congress  of  New  Grenada  ! Knowing  the  secret  intentions  ol 
then-  commander,  these  officers  were  all  in  favor  of  attacking  by 
force  of  arms,  the  city  of  Carthagena,  and  of  treating  its  inhabi- 
tants as  enemies  ! They  contributed  thus  to"  the  destruction  of 
liberty  in  New  Grenada,  under  the  most  noisy  acclannnations  of 
“ long  live  our  Liberator  Bolivar,  and  death  to  Castillo  and  his 
partizans !” 

They  marched  now  directly  against  Carthagena,  but  the  inhab- 
itants of  this  strong  fortress  had  shut  the  gates,  and  full  of  resent- 
ment against  the  undeserved  hostilities  already  commenced  by 
Bolivar,  in  making  prisoners  the  officers  belonging  to  Carthagena, 
in  the  gun  boats  upon  the  river  Magdalena,  had  spontaneously 
taken  arms,  resolved  to  repulse  this  undeserved  aggression.  As 
soon  as  Bolivar’s  troops  appeared,  they  were  received  with  grape 
shot,  and  compelled  to  retreat,  and  to  encamp  upon  a large  hill, 
about  a gun  shot  distance  from  Carthagena,  where  a convent  of 
friars,  called  the  monks  of  JSuestra  Senora  de  La  Pop  a de  La 
Candelaria , received  him  and  his  troops.  After  some  days,  va- 
rious diseases  began  to  spread  amongst  them,  caused  in  a great 
measure  by  the  want  of  fresh  water.  Here  I must  mention  a trait 
of  the  greatest  barbarity,  which  will  give  a convincing  proof  of  the 
exasperation  of  the  spirit  of  party,  which  reigned  at  that  time 
amongst  both  patriotic  contesting  armies  ! One  of  the  leaders  in 
Carthagena  proposed,  in  a council  of  war,  after  it  was  well  ascer- 
tained that  Bolivar  would  attack  the  place,  to  occupy  the  Pop  a, 
that  hill  on  which  Bolivar  had  established  his  troops,  but  the  other 
objected,  on  account  of  the  danger  of  dividing  the  garrison,  already 
small  in  proportion,  to  the  extent  of  the  fortifications,  and  the  diffi- 
culty of  supplying  these  troops  with  the  necessary  provisions,  this 
officer  yielded  to  the  majority,  but  being  well  aware  that  Bolivar 
had  no  other  chance  than  to  occupy  the  Popa,  he  proposed  to 
poison  the  only  well  on  it.  This  was  executed  by  putting  a large 
quantity  of  corrupted  skins  of  animals,  and  other  materials  of  a 
similar  kind,  into  this  well,  which  was  very  deep,  with  the  express 
intention  of  poisoning  its  water,  and  killing  those  obliged  to  drink 
it,  knowing  perfectly  well  that  Bolivar  and  his  troops  would  occupy 
this  only  post  on  the  Popa.  When  they  arrived,  being  exhausted 
by  the  march,  the  dust,  the  burning  sun,  and  by  thirst,  they  drank 
copiously  of  this  corrupted  water,  which  soon  caused  great  sick- 
ness amongst  them,  and  of  which  a great  many  died  in  the  most 
excruciating  pains.  They  were  soon  deprived  of  every  kind  of  fresh 
provisions,  which  the  troops  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  of 
Carthagena,  all  very  much  exasperated  against  Bolivar,  intercepted 
entirely,  whilst  those  of  the  fortress  received  them  daily. 


94 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


General  Bolivar  had  with  him  a single  small  cannon,  which  he 
ordered  to  be  established  as  a battery,  against  a place,  provided 
with  about  80  guns,  of  which  the  smallest  were  twelve  pounders ! 
His  commander  of  the  artillery,  Mr.  Collot,  from  whom  I have  this 
fact,  an  able  and  experienced  French  artillery  officer,  (who  de- 
clined to  assist,  at  the  council  of  war,  held  at  Turbacco,  disap- 
proving highly  of  this  hostility  against  Carthagena,)  endeavored  to 
make  him  change  by  remonstrating  against  such  a measure,  as 
highly  ridiculous  and  useless  ; but  Bolivar  would  hear  nothing  and 
insisted.  Lieutenant  colonel  Collot  was  obliged  to  obey,  with  the 
greatest  reluctance.  When  the  order  was  given  to  fire  upon  the 
place,  the  inhabitants  of  Carthagena  said  gestingly  and  in  mocke- 
ry : “that  Bolivar  surely  must  be  in  need  of  provisions,  and  that 
he  therefore  was  obliged  to  kill  some  ortalans  (which  were  very 
abundantly  found  in  that  part  of  the  environs  of  Carthagena)  to 
give  him  some  provisions  !”  In  one  word,  this  battery,  so  called, 
not  only  excited  the  greatest  ridicule  amongst  all  classes  of  the  in- 
habitants, but  gave  a very  contemptible  idea  of  the -military  dispo- 
sitions and  skill  of  a captain  general  and  commander-in-chief.  He 
ordered  the  colors  of  the  province  of  Carthagena,  to  be  hoisted  at 
his  head  quarters,  as  if  he  was  already  the  master  of  this  fortress. 

As  soon  as  the  troops  of  Bolivar  were  apprised  that  the  water 
in  the  well  of  La  Popa  was  corrupted,  it  was  necessary  to  provide 
from  abroad.  But,  as  the  spring  water  in  Carthagena  is  very 
scarce,  and  at  a great  distance,  this  water  was  to  be  carried  on 
horses,  mules  and  asses,  escorted  by  a large  number  of  armed 
men  to  protect  the  convoy  against  the  sallies  of  the  garrison,  or  the 
attacks  of  the  numerous  and  armed  inhabitants  of  the  neighbor- 
hood. Bolivar  attempted  in  vain  to  induce  them,  by  paying  large- 
ly, to  fetch  him  every  day  a fixed  quantity  of  water  for  his  troops. 
Some  few  consented,  but  the  majority  refused  his  gold  and  their 
water,  and  so  his  troops  were  obliged  to  provide  for  themselves, 
which  tired  and  fatigued  them  very  much.  He  acted  now  as  if  he 
was  in  the  enemy’s  land,  arrested  a large  quantity  of  merchandise 
going  up  and  down  from  Carthagena  to  Bogota,  upon  the  Magda- 
lena river,  and  sold  it  for  the  maintenance  of  his  troops.  But,  then 
I must  render  justice  to  general  Bolivar,  in  saying  that  he  has  never 
been  an  avaricious  or  money  making  man  ; that  he  is  generous  and 
cares  little  or  nothing  about  money.  I have  seen  him  often  empty- 
ing his  purse  and  giving  his  last  doubloon  to  an  officer,  who  asked 
him  for  some  money  on  account  of  his  salary,  and  when  he  was 
gone,  he  would  turn  to  me  and  say,  laughingly,  “ this  poor  devil 
(le  pauvre  diable)  is  more  in  need  than  I,  and  this  golden  stuff  is 
worthless  to  me.  1 gave  him  all  that  I possessed.” 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


95 


The  true  friends  of  Bolivar  endeavored  now  to  represent  to  him 
the  dreadful  conseqences  of  such  a siege,  and  used  every  exertion 
to  make  him  desist  from  it;  but  he  was  deaf,  and  persisted  in  be- 
sieging the  strongest  fortress  in  the  present  republic  of  Colombia. 
The  government  of  Carthagena  called  general  Ducoudray  Holstein 
for  some  important  military  transaction  from  Boca  Chica  to  Car- 
thagena; he  departed  the  16th  April,  and  visited  the  fortifications 
at  the  forts  of  San  Felipe  and  the  Cerro  by  request  of  the  gov- 
ernment. He  saw  with  pleasure  that  all  was  in  good  order,  am- 
munitions and  provisions  plenty,  and  joy  reigning  every  where ; 
all  expressed  to  him  the  highest  indignation  against  the  ridiculous 
attempt  of  general  Bolivar,  who  treated  his  countrymen,  his  fellow 
citizens,  fighting  for  the  same  cause,  like  enemies.  So  did  the 
inhabitants  of  Carthagena,  where  Ducoudray  remained  a couple 
of  hours,  .and  then  returned  to  his  post.  No  one,  of  all  the  inhab- 
itants in  Carthagena,  or  in  Boca  Chica,  was  afraid  of  Bolivar, 
knowing  perfectly  well  that  he  was  unable  to  take  either  place ; 
but  commerce  was  totally  annihilated  by  cutting  off  all  intercourse 
between  Bogota,  the  interior  provinces  of  New  Grenada  and  Car- 
thagena. The  merchants  of  Carthagena,  Mompox  and  Bogota, 
applied  in  vain  to  general  Bolivar  for  the  restitution  of  their  con- 
fiscated property,  he  replied  that  he  could  not  do  any  thing  for 
them,  and  spent  the  money  resulting  from  these  confiscations, 
more  than  two  millions  of  dollars  in  value,  for  his  troops.  This 
siege  lasted  until  the  20th  March,  but  was  reduced  to  a pure  block- 
ade, during  which,  the  diseases  and  the  mortality,  natural  conse- 
quences of  the  miseries  felt  by  the  besieging  troops,  in  their  camp 
upon  La  Popa,  increased  every  day. 

The  cruel  and  sanguinary  Spanish  general,  Montalvo,  being  nom- 
inated commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  and  informed  of  their  civil 
troubles,  desired  to  take  advantage  of  them,  and  sent  two  letters 
to  the  governor  of  Carthagena,  Don  Juan  de  Dios  Amador,  to 
propose  to  him  to  unite  his  provinces  with  Spain.  The  official 
answer  of  the  latter,  deserves  to  be  cited  here  as  an  account  of 
the  noble  sentiments  of  its  author,  and  as  an  unanswerable  proof  of 
the  hostile  intentions  of  general  Bolivar  against  the  republic  of  Car- 
thagena. 

These  were  his  words : “ We  wanted  by  no  means  the  pro- 
tection which  your  excellency  offers  us,  in  your  despatches  of  the 
25th  March,  and  the  15th  of  the  present  month,  in  which  you  pro- 
pose to  end  the  troubles  which  exist  between  us  and  general  Boli- 
var ; and  supposing  we  did  want  them,  we  could  not  at  all  accept 
them.  We  prefer  rather  to  perish  a thousand  times  in  this  strug- 
gle, than  to  obtain,  by  such  means,  a triumph,  which  would  un- 


96 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


doubtedly  cover  us  with  shame,  and  would  end  in  the  destruction 
of  our  liberty  and  independence. 

“ Your  excellency  lias  addressed  yourself  to  our  ambition,  and 
you  expect  to  gain  by  our  internal  troubles,  but  you  are  entifely  in 
error ; there  has  been  no  division  or  misunderstanding  in  regard 
to  the  cause  ol  liberty;  no  personal  consideration,  no  opinion,  no 
private  partiality,  can  ever  disunite  us.  Moreover,  when  our  am- 
bition is  invoked,  and  we  are  exhorted  to  defend  our  rights,  and 
repulse  by  force  of  arms,  all  that  your  excellency  would  under- 
take to  resist,  our  tyrants, — how  could  you  have  thought,  we  should 
act  in  so  cowardly  a manner  as  to  be  ever  able  or  disposed  to  unite 
ourselves  with  them  ? Your  excellency  might  have  made  us  more 
flattering  propositions,  which  might  perhaps  have  influenced  us  ; 
but  having  made  these,  they  can  be  no  other  than  very  revolting 
in  form,  and  in  substance.  And  who  would  not  be  shocked,  and 
with  reason  in  hearing  that  a man  like  you,  who  trembles  at  the 
mere  name  of  Bolivar,  dare  propose  as  your  excellency  does,  to 
exhort  us  to  serve  as  an  instrument  to  save  you,  and  who,  at 
the  same  time  recommend  to  us  to  enter  again  into  slavejy  ? What 
impudence,  what  gross  ignorance  in  attempting  to  interfere,  and 
to  offer  himself  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  differences  between 
freemen ; and  what  is  more,  with  the  intention  of  breaking  their 
chains  to  reduce  them  again  to  slavery  ? 

“ Experience  should  have  apprised  you,  that  these  haughty 
expressions,  which  offend  us  much  more  by  their  ridiculous  prom- 
ises of  pardon,  than  by  their  style,  do  not  at  all  impose  upon  us  ; 
nor  will  they  intimidate  us.  You  have,  therefore,  taken  a gratuit- 
ous trouble,  by  affecting  so  much  concern,  so  much  interest,  and 
so  much  sorrow  for  our  domestic  dissentions.  We  know,  perfect- 
ly, that  no  country  has  ever  rendered  itself  independent,  without 
experiencing  troubles,  and  convulsions.  We  endure  them,  always 
keeping  in  mind  tneir  commencement  and  their  end ; and  we  feel 
that  it  is  necessary  to  make  some  sacrifices.  They  will  end  at 
last;  and,  if  they  should  not  terminate  spontaneously,  it  will  be 
our  duty  to  bring  them  to  an  end.  But  what  is  this  to  you?  What 
have  you  to  do  with  the  free  and  independent  counties  of  New 
Grenada  ? Is  it  to  have  the  empty  name  of  governor  of  this  peo- 
ple, or  to  be  so  in  reality  ? 

“ In  regard  to  the  remainder  of  your  excellency’s  despatches, 
I will  submit  them  to  the  congress,”  &c. 

General  Bolivar  continued  to  besiege  Carthagena,  even  after 
having  received  the  official  news,  which  the  governor  transmitted 
him  through  a messenger,  of  the  arrival  of  the  great  expedition 
from  Cadiz,  at  the  island  of  Margarita,  under  the  orders  of  gen- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


97 


eral  Morillo  (March  25.)  The  commissioner  of  the  congress  of 
New  Grenada,  the  reverend  father  Marimon,  the  governor  of  Car- 
thagena,  Jnan  ae  Dios  Amador,  and  various  others,  visited  gener- 
al Bolivar  at  his  head  quarters  of  La  Popa,  and  made  him  the 
most  urgent  representations  upon  the  dreadful  consequences  of  a 
civil  war  in  such  circumstances,  and  urged  him  to  join  his  remain- 
ing forces  with  those  of  Carthagena,  and  march  united  against 
their  common  enemy.  They  offered  him  the  command-in-chief, 
ammunition,  provisions,  and  all  necessary  supplies,  to  enable  him 
to  keep  the  field.  But  all  was  in  vain  ; he  replied,  he  would  con- 
sent under  one  condition,  which  was  that  Carthagena  should  open 
to  him  the  gates,  and  receive  him  with  his  troops  into  the  fortress. 
As  his  secret  intentions  were  too  well  known,  they  feared,  not 
without  some  reason,  that  once  master  of  the  place,  he  would 
think  of  nothing  else  hut  to  avenge  himself,  and  to  satisfy  his 
passion. 

All  negociations  were  again  broken  off,  and  hostilities  renewed, 
notwithstanding  the  Spanish  general  Morillo,  who  arrived  at  Santa 
Martha,  and  had  debarked  a strong  body  of  troops,  was  already 
in  his  rear. 

The  garrison  of  Carthagena  had  made  various  sorties,  hut  they 
were  constantly  repelled  by  the  troops  of  Bolivar.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  May,  Bolivar  at  last  began  to  open  his  eyes,  and  to  con- 
ceive that  he  could  do  absolutely  nothing  against  Carthagena. — 
He  found  himself  reduced  to  the  humiliating  necessity  of  sending 
to  his  enemy,  general  Castillo,  a flag  of  truce,  through  which  he 
requested  an  interview  with  him.  This  interview  was  managed 
by  the  father  Marimon,  commissioner  of  the  congress,  at  that  time 
assembled  at  Bogota,  who  was  sent  expressly,  as  soon  as  this  as- 
sembly received  the  dreadful  news  of  Bolivar’s  mart  h against 
Carthagena,  instead  of  Santa  Martha.  This  clergyman,  although 
of  a weak  and  timid  character,  was,  nevertheless,  a very  respect- 
abe  man — honest,  upright,  and  an  ardent  patriot.  He  consulted 
with  the  governor  and  the  doctor  Pedro  Gual,  and  after  some  vis- 
its paid  by  Marimon  and  doctor  Pedro  Gual  at  the  quarters  of 
general  Bolivar,  after  many  conferences  on  the  part  of  the  two 
former  with  Castillo,  who  gave  his  consent  very  reluctantly,  the 
meeting  was  at  last  fixed  on  the  Sth  of  May. 

At  the  appointed  day,  father  Marimon  conducted  general  Cas- 
tillo out  of  the  gates  of  Carthagena,  at.  the  foot  of  La  Popa,  where 
general  Bolivar  waited  for  him  in  a small  private  house,  chosen 
expressly  for  this  purpose.  Their  mutual  reception  was,  in  the 
beginning,  rather  cool  and  stiff,  but  Marimon  prevailed  upon 
them  to  put  themselves,  at  least  politically,  in  good  accordance. — 
13 


98 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


A treaty  of  peace  and  friendship  was  then  drawn  up,  by  which 
these  two  commanders  solemnly  promised  mutually  to  forget  what 
had  passed,  and  to  live  in  good  harmony  and  friendship.  General 
Bolivar  consented  to  give  the  command  of  his  army  to  general 
Florencio  Palacio,  his  cousin,  and  embarked  the  1 Oth  of  May  on 
board  of  an  English  armed  brig,  with  about  a dozen  of  his  officers, 
and  departed  for  the  island  of  Jamaica,  without  having  entered 
the  city  of  Carthagena. 

Before  he  embarked,  he  published  the  following  remarkable 
proclamation  : — “ Soldiers  ! The  general  government  of  NewT 
Grenada  has  put  me  at  your  head,  to  break  the  fetters  of  our 
brethren  of  the  provinces  of  Santa  Martha,  Maracaybo,  Coro,  and 
Caracas,  who  groan  under  their  chains. 

“ Venezuelans  ! — You  would  have  returned  to  your  country, 
and  you,  Grenadans,  would  have  remained  in  yours,  crowned  with 
laurels.  But  this  felicity,  this  happiness,  has  turned  totally  into 
mischief  and  unhappiness.  Your  arms  have  destroyed  no  tyrant, 
but  have  been  stained  with  the  blood  of  your  brethren  in  two 
battles,  very  different  in  their  aim,  and  very  painful  to  our  feel- 
ings. We  fought  in  Cundinamarca  (Bogota)  in  order  to  obtain  a 
re-union  ; here  (at  Carthagena)  to  obtain  mutual  co-operation  ; 
on  both  occasions  we  have  been  covered  with  glory.  We  have 
been  generous  in  both  actions;  we  have  granted  pardon  to  the 
vanquished,  and  given  them  equal  rights,  and  admitted  them  on 
the  same  footing  with  ourselves.  We  have  united  with  those 
who  have  been  against  us,  to  march  thus  united,  and  free  them 
from  slavery,  and  save  their  fortunes  and  their  families.  The  is- 
sue of  the  campaign  is  yet  undecided.  You  will  go  into  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  enemy  and  terminate  it,  in  disputing  with  me  our 
triumph  over  tyranny.  You,  who  will  devote  the  remainder  of  your 
days  to  give  freedom  to  your  country,  are  fortunate  ; but  I,  who 
cannot  accompany  you,  and  who  am  forced  to  die  far  from  Vene- 
zuela, in  distant  and  foreign  lands,  in  order  to  establish  peace  be- 
between  you  and  your  countrymen,  I am  the  most  unfortunate 
of  men. 

“ Grenadans  and  Venezuelans  ! — I am  torn  away  from  you, 
who  have  been  my  companions  in  so  many  disasters  and  battles, 
to  go  and  live  in  inactivity,  and  not  to  die  for  my  country!  Judge 
of  my  sorrows  and  of  the  greatness  of  the  sacrifice,  which  I make 
of  my  heart,  my  fortune,  and  my  glory,  in  renouncing  the  honor 
of  leading  you  to  victory.  The  welfare  of  the  army  requires  it 
imperiously.  I have  not  hesitated  ; your  existence  here  and  mine 
are  incompatible  with  each  other.  I have  preferred  yours  ; your 
and  my  welfare,  that  of  our  brethren,  of  my  friends,  in  fine,  that 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


99 


of  all,  depends  on  the  welfare  of  the  republic.  Farewell,  fare- 
well ! This  9th  May  1815. 

(Signed)  BOLIVAR. 

Here  is  again  one  of  those  captivating  proclamations  which  de- 
serves some  explanation.  General  Bolivar  commences  this  address 
with  a very  singular  phrase  in  saying,  “Venezuelans! — you  have 
returned  to  your  country  crowned  with  laurels  ; but  this  felicity, 
this  happiness,  has  been  turned  totally  into  unhappinesss  and  mis- 
chief. Your  arms  have  been  stained  with  the  blood  of  your  breth- 
ren,” &c.  How  (may  I ask)  could  they  return  to  their  country, 
crowned  with  laurels  ? Was  it  because  they  had  forced  a defence- 
less city,  as  was  Bogota,  or  because  they  suffered  it  to  be  pillag- 
ed during  forty  eight  hours  ? And  who  has  hindered  this  felici- 
ty,— who  has  stained  his  arms  with  the  blood  of  his  brethren  ? 
What  will  be  said  and  thought  of  such  language,  after  reading  the 
particulars,  unfortunately  too  true,  of  the  proceedings  of  general 
Bolivar  against  Carthagena  ? The  dexterity,  to  say  no  more  of 
it,  with  which  he  tried  to  make  the  public,  who  were  ignorant  of 
these  circumstances,  believe  that  he  had  sacrificed  his  existence 
to  the  welfare  of  his  countrymen,  may  be  called,  with  great  reason, 
an  oriental  phrase  ! After  having  contributed  very  actively  to 
lose  the  cause  in  Venezuela,  and  then  in  New  Grenada  ; after  hav- 
ing shed  the  blood  of  his  innocent  countrymen,  as  patriotic  as  him- 
self; after  having  desolated  the  province  of  Carthagena,  betrayed 
the  confidence  of  the  congress,  and  put  the  Spaniards  in  Santa 
Martha,  at  their  ease,  and  procured  the  means  for  Morillo  to  find 
this  fortified  sea-port,  into  which  he  entered  with  his  troops  soon 
afterwards  ; after  having  facilitated  the  entry  of  the  Spaniards 
into  the  interior  of  New  Grenada,  general  Bolivar  foresaw  per- 
fectly well  that  all  would  be  lost  very  soon,  and  that  he  might  have 
been  arraigned  and  tried  for  not  having  followed  the  instructions 
of  Congress  ! It  was  for  these  reasons  that  he  thought  proper  to 
save  himself  and  put  his  person  in  security,  in  preference  to  re- 
maining at  the  head  ol  his  army,  to  accept  the  proposals  of  the 
government  of  Carthagena,  and  to  march  against  the  enemy  to 
make  reparation  for  the  faults  he  had  committed,  and  to  die  a glo- 
rious death,  if  necessary,  in  the  defence  of  his  country.  But  far 
from  this,  Bolivar  enuarked  for  Jamaica,  where  he  was  very  safe, 
and  distant  from  danger  ! Nobody  had  forced  him  to  give  up  the 
command  of  his  army  ; on  the  contrary,  the  command  of  the  two 
armies,  as  I have  mentioned,  was  at  his  disposal ; but  the  govern- 
ment refused  the  admission  of  his  army  into  tiie  fortress,  as  very 
impolitic  and  inexpedient,  fearing  with  reason,  an  unhappy  con- 
flict between  the  two  parties,  in  the  state  of  animosity  of  the 


100 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


troops  of  Carthagena,  against  those  under  command  of  general 
Bolivar. 

Bolivar  wished  to  make  it  believed  by  this  ad  captandum  pro- 
clamation, that  he  was  totally  innocent,  and  the  victim  of  some 
secret  enemy,  or  a faction.  But  there  existed  no  such  thing  ; 
it  was  himself  only  who  caused  the  death  of  more  than  a thou- 
sand of  his  soldiers,  the  dreadful  consequence  of  a siege  which 
ended  with  the  evacuation  of  Carthagena,  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  province  of  New  Grenada,  and  of  the  liberty  of  that 
province  ! 


CHAPTER  X. 

Consequences  of  Bolivar's  besieging  Carthagena — Situation  of 
J\cw  Grenada  and  Venezuela — Marquis  de  San  Leon  and 
Captain  General  Cagigal — Death  of  Boves — Execution  of 
Ribas — Cruelties  of  Morales — Conspiracy  of  the  Blacks.  1815. 

General  Bolivar’s  departure  gave  great  power  to  his  rival  gen- 
eral, Manuel  Castillo,  and  notwithstanding  the  lormal  promise  to 
forget  the  past,  to  live  in  good  harmony  and  friendship,  the  bitter- 
ness of  party  spirit  and  the  innate  hatred  which  exists  between  the 
Caraguin  and  Grenadan,  still  continued  in  its  force.  The 
chiefs  of  Bolivar’s  troops,  now  under  the  command  of  general  Flo- 
rencio  Palacios,  were  greatly  excited  against  all  who  belonged  to  the 
army  of  Carthagena,  and  particularly  against  its  commander,  gener- 
al Castillo. 

Bolivar  before  his  departure  had  appointed  his  cousin  Florencio 
Palacios  as  his  successor,  in  the  command  of  the  remaining  troops, 
which  from  2400  men,  were  reduced  by  desertion  and  malady, 
to  about  700  ! Castillo,  by  the  treaty  made  with  Bolivar,  had 
bound  himself  to  supply  these  troops  with  provisions  and  ammuni- 
tion, of  which  they  weie  in  need,  but  with  the  express  condition 
that  general  Palacios,  with  his  troops,  should  be  put  under  his  (Cas- 
tillo’s) command,  to  which  Bolivar  was  obliged  »to  consent  on  ac- 
count of  the  total  destitution  of  his  camp.  The  knowledge  of  this 
article  of  the  treaty,  spread  a general  dissatisfaction  among  the 
troops  still  encamped  upon  Fa  Popa.  Some  of  the  officers  in- 
dulged in  biting  remarks  against  Castillo,  which  were  reported 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


101 


to  him,  perhaps  a little  exaggerated.  He  was  very  vain,  proud  and 
sensitive,  and  he  had  flattered  himself  that  on  the  absence  of  general 
Bolivar,  all  would  be  forgotten,  and  order  and  good  harmony  re-estab- 
lished. He  was  furious  at  hearing  what  had  been  said  of  him.  But 
I must  render  the  justice  to  the  memory  of  general  Manuel  Castillo, 
to  say,  that  all  that  has  been  alleged  of  his  being  secretly  attached 
to  the  Spaniards,  is  a pure  calumny,  and  totally  without  foundation. 
His  intentions  were  always  pure  and  upright,  in  whatsoever  concern- 
ed the  welfare  and  freedom  of  his  country.  But  his  ambition,  his 
passions,  lost  him  every  thing.  All  could  have  been  again  settled,  to 
the  satisfaction  of  both  parties,  if  he  would  have  listened  to  the  ad- 
vice of  friends,  who  entreated  him  to  send  for  general  Palacios  and 
to  have  a frank  and  friendly  intervew  with  him.  But  he  refused 
any  advice  of  such  a kind,  and  treated  it  as  being  a weakness,  and 
too  great  a condescension.  I have  known  both  generals  very  inti- 
mately ; the  one  was  my  commander-in-chief,  and  the  other  my 
prisoner. 

Castillo,  after  having  heard  all  that  had  been  said  of  him  and  his 
army  on  the  day  of  Bolivar’s  embarkation  for  the  Island  of  Jamaica, 
ordered  that  the  troops  of  general  Palacios  should  be  removed  from 
La  Popa,  and  be  encamped  out  of  the  gates  of  Carthagena,  in  a 
very  humid  and  muddy  ground,  where  nothing  was  to  be  found 
except  sand  and  stones.  But  general  Palacios  and  his  officers, 
were  shocked  much  more  when  they  found  that  this  camp  was 
close  under  the  batteries  of  an  out-work,  called  the  fort  San  Felipe, 
so  that  Castillo  could,  at  the  least  rebellion,  destroy  them  in  a few 
minutes,  with  grape  shot ! Every  representation  against  such  a 
revolting  and  extraordinary  measure,  from  every  man  of  just  senti- 
ments, had  no  effect  upon  the  exasperated  feelings  of  Castillo.  He 
refused,  peremptorily,  to  change  the  ground  of  their  encampment. - 
True,  the  camp  was  provided  with  rations,  hut  in  an  insufficient 
quantity;  permission  was  however  granted  to  some  few  of  the  offi- 
cers to  enter  Carthagena,  to  get  what  they  wanted  ; hut  it  was  refu- 
sed to  every  non-commissioned  officer  and  private  to  enter  the  city, 
and  the  guards  at  all  the  gates  and  batteries,  were  reinforced,  as 
il  there  was  some  fear  of  a sudden  entreprise  against  the  fortress. 

These  measures  indicated  plainly  to  Palacios  and  his  officers,  the 
true  sentiments  of  general  Castillo  respecting  them.  Seeing  that 
there  would  be  no  change,  they,  in  the  evening,  secretly  called  a 
council  of  war,  in  which  it  was  determined  to  remove  the  camp,  and 
to  retreat  to  Turbacco,  at  four  leagues  from  Carthagena,  which  was 
effected  the  same  night. 

When  Castillo  heard,  the  following  morning,  that  Palacios  and  his 
troops  had  decamped,  and  when  he  received  a very  energetic  letter 


102 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


from  Palacios,  who  acquainted  him  with  this  resolution,  and  with 
the  motives  which  had  forced  him  to  act  as  he  did,  Castillo  was 
much  more  furious.  Palacios  mentioned  in  his  letter  that  he  was 
always  ready  to  act  in  union  with  Castillo,  whenever  he  would 
grant  him  the  promised  provisions  and  ammunition,  and  also  some 
auxiliary  troops  to  march  against  their  common  enemy.  This  last 
circumstance  softened  his  resentment  a little,  and  he  felt  that  he 
had  gone  too  far.  He  was  placed,  indeed,  in  a very  embarrassing 
situation,  and  did  not  know  how  to  act.  Some  friends  advised  him 
to  take  conciliatory  steps,  and  to  begin  by  sending  to  these  troops 
provisions  and  ammunition,  which  he  did.  He  sent  the  lieutenant 
colonel,  Mariano  Montilla,  with  the  commandant  Stuart,  who  com- 
manded a battalion  of  about  400  men,  with  more  provisions,  and 
arms,  &c.  to  Turbacco,  in  order  to  conciliate  general  Palacios. 
These  officers  and  men  were  received  well  enough  on  their  arrival, 
and  the  warlike  stores  were  immediately  distributed  among  the 
troops  of  Palacios ; but  after  this  was  done,  the  latter,  by  a secret 
order,  surrounded  the  battalion  of  Stuart  and  summoned  them  to 
surrender  or  to  be  shot.  They  were  thus  forced  to  obey,  if  not  to 
perish.  The  non-commisioned  officers  and  privates  were  deprived 
of  their  uniforms,  and  all  was  taken  from  them;  and  so,  half  naked, 
they  were  obliged  to  return  to  Carthagena.  Palacios  retained  pris- 
oners the  two  lieutenant  colonels,  and  some  other  officers,  and 
treated  them  ill,  and  like  prisoners  of  war. 

When  Castillo  received  the  news  of  such  an  uncommon  treachery, 
his  indignation  was  instantly  excited;  he  immediately  gave  orders  to 
arrest  all  the  Caraguin  officers  which  belonged  to  that  corps  and  of 
whom  a great  many  had  returned  into  Carthagena.  They  were  put 
in  prison,  and  strong  patroles  were  sent  out  in  search  of  the  re- 
mainder ; those  who  attempted  to  resist,  were  very  roughly  treated. 
Castillo  gave  orders  to  take  from  them  every  valuable  article,  such  as 
watches,  money,  &c.  and  to  search  them  in  the  Spanish  manner, 
viz : to  strip  them  all  naked,  and  to  examine  scrupulously  every 
part  of  their  clothes,  and  even  their  bodies  ! 

And  who  can  the  reader  believe  was  charged  with,  and  accept- 
ed, such  a vile  and  infamous  commission  ? It  was  a lieutenant 
colonel  of  the  garrison,  a near  relation  to  Castillo,  whom  I could 
expose  publicly  in  naming  him,  if  I had  not  some  regard  for  his 
respectable  family,  who  treated  me  with  great  kindness  and  friend- 
ship. They  were  treated  like  the  vilest  criminals,  and  shut  up  day 
and  night,  with  scanty  rations,  and  in  want  of  necessary  food  and 
even  of  water. 

When  Palacios  heard  this,  he  put  Montilla  and  Stuart  at  liber- 
ty, and  as  soon  as  these  arrived,  the  Caraguin  officers,  were 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


103 


released  but  conducted  with  a guard  to  some  vessels  which  were 
about  to  sail,  and  banished  to  foreign  countries,  without  any  regard 
to  their  future  welfare  or  comfort.  The  masters  of  those  merchant 
vessels  ready  to  depart,  were  bound  to  take  a certain  number  of 
them  on  board,  and  all  representations  against  it,  wTere  in  vain. 
They  were  compelled  to  receive,  and  provide  for  them,  during 
their  whole  passage.  Thus  ended  the  quarrel  between  Bolivar  and 
Castillo,  .and  these  facts  of  which  I w-as  an  eyewitness,  will  give  a 
convincing  proof  how  strong  the  enmity  was  between  the  two  par- 
ties, to  which  Bolivar  was  the  first  to  give  the  impulse,  and  which 
had  the  most  deplorable  consequences  upon  the  welfare  and  inde- 
pendence of  New  Grenada. 

General  Palacios,  it  is  true,  marched  from  Turbacco  against  the 
Spaniards,  under  Morillo,  and  drove  them  from  the  different  posts 
which  they  occupied,  on  the  river  Magdalena  ; but  his  forces  were 
too  weak,  and  too  much  in  want  of  the  necessary  supplies,  to  be 
enabled  to  undertake  any  enterprise  of  consequence. 

We  will,  see  now  what  was  going  on  in  Venezuela,  after  the  de- 
parture of  Bolivar.  I have  already  given  a detailed  account  of 
the  manner  in  which  he  left  Caracas,  and  retreated  towards  Bar- 
celona and  Cumana,  and  with  what  precipitation  he  embarked  and 
decamped  from  the  latter  port. 

The  astonishingly  precipitate  flight  of  the  two  dictators,  Bolivar 
and  Marino,  Would  have  lost  entirely  the  cause  of  independence 
and  liberty  in  Venezuela,  if  the  Spanish  leaders  had  acted  with 
more  moderation,  good  faith  and  justice  ; but  their  system  did  not 
change  at  all.  The  persecutions  and  cruelties  practised  upon  the 
unfortunate  and  much  disappointed  inhabitants  of  Venezuela,  left 
them  no  other  choice  but  to  endure  them,  or  to  fly,  or  to  take  arms, 
and  defend  their  liberty  and  lives,  and -repulse  tyranny  with  their 
bayonets. 

Since  the  7th  July  IS  14,  the  day  of  the  entry  of  the  Spanish 
troops  into  Caracas,  the  Marquis  de  San  Leon  was  entrusted  pro- 
visionally with  the  civil  government  (which  the  Spaniards  express 
to  be  the  Gefe  politico ) of  Caracas,  and  the  captain  general  Don 
Manuel  Cagigal,  with  the  military  department,  ( Gefe,  militar.) 
Both  were  moderate,  humane  and  wise,  and  desired  the  welfare 
of  the  country  in  their  sense,  that  is  to  say,  they  pretended  a blind 
submission  to  the  Spanish  government,  and  tried  to  do  as  much 
good,  or  little  mischief,  as  possible. 

The  Marquis  had  only  a temporary  authority,  and  Cagigal  was 
not  firm  and  courageous  enough  to  suppress,  by  a vigorous  act  of 
severity,  the  cruelties  committed  in  the  provinces  and  at  a dis- 


104 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


tance  from  his  head  quarters,  by  his  subalterns.  The  former  was 
one  of  the  richest  inhabitants,  and  had  great  influence  among  all 
classes  of  people  in  Venezuela.  To  him,  Caracas  was  at  this  time 
indebted  for  not  being  destroyed.  This  is  shown  by  the  following 
circumstance. 

When  the  column  of  colonel  Gonzales  entered  Caracas,  on 
the  7th  July,  the  provisional  government,  the  archbishop  at  its 
head,  came  to  receive  them,  and  requested  the  colonel  to  maintain 
order  and  discipline,  assuring  him  that  nothing  should  be  wanting 
for  his  troops.  This  column  behaved  very  well.  Some  days  af- 
terwards, a second  one  arrived,  commanded  by  a man  of  color, 
named  Machado,  and  composed  of  colored  and  black  people,  free- 
men and  slaves,  enlisted  by  Boves  in  his  division.  The  comman- 
der had  been  the  major  domo,  or  house  intendant  of  the  count  of 
La  Grange,  before  the  revolution.  As  soon  as  their  approach  was 
announced  to  the  Junta,  its  members  were  afraid  that  the  too  well 
known  wild  and  sanguinary  character  of  Machado,  might  occasion 
the  greatest  mischief  in  entering  the  capital.  Three  of  the  most 
respectable  inhabitants  of  Caracas,  offered  to  meet  them  at  some 
distance,  to  compliment  them  on  their  arrival,  and  to  assure  them 
of  being  supplied  with  the  necessary  provisions,  &:c.  so  that  they 
should  not  have  the  least  pretext  to  commit  any  disorders.  The 
former  master  of  Machado,  Count  de  La  Grange,  was  one  of  the 
three  deputies  who  met  him  at  a little  distance  from  the  town. 
Machado,  on  perceiving  them,  ordered  a halt,  and  reproached  them 
in  very  strong  and  hard  words,  “ for  having  received  and  tolerated 
so  long,  the  insurgents  and  their  leaders,  and  that  he  came  now  to 
punish  the  inhabitants  of  Caracas  for  their  treachery,  &ic.  &ic. 

The  Count  de  La  Grange,  believing  himself  still  to  have  some 
authority  upon  the  mind  of  his  former  servant,  tried  to  justify  him- 
self and  the  inhabitants  ; but  he  had  not  spoke  two  words,  when  he, 
and  one  of  his  companions,  were  murdered  on  the  spot.  The  third 
deputy  escaped  by  the  speed  of  his  hoise,  to  announce  this  dread- 
ful news  to  the  assembled  Junta. 

Machado  came  soon  afterwards  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  which 
he  put  in  order  of  battle,  into  the  public  square.  He  came  alone, 
with  drawn  sword,  before  the  assembled  Junta,  in  which  the  arch- 
bishop presided,  assisted  by  the  Marquis  of  San  Leon  and  others. 
He  reproached  them,  in  the  same  violent  language,  with  their 
treachery,  and  asked,  “ where  is  that  traitor  Gonzales  ? He  is  a 

d d scoundrel,”  &c.  The  Marquis  asked  him  in  a firm  and 

stern  tone,  “ what  he  wanted  of  the  colonel  ?”  “ I come  to  cut  his 

throat,”  answered  Machado,  brandishing  his  drawn  sword  in  a very 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


105 


menacing  manner,  so  that  the  archbishop,  and  the  whole  assembly, 
were  trembling.  The  former  told  him  that  colonel  Gonzales  was, 
at  that  moment,  not  present,  but  if  he  would  wait,  he  would  send 
for  him.  The  Marquis  de  Casa  Leon,  indignant  at  the  behaviour 
of  such  a wretch,  rose  from  his  seat  and  advanced  close  to  Ma- 
chado, and  asked  him  in  a calm,  but  firm  tone  of  voice,  “ for  what 
purpose  he  spoke  to  the  members  of  government,  to  the  represen- 
tatives of  his  king,  in  such  a tone  which  could  not  be  suffered  from 
any  of  his  subjects  ?”  He  ordered  him  to  return  immediately  to 
his  troops,  and  assure  them  that  their  wants  should  be  supplied  im- 
mediately ; hut  made  him  responsible  for  the  least  mischief  which 
they  should  commit  in  the  city.  If  he  complied  not  with  this  or- 
der, he  would  arrest  him,  and  try  him  as  a disturber  of  public  tran- 
quility, &lc.  Machado  intimidated  in  his  turn,  stammered  some 
words  of  excuse,  promised  to  obey,  and  kept  faithfully  his  word. 
Thus  were  the  inhabitants  of  Caracas  saved  from  destruction,  by 
the  firmness  of  one  man. 

But  when  general  Cagigal  was  named  commander-in-chief  of 
the  Spanish  army,  in  Venezuela,  his  authority  was  very  limited, 
the  natural  consequence  of  his  weakness  and  his  fears.  Boves  and 
Morales,  who  had  been  witnesses  of  his  cowardice,  and  his  flight 
from  Maturin  to  Angostura,*  who,  moreover  had  had  the  greatest 
success,  when  Cagigal  was  absent,  in  the  credit  of  which,  he  could 
not  therefore  participate,  and  finding  themselves  at  the  head  of  a 
strong  division  of  determined  plunderers  and  vagabonds,  who  were 
entirely  devoted  to  them,  they  cared  little  or  nothing  about  the  or- 
ders of  their  captain-general,  and  acted  entirely  at  their  pleasure. 
Others  imitated  this  example,  so  that  each  little  subaltern,  com- 
manding a small  body  of  armed  men,  committed  the  greatest  vexa- 
tions, and  went  unpunished  ! Caracas  and  its  environs  alone  felt 
the  benefit  of  the  good  intentions  of  general  Cagigal  and  the  Mar- 
quis de  Casa  Leon. 

After  the  departure  of  the  two  dictators  from  Cumana,  Ribas, 
Villapol,  Bermudes,  and  others,  found  the  means  to  unite  the  re- 
mainder of  the  scattered  patriots,  and  form  a corps  of  about  2000 
men,  who  fortified  themselves  at  Maturin.  They  sent  some  hun- 
dred men  to  Urcia,  not  far  distant  from  the  latter  place.  Boves 
marched  against  it,  and,  on  the  5th  December,  took  possession  of 
the  place,  after  some  resistance.  Boves  received  a blow  with  a 
lance,  and  expired  immediately.  His  enraged  soldiers  murdered 
every  one,  men,  women  and  children ! 


See  particulars,  Chapter  VI. 

14 


106 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Don  Francisco  Thomas  Morales  now  took  command-in-chief  of 
this  division,  and  marched  directly  upon  Maturin,  where  a great 
many  patriots,  with  their  families,  and  the  dispersed  troops  from 
Urica,  had  retired.  He  attacked  it,  on  the  11th  December,  and 
took  it,  by  assault,  after  an  obstinate  defence.  All  were  put  to 
the  sword.  Ribas  and  Bermudes,  with  some  officers,  escaped, 
closely  pursued  by  the  cavalry  of  the  enemy. 

General  Ribas  was  overtaken,  and  made  prisoner,  with  six  of 
bis  officers,  on  the  20th  December,  in  the  valley  of  Pagua.  They 
were  disarmed,  bound  and  delivered  up  to  the  Spanish  commander, 
Manuel  Gomez,  who  sent  them  to  Morales.  On  the  way,  they 
suffered  very  barbarous  treatment,  which  was  common  among 
the  Spaniards  at  that  time.  They  were  put  in  irons  and  treated 
like  the  greatest  criminals.  Soon  after  their  arrival  at  Barcelona, 
where  Morales  had  fixed  his  head  quarters,  he  ordered  them  to  be 
shot,  and  not  being  satisfied  with  this,  the  head  of  Ribas  was 
cut  off,  and  sent  to  Caracas,  where,  horrible  to  relate,  the  Spanish 
troops  and  the  militia  were  assembled,  on  the  14th  March,  to  assist 
at,  and  witness  the  hanging,  of  this  same  head  of  general  Ribas, 
in  the  public  square,  by  the  hands  of  the  hangman!  This  barbari- 
ty is,  1 believe,  one  of  the  most  atrocious  traits  of  ferocity  of  the 
Spanish  leaders  on  the  Main. 

Thus  perished  this  young  and  brave  man,  of  an  ardent  and 
elevated  mind,  who  deserved  a better  fate,  and  who  was  left  in  the 
manner  I have  related  before,  by  his  cousin,  Simon  Bolivar,  who 
saved  himself  with  Marino.  Joseph  Felix  Ribas,  was  one  of  the 
first  promoters  of  the  revolution  at  Caracas,  and  from  that  time  he 
took  the  most  active  part  in  the  field  of  battle,  under  the  orders  of 
the  commander-in-chief,  the  Marquis  del  Toro,  whilst  Bolivar  re- 
mained very  peaceably  at  San  Mateo,  or  in  the  valley  of  Tui.  He 
and  Bolivar  were,  from  their  youth,  very  intimate  friends  and  com- 
panions, and  the  latter  was  indebted  entirely  to  Ribas  and  colonel 
Brieeno,  as  I have  related,  for  the  success  of  his  campaign,  in 
1813,  against  Monteverde.  Ribas  had  the  greatest  ascendancy 
over  the  fearful  mind  of  Bolivar ; it  was  he  who  persuaded  Boli- 
var to  march  forward,  after  Castillo  had  left  him,  in  January  1 S 1 3, 
with  his  Carthagenan  auxiliary  troops ; it  was  by  his  skill  and 
bravery  that  Bolivar  gained  many  battles,  being  favored  by  un- 
commonly fortunate  circumstances,  which  united  to  give  him  his 
brilliant  success.  It  was  Ribas  who  was  against  evacuating  Cara- 
cas, and  who  refused  positively  to  assist  at  Bolivar’s  conferences 
with  the  archbishop  of  Caracas  ; it  was  he,  who  at  last  represent- 
ed to  the  dictator,  in  warm  and  strong  terms,  the  dreadful  conse- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


107 


quences  of  his  flight  from  Cumana  in  1814,  and  who  refused  posi- 
tively  to  accompany  him  in  his  flight, 

Morales  acted  like  a barbarian;  after  the  death  of  Boves  and 
his  success  at  Urica  and  Maturin,  the  most  dreadful  cruelties  were 
committed  upon  the  prisoners,  and  the  inhabitants  were  murdered, 
the  city  plundered  and  burnt.  He  was  proclaimed  commander- 
in-chief  of  all  the  provinces  lying  eastward  of  the  capital,  Caracas 
included  ; so  that  Barcelona,  Cumana,  &c.  were  subjected  to  him, 
whilst  Maracaybo,  Coro,  Barinas,  and  all  the  other  provinces  west- 
ward from  Caracas,  recognised  the  authority  of  the  captain-gener- 
al Cagigal,  who  dared  not  oppose  an  innovation  so  dangerous  for 
the  Spanish  cause. 

As  the  division  of  Boves,  now  commanded  by  Morales,  was 
composed  of  about  3000  colored  and  black  people,  which  were 
collected  from  among  freemen  and  slaves,  who  were  spread  over 
the  whole  country,  their  actions  and  words  had  the  greatest  in- 
fluence over  this  class  of  people,  and  various  dangerous  conspira- 
cies against  the  whites,  were  discovered  and  punished. 

It  is  useless  to  give  a detailed  account  of  all  that  happened  af- 
ter Bolivar  and  Marino’s  embarkation  at  Cumana  ; it  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  say  that  Venezuela  was  about  in  the  same  state  of  anar- 
chy, and  the  theatre  of  the  same  cruel  and  sanguinary  acts,  as  un- 
der Monteverde  in  1812,  and  under  the  dictatorships  of  Bolivar 
and  Marino. 

An  impartial  and  well  informed  reader  will  easily  perceive  that 
Bolivar’s  appearance  in  Venezuela  in  1813,  and  his  embarkation 
and  flight  from  Cumana  in  1814,  had  a very  strong  resemblance 
to  his  arrival  at  Tunja,  and  his  campaign  against  Carthagena.  In 
the  former  he  succeeded  at  first  in  being  victorious,  but  had  neith- 
er military  skill  nor  talents  enough  to  drive  the  enemy  entirely  out 
of  the  country,  which  could  have  been  easily  done  under  any 
leader  of  ordinary  experience  and  talents.  Bolivar’s  ambition  suf- 
fered no  advice,  no  congress,  and  entirely  guided  by  his  own  will 
and  caprice,  he  ruined  his  country.  After  having  plunged  it  into 
the  greatest  misery,  he  left  it,  embarked,  and  put  himself  in  safe 
ty.  In  New  Grenada,  congress  gave  him  the  best  occasion  to 
atone  for  his  faults  committed  in  Venezuela;  and  I may  here  al- 
lege, that  Urdaneta,  or  any  other  chief,  might  have  done  much 
better  than  Bolivar' did.  His  task  was  easy  and  glorious  ; it  was 
to  subdue  an  open  and  defenceless  city  like  that  of  Bogota,  with 
no,  or  a very  small  garrison ; another  would  not  have  suffered  the 
plundering,  during  48  hours,  of  a part  of  this  fine  capital.  Bolivar 
did  authorise  it ! Another  would  have  complied  with  the  strict 
orders  of  congress,  marched  against  St.  Martha  without  delay,  and 


108 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


have  been  received  with  open  arms  by  its  inhabitants.  The  well 
known  cowardice  and  tyranny  of  Montalvo,  with  his  200  men, 
could  by  no  means  resist  such  a number  of  soldiers  as  Bolivar  had 
with  him.  By  the  occupation  of  Santa  Martha,  Carthagena,  Savan- 
illa,  Rio  Hacha,  and  all  the  seaports  of  New  Grenada,  would  have 
been  shut  against  the  squadron  of  Morillo  ; Carthagena  would  not 
have  fallen  a victim  to  the  Spaniards,  and  congress  powerfully 
seconded  by  the  excellent  spirit  of  the  people,  would  have  gov- 
erned quietly  and  wisely,  as  it  did,  the  new  founded  republic. 

Bolivar,  blind  and  deaf,  listened  to  the  perfidious  advices  of  Cele- 
donio  Pineres,  and  forgot  his  engagements,  his  glory,  and  the  wel- 
fare of  a million  of  countrymen.  And,  strange  to  relate,  but  too 
true  : “ when  the  government  of  Carthagena  gave  him  a good  op- 
portunity to  redress  the  faults  committed,  in  offering  to  entrust  him 
with  the  command  of  the  troops  in  that  province,  with  the  remain- 
der of  his  besieging  army,  and  to  destroy  the  (in  the  beginning) 
small  number  of  Spaniards  who  landed  under  Morillo,  he  preferred 
to  secure  his  own  personal  safety,  and  embarked  ; pretending  that 
he  was  the  victim  of  a faction,’  &c.  The  reader  may  judge  of 
the  real  character  of  that  leader,  who,  wherever  he  goes,  spreads 
confusion,  anarchy  and  blood,  when  it  appears  by  his  curious 
proclamations,  as  if  he  was  the  only  sufferer,  and  the  true  friend 
of  order  and  liberty ! 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Events  at  Carthagena — Siege  of  that  place,  by  JMorillo — Castillo. 
Bernwdcs,  Dw.oudray  Holstein , Brion — Evacuation  of  Car- 
thagena and  Boca  Chica — Causes  of  Bolivar's  return.  1815. 

After  having  shown  the  consequences  of  Bolivar’s  departure 
from  Venezuela  in  1814,  and  his  embarkation  at  Carthagena  in 
May  1815,  we  must  give  some  account  of  wlfat  passed  in  the  lat- 
ter province,  in  the  absence  of  general  Bolivar,  and  how  it  came 
to  pass  that  he  returned,  after  staying  more  than  eight  months  at 
Kingston,  in  Jamaica.  But  for  the  understanding  of  the  following 
events,  it  will  be  necessary  to  give  a short  account  of  the  situation 
of  both  provinces,  of  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,  at  the  time  of 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


109 


general  Bolivar’s  leaving  the  first,  in  August  1814,  and  the  latter, 
in  May  1815. 

The  situation  of  the  Patriots  in  Venezuela,  was  not  at  all  so  des- 
perate as  the  dictator,  Bolivar,  had  represented  it,  when  he  em- 
barked at  Cumana,  in  the  night  of  the  25th  August.  There  was 
not  so  good  reason  as  he  stated  in  his  memoir,  to  leave  the  field  of 
battle  and  to  take  shelter  in  New  Grenada,  and  to  desert  the  cause 
of  his  native  land.  To  convince  the  reader  fully  that  this  was  a 
hasty  desertion  by  the  two  dictators,  I will  enter  here  into  some 
details. 

It  is  true,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  eight  provinces  of  Vene- 
zuela were  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  after  the  battle  gained  by 
Boves  at  La  Puerta,  (June  1814,)  but  they  were  not  at  all  subju- 
gated, or  their  inhabitants  in  favor  of  the  Spanish  government. 
They  saw,  truly  enough,  that  they  had  been  seduced  by  the  bril- 
liant promises  of  their  countryman,  Bolivar  ; that  he  had  not  fulfill- 
ed their  expectations,  and  that  he  had  acted  in  an  arbitrary  and 
tyranical  manner ; but  they  were  on  the  other  hand  fully  con- 
vinced that  a congress,  a wise  and  republican  government,  could 
offer  them  a happier  existence,  than  the  cruelties  of  a Monteverde 
and  his  subalterns,  or  of  a Boves,  Morajes,  Puy,  Rosetta,  and 
others  of  a similar  description.  The  name  alone  of  freedom  and 
liberty,  was  a powerful  magnet,  which  had  too  great  attraction, 
to  be  left  and  abandoned  hastily ; the  cruelties  and  vexations  of 
the  Spaniards,  on  the  other  hand,  offered  them  no  security,  no 
other  chance  than  to  take  arms  again,  and  to  drive  their  oppres- 
sors out  of  the  country,  or  to  die.  If  therefore  Bolivar  would  have 
followed  the  sound  advice  of  his  cousin  Ribas,  to  remain  in  Vene- 
zuela, and  to  suffer  the  desertion  of  his  colleague,  Marino,  every 
one  would  have  rallied  to  the  standard  of  the  only  remaining  die 
tator;  every  one  would  have  had  a central  point,  a single  leader, 
who  could  have  given  to  each  of  the  dispersed  columns,  a unity  of 
action,  a combined  force  and  success. 

General  Bolivar,  who  is  so  fond  of  a central  government,  who 
professed  loudly,  in  his  last  proclamations,  that  the  military  powrer 
alone  can  support  a civil  and  free  government,  forgot,  surely,  in 
the  night  of  the  24th  of  August  1814,  and  in  May  1S15,  and  still 
more,  in  July  lS16,&c.  his  favorite  principle;  if  not,  he  would  have 
remained  in  Venezuela,  united  his  scattered  forces,  and  fought,  or 
died,  like  a hero,  in  the  field  of  battle.  But  general  Bolivar  did 
not  show  us,  at  all,  these  brilliant  qualities. 

Instead  of  Bolivar  and  Marino,  we  see  Ribas,  Piar,  Paez,  Ur- 
daneta,  Villapol,  Y arasa,  Sedeno,  Monagas,  Roxas,  and  many  hun- 
dred brave  chiefs,  remaining  in  their  country,  and  fighting  for  liber- 


110 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


ty  and  independence.  These  chieftains  continued  to  harrass  the 
Spaniards  so  successfully,  and  gained  daily,  more  ground  and 
forces,  that  it  is  a known  fact,  that  the  Spaniards  would  have  been  at 
last  driven  out  of  Venezuela,  without  general  Bolivar,  if  Morillo 
had  not  arrived  in  time  to  support  the  cause  of  tyranny  and  op- 
pression, in  its  agony. 

Many  of  these  chieftains,  of  which  I know  a great  number  per- 
sonally, have  assured  me,  that  if  the  dictator  Bolivar  would  have 
remained,  all  would  have  gone  better;  all  felt  the  want  of  union, 
and  an  authority  which  they  were  already  used  to  recognise. 

Besides  the  eight  provinces  of  Venezuela,  the  island  of  Marga- 
rita, had  preserved  and  supported  its  libeity  and  independence, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  and  destroyed  about  2000 
of  Morales’  best  troops,  who  attempted  to  subdue,  in  the  beginning 
of  1815,  this  small  island,  inhabited  by  a set  of  brave,  industrious 
and  determined  people,  who  destroyed,  afterwards,  about  3000  of 
the  best  troops  under  Morillo.  This  alone  may  give  a proof  that 
the  cause  in  Venezuela  was  not  so  desperate  as  Bolivar  asserts. 

The  inhabitants  of  Margarita  were  emulated  by  the  so  well  known 
Llaneros,  (inhabitants  of  the  plains,  in  the  provinces  of  Caracas, 
Cumana,  Barcelona  antf  Barinas.)  They  were  in  continual  war 
with  the  Spaniards,  and  fought  under  Paez,  Yarasa,  Sedeno, 
Roxas  and  Monagas,  their  favorite  leaders,  with  a bravery  and 
zeal  which  did  them  the  greatest  honor. 

Morillo,  with  his  10,000  men,  arrived,  and  did  great  mischief, 
ruined  the  country,  took  the  pompous  title  of  Pacificator , and 
caused  the  destruction  of  thousands,  &c.  When  all  was  about  lost 
for  his  cause,  he  embarked  and  left  a weak  chieftain,  known  for  a 
great  coward,  as  his  successor,  who  by  his  apathy,  his  cowardice, 
and  jealousy  of  the  military  skill  of Morales,  lost  the  Spanish  cause, 
and  strange  to  say,  imitated  the  good  example  of  his  master  and 
benefactor,  Morillo,  of  whom  he  was  a great  favorite,  because  be 
was  docile,  and  submitted  to  the  caprices  of  his  master,  and  knew 
how  to  flatter  and  pay  court  to  him,  at  the  proper  time.  Dr.  Mi- 
guel de  La  Torre  embarked,  after  he  had  destroyed  the  cause 
of  tyranny  on  the  Main,  and  took  the  more  sure  and  quiet  com- 
mand of  the  island  of  Porto  Rico,  where  he  found  a second  An- 
gostura in  its  capital,  St.  John.  No  grape  shot  or  balls  would 
trouble  him  there,  and  he  could  repose  and  sleep,  as  he  did  in 
Porto  Cabello. 

Morillo  divided  his  forces  into  three  strong  divisions,  of  which 
one  was  destined  to  act  against  Bogota,  and  the  interior  of  New 
Grenada,  another  to  besiege  Carthagena,  and  the  last  to  reinforce 
the  Spanish  troops  in  Venezuela. 


MEMOIRS  OE  BOLIVAR. 


Ill 


At  the  latter  end  of  August  1815,  arrived  the  Spanish  squadron 
in  sight  of  Carthagena  and  Boca  Chica.  General  Castillo,  af- 
ter Bolivar’s  embarkation  for  Jamaica,  and  Palacios’  departure 
from  Turbacco,  acted  with  very  great  haughtiness  and  despotism 
in  Carthagena,  arid  took  not  the  least  vigorous  step  to  put  the 
place  in  a good  state  of  defence.  From  the  15th  January  1815, 
the  day  of  his  entry  into  Carthagena,  at  the  head  ol  a part  of  his 
army,  to  destroy  the  faction  of  Pineres,  he  remained  quiet  in  his 
large  and  beautiful  residence,  near  the  walls  of  Carthagena,  and 
appeared  no  more  at  the  head  of  his  troops.  He  occupied  him- 
self with  festivals  and  parties,  married  a young  and  beautiful  lady, 
with  whom,  and  her  sister,  he  remained  regularly  at  home,  was 
very  seldom  to  be  seen,  received  his  subalterns  in  a harsh  and 
haughty  manner,  arrested  various  commanders  unjustly,  namely 
the  commodore  Aury,  and  the  general  Florencio  Palacios,  and 
made  himself  many  great  enemies.  Among  them  was  general 
Ducoudray  Holstein,  of  whom  I am  compelled  to  speak  more  than 
I would  have  done,  if  what  I relate  was  not  a characteristic  picture 
of  the  chieftains  on  the'  Main. 

From  the  time  that  general  Ducoudray  had  taken  the  temporary 
command  of  the  strangers,  during  the  sessions  of  the  legislature, 
general  Castillo  became  entirely  changed  in  his  manners  to  the  for- 
mer. He  became  embarrassed,  cold  and  still’,  when  he  before  was 
very  intimate  and  friendly.  When  we  took  a ride  out,  which  hap- 
pened almost  every  afternoon,  he  was  silent  and  appeared  sorrow- 
lid,  and  when  I asked  him  the  reason  of  it,  he  said  to  me,  “ that 
he  had  no  motive  at  all  to  be  so.”  I perceived  this  change,  and 
declined  to  ride  out  any  more  with  him.  1 heard  afterwards  that 
he  felt  jealous  of  me,  and  the  ascendancy  which  I appeared  to 
have  over  the  strangers,  and  that  he  wished  to  have  me  out  of  his 
way,  declining  to  follow  a great  many  of  my  suggestions,  tending 
to  introduce  more  order  and  discipline  among  the  army,  so  called, 
of  Carthagena,  counting  less  than  2000  men  in  all. 

I was  therefore  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  four  forts 
of  Boca  Chica,  which  I found  in  a deplorable  situation.  I arrived 
in  the  night,  very  unexpectedly,  and  when  I rose  at  day-break,  as 
usual,  I met  with  a handsome  young  man,  well  dressed,  who  ap- 
proached me  in  a respectful  manner,  and  welcomed  my  arrival, 
saying  that  the  report  from  the  commander  in  the  forts  was,  that 
nothing  had  passed  worthy  of  notice.  I lived  in  a large  and  beau- 
tiful house,  called  the  Connnandancia,  at  some  distance  from  the 
forts,  at  the  entrance  of  the  borough,  called  Boca  Chica.  This 
young  man  was  nothing  else  than  the  first  servant  of  the  Connnan- 
dancia, who  told  me  that  the  former  commanders  of  these  forts, 


112 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


were  in  the  habit  of  receiving  from  him,  Lucas,  every  morning,  the 
report  from  the  forts.  Astonished  at  such  a disgraceful  mode  of 
service,  I ordered  the  four  commanders  of  these  forts,  the  major 
and  the  staff  officers,  before  . me,  and  established  order  and  disci- 
pline, which  had  been  very  much  neglected.  I understood  that 
the  officers  on  duty  and  guard,  left  their  guards  under  the  care  of 
a sergeant,  and  came,  in  short  jackets,  into  the  village,  where 
they  passed  the  whole  night. 

When  Bolivar  approached  Carthagena,  the  question  was  sug- 
gested, whether  I could  be  trusted  to  remain,  as  the  commander  of 
such  an  important  station  as  that  of  these  forts,  which  lay  as  a bul- 
wark at  the  entry  of  the  port  of  Carthagena,  12  miles  from  the 
fortress.  Some  said  1 might  be  in  favor  of  Bolivar,  and  give  up 
to  him  these  forts,  but  the  majority  were  in  my  favor,  and  express- 
ed great  confidence  that  I would  be  faithful  to  my  duty,  and  was 
an  officer  of  honor  and  trust.  Martial  law  was  now  proclaimed  in 
Carthagena,  where  Castillo  commanded,  and  in  Boca  Chica,  where 
I had  united  the  three  powers.  As  the  garrison  of  the  four  forts 
was  very  weak,  and  unable  to  do  field  duty,  1 assembled  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  surrounding  islands  of  Boca  Chica,  Barn,  Passao-Ca- 
bfdlos,  &c. ; represented  to  them,  in  a short  and  earnest  speech, 
the  situation  in  which  general  Bolivar’s  hostile  attack  placed  us, 
and  showed  them  the  necessity  of  taking  shelter,  with  their  fami- 
lies, in  the  forts,  and  doing  military  duty,  as  militia,  promising  at 
the  same  time,  that  not  one  of  them  should  be  pressed,  (as  was 
the  common  use,)  for  the  marine  service,  and  that  they  should  be 
armed  and  fed  at  the  expense  of  government.  They  assented 
unanimously,  and  I had  about  1500  young  and  brave  soldiers  more, 
which  I organised  the  same  day  in  different  corps  and  companies. 
I created  a company  of  150  boys,  from  10  to  15  years  old,  which 
rendered  me  great  service.  Drills  with  the  musket,  rifles  and 
guns,  were  regularly  established  in  the  forts,  and  the  distribution 
of  good  rations  provided  for,  a hospital  organised,  military  tribunals 
erected,  the  marine,  including  15  armed  vessels  systematized,  the 
fortifications  repaired,  the  arsenal,  workmen,  forges,  sailmakers, 
fishers,  &c.  established,  and  all  was  activity,  zeal  and  order,  so  that 
many  thousand  strangers,  who  were  witnesses  of  what  passed  in 
Boca  Chica,  were  surprised  to  see  such  activity  and  zeal,  when 
at  Carthagena,  all  was  in  great  apathy. 

One  Sunday,  being  at  mass,  I observed  a great  bustle  amongst 
the  congregation,  and  all  the  men  and  boys  running,  in  the  midst 
of  divine  service,  out  of  the  church.  Much  surprised,  I sent  an 
officer  to  know  the  reason  of  it,  and  received  the  report  that  the 
commandant  of  the  Matricula  (or  press  gang)  had  arrived  from 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


113 


Carthagena,  in  order  to  press  sailors  in  Boca  Cliica  ; and  that,  as 
soon  as  they  heard  that  the  colonel  Marques  was  coming,  they 
fled  into  the  mountains  and  surrounding  forest,  fearing  they  should 
be  pressed.  1 determined  immediately  to  show  them  that  I was  a 
man  used  to  keep  my  word,  having  pledged  myself  to  protect 
them  against  any  service  of  that  kind.  I sent  for  colonel  Mar- 
ques, and  at  the  same  time  ordered  the  inhabitants  to  return  and 
assemble,  without  arms,  before  my  house ; here,  in  their  presence, 
I asked  the  colonel  what  kind  of  mission  he  had,  and  by  what  or- 
der he  came  here.  He  showed  me  an  order  from  brigadier  gen- 
eral Eslava,  and  general  Castillo,  to  press  80  sailors,  of  which  the 
marine  in  Carthagena  was  in  great  want.  I told  him  I was  sorry 
that  I could  not  consent  to  assist  him  in  the  execution  of  such  an 
order,  having  pledged  my  word  that  none  of  these  inhabitants  should 
be  pressed  during  their  services  in  the  forts,  and  1 wrote  immedi- 
ately to  general  Castillo  and  Juan  de  Dios  Amador,  the  governor 
of  the  province,  the  motives  of  my  refusal,  and  the  urgency  of  be- 
ing faithful  in  my  promises,  to  inspire  that  confidence  in  me 
so  highly  necessary  in  civil  war,  &c.  I dismissed  colonel  Mar- 
ques, who  wished  to  make  me  some  representations,  which  I would 
and  could  not  hear.  But  he  persisting,  I was  obliged  to  tell  him 
in  a tone  of  authority,  that  if  he  did  not  embark  in  five  minutes,  I 
would  arrest,  and  send  him  into  one  of  the  forts.  I took  my 
Watch,  and  gave  the  necessary  orders  to  put  in  execution  my  threat. 
This  had  the  desired  effect,  and  he  returned  without  one  man. 

When  the  inhabitants  saw  how  I protected  them,  they  had  the 
greatest  confidence  in  me,  and  served  with  redoubled  zeal.  The 
following  is  an  instance  of  this  confidence. 

The  governor  wrote  to  me  a private  very  obliging  note,  ap- 
proving my  zeal,  my  good  services,  &c.  and  ended,  by  requesting 
me,  if  I could,  to  procure  him  220  good  sailors,  for  an  extraordi- 
nary expedition  against  some  Spanish  vessels  ready  to  sail  in  a 
few  weeks  from  Havana,  with  one  and  a half  millions  of  dollars, 
which  he  was  desirous  to  intercept.  I answered  him,  that  he  could 
have  300,  and  more,  without  any  difficulty.  The  squadron  of  five 
armed  vessels  came  some  days*  after,  under  the  command  of 
commodore  Tono,  from  Carthagena,  to  Boca  Chica,  and  the  latter 
handed  me  a polite  letter  from  the  governor,  in  reply  to  my  an- 
swer, lull  of  thanks  and  confidence.  The  procuring  of  the  neces- 
sary provisions,  water,  &c.  took  the  whole  day,  and  ! had  a large 
dinner  and  ball  party,  to  which  the  officers  of  the  squadron  and 
the  forts  were  invited.  Tono’s  first  question  was,  whether  the 
sailors  were  ready,  and  whether  they  were  chosen  by  me  ? I re- 
plied no  ! With  this,  he  was  perplexed  and  thunderstruck,  and 


114 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


he  was  the  whole  evening  very  uneasy,  and  came  in  the  middle  of 
the  ball,  at  about  one  o’clock  in  the  morning,  with  a very  sorrow- 
ful face,  to  ask  me  if  I had  not  yet  given  the  necessary  orders  for 
the  sailors,  &ic.  I replied  to  him  again,  I had  not ! and  that  he 
should  not  be  detained  a single  minute  by  me.  At  day-break, 
Tono  and  myself  left  the  ball  room,  embarked  for  the  principal 
fort,  and  ordered  the  alarm  gun  to  be  fired.  Soon  after,  every 
one  was  at  his  post.  1 ordered  all  the  sailors  from  the  three  other 
forts  to  come  down  to  San  Fernando,  where  I made  them  acquaint- 
ed that  the  government  was  in  need  of  good  sailors,  to  embark  for 
about  one  month,  and  that  I had  pledged  my  word  they  would  em- 
bark voluntarily  for  such  a short  time.  They  received  my  speech 
with  acclamations  of  viva  la  patria , and  said  they  were  ready  to 
embark.  Tono  and  all  the  navy  officers  were  astonished,  and 
could  hardly  believe  what  they  heard  and  saw.  I told  him  to 
choose  the  best  sailors,  and  every  one  of  them  embarked  cheer- 
fully. 

When  general  Castillo  heard  all  that  was  doing  in  Boca  Chica, 
he  appeared  jealous  and  uneasy.  He  came  one  day  to  visit  me, 
and  after  having  dined  with  me,  appearing  to  be  much  pleased 
with  his  hospitable  reception,  he  asked  how  many  rations  offish  were 
dealt  out  daily.  I answered  so  many.  He  said  in  a haughty  man- 
ner to  me,  “ that  will  not  do,  sir,  you  must  catch  more  !”  I show- 
ed him  the  ridicule  of  such  a pretension,  in  stating  in  a sarcastic 
tone,  that  I was  the  commander-in-chief  of  these  forts,  but  not  of 
the  fishes  in  the  sea ! and  that  I could  not  command  these  to  be 
so  good  as  to  fill  our  nets  ! All  the  bystanders  laughed  heartily 
at  my  reply,  but  not  so  Castillo  ; he  stood  up  in  a fury,  took  his 
sword,  and  said  to  me,  I should  soon  hear  more  of  him.  He 
stepped  out  and  ordered  the  officer  of  my  own  guard  to  arrest 
me,  and  that  I should  be  tried  before  a court  martial,  for  having 
disobeyed  his  orders.  I heard  these  words,  took  my  uniform  and 
sword,  and,  in  his  presence,  commanded  the  guard  to  present  arms. 
I then  asked  diem,  who  commanded  here,  Castillo  or  I ? As  the 
general  made  much  noise,  a great  many  officers  and  privates  had 
surrounded  my  house,  and  all  cried  with  the  guard,  u viva  nuestro 
r.ommandante,  our  father,  our  commander-in-chief,”  and  “ muere 
Castillo, ” (perish  Castillo.)  The  general  turned  pale,  and  said  to 
me,  in  a faultering  voice,  that  he  hoped  I would  not  suffer  him  to 
he  murdered . I immediately  commanded  silence,  and  said  to  the 
enraged  soldiers,  that  genera  Castillo  having  come  on  a visit,  I. 
and  they,  would  surely  not  suffer  a breach  of  hospitality  to  him ; 
and  that  he,  Castillo,  should  embark  immediately  for  Carthagena, 
from  whence  he  came.  So  ended  this  ridiculous  behaviour,  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


115 


lie  thanked  me  very  heartily  when  I handed  him  into  his  long-boat, 
safe  and  uninsulted.  But  my  officers,  and  those  of  Carthagena, 
had  a long  time  been  tired  of  his  tyranny  and  haughty  manners, 
and  one  night  came  three  of  the  officers  of  the  highest  rank  from 
Carthagena  to  Boca  Chica,  and  asked  my  assistance  to  arrest  Cas- 
tillo and  put  myself  at  the  head  of  the  troops.  I refused  positively 
to  accept  the  command  of  Carthagena,  being  fully  satisfied  with  my 
station,  but  consented  to  displacing  Castillo,  as  having  become  un- 
worthy, by  his  apathy  and  bad  measures,  to  command  us  any 
longer. 

Alter  the  refusal  of  three  others,  the  command  was  conferred 
upon  colonel  Bermudes,  who  belonged  to  Bolivar’s  army.  He 
arrested  Castillo,  and  began  by  shooting  captain  Cespedes,  who 
commanded  the  guard  before  the  palace  of  general  Castillo,  and 
who  tried  to  resist.  This  cruelty  against  a young  officer,  who  did 
his  duty,  was  unnecessary,  as  Bermudes  had  a stronger  guard  with 
him,  which  was  sufficient  to  make  prisoners  of  Castillo’s  captain 
and  soldiers,  being  only  20  men,  without  killing  a young  officer,  20 
years  old,  the  only  consolation  of  his  afflicted  father. 

The  friends  of  Bermudes  advised  him  to-  get  himself  elected 
dictator,  during  the  whole  time  of  the  siege.  A great  council  of 
war  was  convoked  for  the  16th  September,  to  which  I received  an 
invitation  ; but  I sent  in  my  place  colonel  Sata  y Busy,  the  ex- 
chief of  the  staff  of  Miranda’s  army,  in  1S12,  who  served  finder 
my  orders.  I had  the  following  report  from  him  : “ The  council 
was  solemn  and  numerously  attended,  and  after  various  orators  had 
urged  the  necessity  of  uniting  the  forces,  and  naming  general  Ber- 
mudes as  a temporary  dictator,  the  latter  having  already  risen  from 
his  seat,  to  express  his  thanks  and  acknowledgments,  was  inter- 
rupted by  a Caraguin,  named  Garcia  de  Sena,  who  was  the 
provisional  secretary  of  the  war  department.  He  spoke  with  so 
great  vehemency  against  such  a step,  that  Bermudes,  being  con- 
fused, dared  not  to  speak  a single  word  more.  This  weakness  in 
a commander,  on  such  an  occasion,  where  the  public  welfare  stood 
in  danger,  made  a very  unfavorable  impression  upon  the  minds  of 
the  other  chiefs,  who  had  conceived  a higher  opinion  of  Bermudes. 
F rom  that  time,  and  when  Morillo  besieged  the  place,  the  com- 
mander ol  Carthagena  took  very  insignificant  measures  to  provide 
the  place,  showed  no  energy,  no  activity,  no  talents,  and  occupied 
himself  with  his  pleasures  ; and  so  it  happened  that  the  city  was 
filled  with  sick  and  perishing  people,  who  died  for  want  of  food. 
Some  told  him,  in  vain,  that  the  secret  friends  of  the  Spaniards, 
ol  whom  Carthagena  had  at  the  tmie  a large  number,  had  secreted 
flour,  rice,  and  other  provisions  ; but  all  was  in  vain  ; he  took  no 


116 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


step  to  search  the  indicated  places,  but  sunk  into  great  apathy.  This 
was  so  true,  that  two  hours  after  the  entry  of  Morrillo’s  troops  into 
Carthagena,  white  bread,  baked  from  this  same  flour,  was  found 
in  abundance,  for  sale  in  the  streets  of  the  fortress. 

In  a time  of  civil  war,  where  the  greatest  precaution  should  have 
been  taken  to  fill  the  public  offices  with  virtuous  and  devoted  sub- 
jects, it  is  a too  notorious  fact,  that  a great  many  of  the  most  im- 
portant offices  were  filled  with  Spaniards,  or  secret  enemies  of  the 
cause. 

In  September  1S15,  or  during  the  siege  of  Carthagena,  by  Mo- 
rillo,  were  to  he  found  in  Carthagena,  1st,  a JMareschal  de  Campo , 
a European  Spaniard,  to  whom  the  republic  paid  his  half  pay  from 
the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  who  remained  quietly  during  the 
whole  siege  of  Morillo  in  Carthagena.  His  name  was  Don  Fran- 
cisco Esquiagva,  born  in  the  province  of  Cataluna,  who,  notwith- 
standing his  being  75  years  of  age,  was  yet  very  vigorous  and  ac- 
tive ; mixed  in  all  societies,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  all  that 
passed  in  the  city  ; he  gave,  every  week,  a detailed  account  of  the 
situation  of  the  fortress,  to  the  Spaniards,  to  whom  he  was  entirely 
devoted. 

Such  a dangerous  man  was  tolerated,  whilst  the  widow  of  a 
Spanish  colonel,  an  American,  was  expelled  from  Carthagena, 
with  her  two  daughters,  because  she  spoke  some  insignificant  words 
against  the  patriot  leaders  in  Carthagena ! 

The  second  Spaniard  was  brigadier  general  Antonio  Angiano, 
commander  of  the  engineers;  3d,  the  brigadier  Eslava,  comman- 
der of  the  navy  ; 4th,  the  chief  of  the  staff  of  the  same  department, 
captain  of  a man  of  war,  J.  M.  Tono ; the  three  other  captains  of 
the  same  rank,  were  also  Spaniards  born,  and  were  yet  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  republic ; 5th,  the  chief  of  the  land  troops,  colonel 
Manuel  Cortes,  the  same  who  proposed  poisoning  the  well  of  La 
Popa,  during  the  siege  of  Carthagena  by  Bolivar  ; 6th,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  artillery,  lieutenant  colonel  Joseph  Bossa, 
and  the  major  Joseph  Lear,  with  a dozen  other  subaltern  officers; 
8th,  the  treasurer  general  Francisco  Ferrer,  and  his  deputy  Juan 
de  Dios  Sotomavor ; so  that  the  finances  of  the  republic  were  en- 
tirely in  the  hands  of  Spaniards,  and  at  their  disposal ; 9th,  the  in- 
tendant  of  the  army,  Antonio  Cespedes;  10th,  the  director  of  the 
custom  house;  11th,  the  grand  vicar,  known  under  the  de- 
nomination of  Father  Provisor,  Dr.  Bantista  Sotomayor,  the 
same  who  excommunicated  the  free  masons  and  others  in  1814. 

Besides  this  list  of  Spaniards  in  office,  in  the  small  province  of 
Carthagena,  the  richest  commercial  houses,  also  a great  many 
private  families  and  individuals,  the  friars,  priests,  monks  and  nuns, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


117 


were  secretly  devoted  to  the  Spanish  cause,  and  great  enemies  of 
the  republican  system.  And  never  did  Bermudes  take  any  step 
to  watch,  or  to  change  these  Spanish  officers,  of  which  a great 
many  were  known  to  be  in  favor -of  Spain.  He  never  gave  the 
least  order  to  send  away  in  time,  all  the  useless  consumers,  in  a 
place  destitute,  as  he  very  well  knew,  of  all  means  of  subsistance. 
The  fact  is,  that  Bermudes  was  an  ignorant,  ambitious,  and  indo- 
lent man,  totally  unfit  to  command,  in  such  critical  circumstances, 
a place  of  such  importance,  as  was  Carthagena.  When,  at  last, 
he  sent  away  some  miserable  wretches,  whom  he  sent  to  me,  with 
a recommendation  to  provide  for  their  subsistance,  he  did  it  much 
too  late,  and  when,  already,  340  persons  died  every  day  at  Car- 
thagena. 

While  Bermudes  acted,  in  the  latter  place,  with  great  apathy 
and  weakness,  Ducoudray  organised  armed  gun  boats,  to  take  from 
the  magazines  of  the  enemy,  in  the  islands  of  Boca  Chica  and 
Bara,  large  quantites  of  provisions ; created  companies  of  fisher- 
men, who  took  daily,  under  the  protection  of  these  boats,  a large 
quantity  of  fish  ; supplied  Carthagena  with  provisions ; sent  armed 
privateers  in  search  of  all  that  was  wanted, 'and  showed  every 
where,  the  first  example  to  his  troops,  in  every  kind  of  danger  and 
fatigue.  Thousands  of  foreigners,  at  that  time  in  Carthagena,  will 
confirm  these  well  known  facts  ; when  Bermudes,  and  those  chiefs 
concerned  in  this  statement,  will  try  to  deny  it  publicly,  and  will, 
in  order  to  destroy  the  impression  of  truth,  make  the  utmost  exer- 
tions to  calumniate  my  actions  and  services,  as  this  same  Bermu- 
des, Charles  Soublette,  and  others,  have  done  already.  I despise 
such  attempts,  and  am  sure  that  the  statement  of  facts,  dates,  names, 
in  my  history,  and  still  more  the  deplorable  state  of  affairs  in  Co- 
lombia, will  show  how  miserably  public  affairs  have  been  managed 
in  this  beautiful  country,  where  nature  has  done  every  thing  to  give 
happiness  and  plenty  to  its  inhabitants. 

1 said  that  I was  always  ready  to  show  the  example  of  order  and 
submission  to  discipline,  and  of  exposure  to  danger.  One  day,  for 
instance,  I ordered  a sortie  of  200  men,  from  the  fort  of  San  Fer 
nando,  to  repulse  some  incendiaries,  from  the  village  of  Boca 
Chica,  but  could  not  find  more  than  20  volunteers  who  would  fol- 
low a certain  lieutenant  colonel,  under  my  orders,  in  whom  no  one 
had  the  slightest  confidence.  When  I heard  this,  I put  myself  at 
the  head  of  the  party,  and  was  immediately  followed  by  more  than 
300  men,  ordering,  peremptorily,  the  surplus  back,  to  remain  in 
tbe  fort.  I soon  drove  the  enemy  back,  who  took  to  flight  and  re-> 
turned  no  more. 


118 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Another  day,  having  given  orders  to  demolish  a battery  of  no 
use,  more  than  3000  cannon  balls  remained  piled  up  in  the  re- 
doubt. The  commander  of  the  artillery,  colonel  Toborda,  repre- 
sented to  me  that  his  artillerists  were  too  much  engaged  in  other 
works,  and  unable  to  take  these  halls  into  the  arsenal.  I there- 
upon issued  an  order,  that  every  individual  coming  to  the  fort  of 
San  Fernando,  should  bring  one  of  these  balls,  whenever  he  pass- 
ed the  draw  bridge  to  come  in,  without  distinction  of  rank  or  per- 
son. I understood  that  this  order  met  with  general  approba- 
tion, and  that  three  staff' officers  alone,  said  they  never  would  sub- 
mit to  an  order  so  degrading  to  officers  of  their  high  standing. 
These  having  been  named  to  me,  1 determined  to  subject  them 
immediately  to  the  order,  as  a measure  highly  recessary,  in  the 
present  extraordinary  circumstances.  I sent  for  them,  alter  having 
instructed  the  captain  of  the  guard  at  the  draw  bridge  not  to  suffer 
even  myself  to  pass,  without  carrying  a cannon  ball,  and  so  nobody 
else , in  coming  into  the  arsenal  of  San  Fernando,  where  I had, 
since  the  siege  by  Morillo,  established  my  head  quarters.  I told 
these  three  officers  that  I wanted  their  advice  on  some  outworks, 
on  which  the  Spanish  prisoners  were  employed.  Having  passed 
the  bridge  with  them,  1 pretended  to  have  forgotten  some  plans, 
and  sent  two  back  to  my  cabinet,  requesting  them  to  ask  my  secre- 
tary for  those  papers.  They  were  in  full  uniform,  as  well  as  my- 
self; and  bearing  themselves  loftily,  they  passed  the  bridge  and  the 
first  centry,  who  presented  arms.  The  second  stopped  them 
short,  and  asked  them,  respectfully,  “ if  they  were  not  acquainted 
with  the  general’s  order?”  They  answered,  “yes,  but  such  an 
order  had  nothing  to  do  with  them.”  The  centry  told  them  “ that 
they  were  subject  to  it  like  any  body  else ;”  they  were  about  to 
force  a passage,  but  he  presented  his  bayonet  and  called  for  the 
guard.  This  naturally  made  a noise,  and  many  hundreds  assem- 
bled in  a few  minutes  to  know  the  cause.  I came,  of  course,  im- 
mediately, and  asked  the  reason  of  the  centry’s  call.  The  officer 
of  the  guard  told  me,  “ that  the  resistance  of  the  two  colonels 
against  the  orders  given,  was  the  cause  ot  the  alarm.”  “ Well, 
gentlemen,”  said  I,  very  coolly,  “ I will  go  fetch  my  papers  my- 
self, but  as  the  commander  of  the  forts  has  given  the  order  that 
nobody  should  be  permitted  to  enter  San  Fernando  without  taking 
one  of  these  balls  into  the  arsenal,  the  useful  orders  of  the  com- 
mander must  be  respected,  and  I obey  him  with  pleasure,  since 
they  have  been  given  for  the  welfare  and  safety  of  us  all.”  So 
saying,  and  without  giving  them  the  least  reprimand  or  looking  at 
the  two  officers,  I took  one  of  these  rusty  bullets,  and  passed  the 
gates  before  the  whole  guard  under  arms,  and  amid  huzzas 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR, 


119 


of  all  the  bystanders,  who  took,  each  one  his  bullet,  and  fol- 
lowed me.  The  officers  astonished  and  ashamed,  followed  my  ex- 
ample, and  from  that  time  nobody  attempted  to  resist  any  order  given. 

I could  relate  a great  many  other  instances,  but  I am  afraid  of 
speaking  too  much  of  wpat  I did.  It  will  suffice  to  state  here,  that 
I was  the  last  officer  who  left  the  forts,  after  having  protected  the 
whole  emigration,  which  came  under  my  batteries,  from  Cartha- 
gena  to  Boca  Chica,  in  the  afternoon  of  the  7th  December. 

In  the  meantime,  captain  Louis  Brion,  afterwards  admiral  Brion, 
came  from  London,  with  a fine  corvette  of  24  guns,  14,000  stand 
of  arms,  and  a great  quantity  of  warlike  stores,  to  Boca  Chica. 
He  fell  sick,  and  I took  him  into  my  house,  where  our  acquaint- 
ance was  soon  changed  in  intimacy.  He  spoke  to  me  continually 
of  general  Bolivar,  and  regretted  much  to  see  him  absent.  One 
day  an  intimate  friend  of  Bolivar  arrived  from  Jamaica,  a Dr.  Ro- 
driguez, a man  whose  plain,  unassuming  manners  pleased  me 
much.  He  had  frequent  conversation  with  Brion.  They  both  lived 
in  my  large  government  house.  One  evening,  being  in  my  cabinet, 
captain  Brion  came  in,  and  asked  me  if  I had  any  pressing  busi- 
ness, or  was  at  leisure  to  hear  what  he  had  to  communicate.  He 
told  me  that  Dr.  Rodriguez  had  just  arrived  from  Carthagena, 
where  Bermudes,  in  consequence  of  his  apathy,  and  halfway 
measures,  was  generally  despised  ; that  they  accused  him  of  occu- 
pying himself  more  with  his  pleasures  than  with  his  duty,  and  that 
he  was  unworthy  to  command  ; that  Carthagena  was  in  a deplorable 
situation,  through  his  fault,  &,c.  Brion  said  to  me,  after  a pause  : 
“ I know  no  other  man,  among  all  these  chieftains,  but  Bolivar,  able 
to  save  the  place ; at  least,  he  has  an  acknowledged  authority  over 
them  all,  and  you  and  I could  assist  him  much  ; then  I hope  that 
the  misfortunes  he  has  experienced,  will  correct  his  haughty  and 
despotical  character.  Dr.  Rodriguez  assures  me  that  he  is  quite 
another  man  in  Jamaica,  and  that  he  is  anxious  to  return.  The  Dr. 
came  here  on  his  order,  and  desires  much  to  have  a private  con- 
versation with  you  on  the  subject,  as  you  alone  are  able  to  support, 
and  send  for  him.” 

After  five  or  six  conferences  between  Brion,  Rodriguez,  and 
myself,  the  following  measures  were  adopted,  to  favour  general 
Bolivar’s  return.  As  Ducoudray  possessed  the  entire  confidence 
of  all  those  under  his  command  ; as  he  had,  moreover,  many  friends 
amongst  the  most  powerful  natives,  and  strangers  in  the  city  of 
Carthagena,  he  spoke  to  Dr.  Rodriguez,  upon  the  facility  of  intro- 
ducing Bolivar,  and  putting  him  at  the  head  of  the  government  of 
Carthagena,  instead  of  the  weak  and  indolent  Bermudes.  I re- 
quested the  Dr.  to  go  again  to  Carthagena,  and  sound,  adroitly, 


120 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


some  persons  whom  I named  to  him,  and  any  body  else  upon  whom 
I could  rely.  He  returned  and  found  my  observations  correct. 
He  said  further,  that  all  those  persons  whom  he  visited  during  his 
three  days  stay,  assured  him  that  Bermudes  had  entirely  lost  his 
confidence  and  activity,  and  that  they  saw  him,  with  sorrow,  associ 
ating  too  much  with  women  known  to  be  secretly  attached  to  the 
Spanish  cause.  This  the  Dr.  repeated  to  me  twice,  and  said 
he  had  heard  it  from  good  authority.  Brion  offered  to  go  with 
his  five  corvettes,  to  Aux  Cayes  (fiayti)  to  get  one  thousand  bar- 
rels of  Hour,  rice,  and  other  provisions,  which  might  enable  Car- 
thagena  and  Boca  Chica  to  support  a longer  seige,  and  to  come 
immediately  back  to  Boca  Chica,  whilst  1 engaged  the  fast  sailing 
well  armed  privateer  La  Popa , which  was  one  of  tlie  armed  ves- 
sels under  my  order,  to  go  For  general  Bolivar,  to  Kingston,  in  Ja- 
maica, and  to  send  Dr.  Rodriguez  in  the  vessel  with  a letter  di- 
rected to  Bolivar.  All  was  ready  in  a couple  of  days,  and  they 
sailed  early  in  the  morning  on  the  11th  of  November  in  company 
with  three  other  privateers,  commanded  by  me,  to  search  on  the 
coast  for  provisions. 

Dr.  Rodriguez  received  verbal  instructions,  from  me  and  Brion  ; 
nobody  else  in  Carthagena  or  Boca-Chica,  had  the  least  idea 
of  what  was  going  on.  Besides,  1 handed  a letter  to  the  Dr. 
addressed  to  general  Bolivar  in  French,  of  which  the  following  is  a 
translation : “ Dear  General,  an  old  soldier  of  acknowledged 
republican  sentiments,  with  whom  you  are  personally  well  acquaint- 
ed, and  are  informed  that  he  has  served  against  you,  invites  you 
now  to  come  and  place  yourself  at  the  head  of  the  government  of 
Carthagena,  where  Bermudes  acts  with  great  weakness  and  apathy. 
I engage,  by  the  influence  which  I have  here  in  Boca-Chica  and 
in  Carthagena,  to  putin  execution  this  change  of  government  with- 
out the  least  bloodshed,  and  pledge  my  life  for  all  the  consequen- 
ces. In  taking  this  extraordinary  step,  1 can  assure  you,  candidly, 
that  I have  no  other  intention  than  to  save  the  cause,  which  is  in 
danger  of  being  lost  in  Bermudes’  weak  hands.  Brion  is  your 
friend,  and  Brion  alone,  has  engaged  me  by  showing  your  charac- 
ter to  me  in  a very  different  light  from  that  in  which  I had  recei- 
ved it  from  others.  Dr.  Rodriguez,  who  will  hand  you  this  letter, 
will  explain  to  you  every  other  particular  concerning  this  plan,  but 
lose  not  a minute,  and  come  in  the  same  vessel  immediately. 
Captain  Pierrill,  who  commands  the  Popa,  has  orders  to  take  you 
and  your  friends  to  Boca  Chica. 

Respectfully  Yours, 

(Signed)  DUCOUDRAY  HOLSTEIN. 

Dated,  Boca  Chica,  November  11th,  1815.” 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


121 


General  Bolivar  was  much  surprised  at  the  sudden  arrival  of 
Dr.  Rodriguez,  and  much  more  at  my  letter,  and  at  all  the  partic- 
ulars communicated  to  him  by  the  Dr.  Bolivar  was  so  highly  pleas- 
ed, that  he  remained  not  a day  longer  in  Kingston,  but  embarked 
with  the  Dr.  and  two  aid-de-camps,  the  same  evening,  to  join  me 
in  Boca  Chica.  But  being  under  sail,  he  met  with  another  Cartha- 
genan  privateer,  the  Republican,  captain  Joanny,  who  informed 
him  that  all  wras  lost,  that  Carthagena  and  Boca  Chica  were  evac- 
uated by  the  patriots,  and  that  Ducoudray  and  the  principal  patriot 
families  were  on  their  way,  in  ten  armed  vessels,  under  the  com- 
mand of  commodore  Louis  Aury,  directing  their  course  toward  Aux 
Cayes  (Hayti.) 

General  Bolivar  then  changed  his  course  and  arrived  ten 
days  before  our  squadron  at  Aux  Cayes,  and  departed  from  thence 
to  the  capital  of  Hayti,  Port  au  Prince,  where  he  wyas  cordially 
received  by  the  president,  Alexander  Petion. 

It  will  undoubtedly  surprise  the  reader,  that  I,  who  vas  so  decid- 
edly against  general  Bolivar  in  September,  1814,  had  changed  so 
suddenly  in  his  favor,  in  November  1815.  But  this  is  not  so  sur- 
prising, when  we  consider  the  circumstances  of  my  personal  and 
delicate  situation,  in  a land  where  I was  a stranger,  and  full  of  en- 
thusiasm for  the  liberty  and  freedom  of  this  beautiful  country.  Re- 
cently arrived  at  Carthagena,  I remained  more  than  two  months,  a 
quiet  observer  of  all  that  was  going  on,  before  I engaged  in  the  ser- 
vice of  this  republic,  which  was  offered  me  some  days  after  my  ar- 
rival. But  having  at  last  consented  to  serve  as  Gefe  de  Brigada 
(colonel)  in  Castillo’s  staff,  until  my  nomination  as  nidreschal  de 
campo  could  be  confirmed  by  the  congress  of  New  Grenada 
which  was  sent  to  Tunja  by  the  president  Manuel  Rodriguez 
and  general  Castillo,  I was  in  honour  bound  to  support  the  existing 
government  in  Carthagena,  and  obliged  to  act  again  t the  united 
combination  of  the  twro  Pineres  with  Bolivar  as  I did,  and  as  I have 
stated  in  another  chapter.*  General  Bolivar  departed  from  Car- 
thagena to  Tunja,  and  besieged  Carthagena  ; I being  commander 
of  the  forts  of  Boca  Chica,  was  naturally  obliged  to  remain  faith- 
ful to  the  established  government  of  Carthagena,  and  in  killing 
general  Bolivar  in  an  action  (ns  I said  afterwards  to  himself,)  I 
should  have  done  my  duty.  But  Brion’s  arrival  from  London,  my 
intimacy  with  him,  the  warmth  with  which  he  represented  to  me 
the  necessity  of  saving  Carthagena  in  pursuance  of  his  plan,  and 


* See  Chapter  VII. 


16 


122 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


my  being  fully  convinced  that  this  plan  was  the  only  one  to 
save  the  province,  which  I alone  could  effect,  considering  my 
position  at  that  time,  determined  me,  and  I would  have*  fulfill- 
ed my  new  engagement  with  Bolivar  at  the  peril  of  my  life,  if  the 
evacuation  of  Carthagena  had  not  taken  place  sooner  than  I and 
Brion  expected.  Then  I wras  like  many  others,  fully  convinced  of 
the  total  incapacity  and  apathy  of  Bennudes  as  commander  of  Car- 
thagena. 1 was  so  fully  persuaded  that  I had  formed  a wrong 
opinion  of  Bolivar’s  character  and  abilities,  and  moreover  that  I saw 
in  this  recal  of  Bolivar  the  only'  way  to  save  the  republic  from  de- 
struction, that  I acted  in  conformity  to  my  conviction,  and  will  ne- 
ver deny  these  steps  taken  in  favour  of  a man,  whom  I found  after- 
wards, not  at  all  to  correspond  to  the  ideas  I had  formed  of  him. 

I will  say  shortly,  in  closing  this  chapter,  that  the  distress  was  so 
great  in  Carthagena,  for  want  of  provisions,  that  it  was  resolved  to 
evacuate  it  secretly  in  the  night,  without  capitulating  with  a cru- 
el and  faithless  enemy  like  Morillo.  This  was  done,  and  Louis 
Aury  the  commodore  of  the  squadron,  received  these  unfortunate 
people  on  board,  forced  the  passage  of  the  canal,  which  forms  the 
entry  of  the  port  of  Carthagena,  from  Boca  Chica,  and  all  came  to 
shelter  themselves  under  batteries  of  the  forts  which  I commanded. 
I was,  therefore,  the  last  chieftain  who  remained,  and  after  all  the 
families  from  Boca  Chica  were  embarked,  I came  at  two  o’clock 
in  the  morning  of  the  8th  December,  1815,  on  boaid  the  commo- 
dore Aury,  where  I joined  my  family  ; and  so  we  left  this  unhappy 
country,  and  sailed  for  the  port  of  Aux  Cayes.  • 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Particulars  of  the  stay  of  General  Bolivar  in  Aux  Cayes — Char- 
acteristical  Anecdotes. 

The  emigrants  from  Carthagena,  and  my  family,  arrived  the 
6th  of  January  1516,  at  Aux  Cayes,  after  having  suffered  cruelly 
for  want  of  water  and  food.  Some  weeks  after,  general  Bolivar 
arrived  from  Port  au  Prince,  and  came  to  visit  my  family.  He 
embraced  and  thanked  me  in  the  most  obliging  manner  for  my 
letter,  and  for  all  that  I had  intended  to  do  for  him,  and  urged  me 
to  come  and  breakfast  with  him. 


MEMOIRS  OK  BOLIVAR. 


123 


It  was  in  his  room,  and  in  presence  of  Brion,  that  I spoke  to 
him  as  follows  : “ I hope,  my  clear  general,  that  you  will  forget 

past  events  ; that  now,  being  private  individuals,  in  a strange  land, 
we  shall  not  act  hostilely  against  each  other.  I served  against  you, 
and  would  have  certainly  wounded  and  killed  you,  or  you  me,  if 
we  had  met  together  on  the  field  of  battle ; but  that  was  my  duty, 
and  so  I was  in  honour  bound  to  maintain  the  existing  government 
of  Carthagena  against  you,  or  any  body  else,”  &c.  General 
Bolivar  got  up,  embraced'  me  again,  and  said  to  me  the  most 
obliging  things.  He  told  me  then,  that  the  president  of  Hayti 
had  offered  him  large  supplies  of  every  thing  for  a new  expedi- 
tion against  the  Spaniards  in  Venezuela. 

Some  days  after,  he  offerred  me  the  office  of  chief  of  his  staff, 
and  promised  me  my  grade  of  mareschal  de  campo,  as  scon  as  we 
should  enter  upon  the  territory  of  Venezuela,  saying  very  oblig- 
ingly, that  I deserved  it  for  my  past  services.  He  authorised  me 
to  choose  my  staff-officers,  but  expressed  the  wish  to  admit  the 
lieutenant  colonel  Charles  Soublette,  and  captain  Perez.  The 
former  is  at  present  the  secretary  general  of  the  dictator  in  Colom- 
bia, the  latter  having  occupied  the  same  office  during  Bolivar’s 
campaigns  in  Peru. 

I was  charged  with  the  organization  of  the  staff,  with  forming 
regulations  for  its  officers,  and  for  the  administration  of  the  army, 
and  proposing  candidates  to  fill  the  necessary  appointments. 

From  that  time,  I had  always  eight  or  ten  young  officers  of  the 
staff  employed  daily  under  my  orders,  in  the  house  which  I 
occupied  during  our  stay  in  Aux  Cayes.  All  that  I proposed  in 
my  frequent  conversations  with  Bolivar,  was  approved  and  put  in 
execution  ; all  these  measures  were  intended  for  the  furtherance 
of  our  intended  expedition,  and  for  forming  a good  and  well  in- 
structed body  of  officers,  of  which,  as  I told  the  general  frankly, 
we  were'  much  in  need,  &c. 

The  president,  Petion,  received  Bolivar  with  great  distinction 
when  at  Port  an  Prince,  and  not  only  granted  him  large  supplies 
in  arms,  ammunition,  &c.  but  gave  orders  to  the  governor  of  Aux 
Cayes,  general  Marion,  to  assist  him  in  his  enterprise. 

Some  friends  of  general  Bolivar  advised  him  to  assemble  all  the 
principal  patriots,  who  had  emigrated,  and  were  then  at  Aux 
Cayes,  and  submit  to  them  his  new  enterprise,  principally  for  the 
purpose  of  being  recognised  as  the  commander  of  the  expedition. 
At  this  assembly  were  present  all  the  civil  and  military  chiefs,  and 
the  principal  emigrant  patriots  ; among  them,  Brion,  Piar,  Marino, 
Me  Gregor,  Bermudes,  myself,  the  brethren  Pineres,  the  inten- 
dant  Zea,  the  commodore  Aury,  &c.  It  was  decided — 1,  to  as- 


124 


MEMOIRS  OP  BOLIVAR. 


sist  the  patriots  in  Venezuela ; — 2,  that  general  Bolivar  should 
command  this  expedition  ; — 3,  that  he  should  unite  in  himself  the 
civil  and  military  authorities  until  the  convocation  of  a congress  ; 
— 4,  that  the  expedition  should  first  sail  to  the  island  of  Margari- 
ta, and  from  thence  to  the  Main,  &c. 

Aury  alone  was  opposed  to  giving  general  Bolivar  unlimited 
power,  and  proposed  to  nominate  a commission  of  three  or  five 
persons,  which  should,  with  general  Bolivar,  be  invested  with  that 
authority.  The  latter  spoke  with  great  warmth  against  the  pro- 
posal, and  ended  in  declaring  he  should  never  consent  to  a divis- 
ion of  those  powers.  Not  a dissenting  voice  having  been  heard, 
the  articles  were  agreed  to  and  passed. 

I must  mention  here  that  these  articles  were  prepared  before- 
hand, and  already  drawn  up  ; and  that  general  Bolivar  was  seated 
upon  an  elevated  large  armed  chair,  and  the  military  chieftains 
lower,  and  on  common  chairs,  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  general ; 
opposite  to  him  sat  the  secretary  of  the  assembly,  and  on  his  left, 
right,  and  behind  him,  all  the  other  members,  who  had  been  invi- 
ted to  the  assembly  by  written  hand  bills,  signed  by  general  Boli- 
var. I must  confess  that  this  armed  chair  elevated  about  two 
feet  gave  offence  to  me,  and  to  many  others ; besides,  it  had  the 
air  of  a throne,  and  a monarchical  distinction.  This  arrangemen 
was  prepared  by  Bolivar,  in  concurrence  with  colonel  Louis  Du- 
rand, a native  of  Bogota,  who  came  over  from  London  with  Louis 
Brion,  and  who  was  the  principal  owner  of  the  fourteen  thousand 
stand  of  arms  bought  for  the  government  of  New  Grenada,  and 
which  were  fortunately  not  landed  at  Boca  Chica,  but  remained 
on  board  of  Brion’s  corvette,  in  which  came,  as  I have  mentioned, 
from  Boca  Chica  to  Aux  Cayes. 

General  Bolivar  opened  the  session  with  a longprepared  speech, 
in  which  he  attempted  to  show  the  necessity  of  having  a central 
government,  or  a united  power  in  one  single  person,  and  he  there- 
fore requested  the  asssembly  to  name  such  a one  before  the  ex- 
pedition departed. 

Brion  then  urged  in  a few  words  the  necessity  of  this  appoint- 
ment, and  said  that  general  Bolivar  was  a suitable  man  for  such  a 
command,  and  if  the  majority  were  in  his  favor,  as  he  was  sure  it 
would  be,  he  would  join  with  his  vessels,  and  employ  his  means 
and  his  credit  to  fit  out  the  necessary  number  of  other  armed  ves- 
sels and  transports,  with  provisions,  &c.  to  assist  general  Bolivar, 
but  no  body  else  ! 

Brion  immediately  put  the  question  to  each  of  us,  and  said  : 
“ Do  you  consent,  general  Marino,  that  general  Bolivar,  as  cap- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


125 


tain-general  of  the  armies  of  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,  shall 
be  our  only  commander — yes  or  no  and.  turned  round,  naming 
each  of  us  by  name  ; and  so  Bolivar  was  named  our  commander- 
in-chief,  uniting  all  the  powers , of  which  nothing  was  before  men- 
tioned in  a positive  and  explicit  manner,  either  by  Bolivar  or  Bri- 
on.  When  the  secretary  had  read  the  articles,  Bolivar  requested 
that  no  one  should  go  out  before  they  were  reduced  to  form,  and 
signed  by  each  of  us.  Article  3d  was  put,  as  I have  mentioned, 
to  which  Aury  objected,  and  refused  positively  to  sign  that  paper. 
This  refusal  was  the  cause  of  the  first  disunion  among  the  chiefs  of 
the  expedition ; and  from  that  time  Bolivar  was  very  angry 
with  Aury  ; and  that  resentment  lasted  until  the  death  of  the 
latter. 

Among  many  traits  of  the  vindictive  character  of  Bolivar  against 
Aury,  1 select  the  following  : Before,  and  during  the  siege  of 

Carthagena,  by  Morillo,  Aury  had  made  the  greatest  exertions  to 
supply  the  place  with  provisions ; he  had  exposed  his  person,  and 
his  own  vessels  to  great  danger,  and  had  received  on  board  many 
hundred  families  at  the  time  of  their  evacuation  of  Carthagena, 
and  had,  in  short,  rendered  the  greatest  services  to  the  republic, 
which  owed  him  a great  deal  of  money  for  advances  made  for 
provisions,  he.  At  his  arrival  at  Aux  Cayes,  he  claimed,  as 
payment,  the  property  of  an  armed  privateer,  the  Constellation, 
and  in  his  written  demand,  directed  to  Father  Marimon,  as  the 
commissary  general  of  the  congress  of  New  Grenada — the  only 
competent  authority  which  came  with  us  to  Aux  Cayes,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Carthagena  having  remained  in  Jamaica — said  that  if  they 
would  grant  him  this  schooner,  he  would  come  with  the  three  oth- 
er armed  vessels  belonging  to  him,  and  would  engage  four  or  five 
other  owners  of  privateers  to  join  the  intended  expedition  of  gen- 
eral Bolivar. 

As  soon  as  Bolivar  was  apprised  that  Marimon  had  named 
a commission  to  examine  the  justness  of  Aury’s  demand,  and  to 
settle  it  at  once,  knowing  that  the  commissary  of  congress  was 
greatly  in  favor  of  Aury,  he  sent  the  next  day  after  his  election  as 
commander-in-chief,  for  Father  Marimon,  and  the  attendant  Zea, 
one  of  the  arbitrators,  and  reprimanded  them  very  severely  in  my, 
and  commodore  Brion’s  presence,  for  having  meddled  in  this  af- 
fair, annulled  the  just  award  made  in  favor  of  Aury,  and  tore  it 
in  pieces,  it  having  been  already  written,  signed,  and  approved. 
Not  satisfied  with  this,  he  requested  general  Marion,  the  Haytien 
governor  of  Aux  Cayes,  to  put  a guard  of  Haytien  troops  on  board 


126 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


of  the  Constellation,  in  order  to  drive  Amy’s  men  from  the  vessel, 
and  take  it  for  himself. 

Amy,  greatly  surprised,  in  vain  made  the  most  just  representa-. 
tions,  and  said  afterwards,  that  having  well  known  the  tyrannical 
principles  of  Bolivar,  he  had  opposed  being  under  his  sole  order  ; 
that  lie  could  not  endure  that  such  a man  should  be  the  ruler 
of  so  many  thousands  of  his  brethren. 

The  reception  of  Aury,  by  Bolivar,  at  Savanilla,  is  too  well 
known  to  be  repeated  here. 

The  consequence  ol  this  arbitrary  act  was,  that  our  expedition 
lost,  with  commodore  Aury,  moie  than  four  hundred  good  sailors, 
and  about  fifty  foreign  officers,  with  eight  armed  vessels,  which 
separated  from  the  expedition,  whilst  the  squadron  under  Brion 
departed  without  them  ; full  one  half  of  our  forces  were  thus  lost 
to  us. 

Bermudes,  a secret  enemy  of  Bolivar,  remained  with  Aury  ; so 
did  colonel  Ducayla,  Coland,  Bolivar’s  ex-commander  of  artillery, 
Garcia,  and  others. 

Aury,  as  is  known,  took  the  Mexican  colours,  and  sailed,  sepa- 
rately, from  Aux  Cayes  to  the  island  of  Amelia.  All  that  might 
be  said  of  Amy’s  subsequent  privateering  operations,  has  nothing 
to  do  with  Bolivar’s  resentment  at  Aux  Cayes  ; it  is  a convincing 
proof,  like  that  of  the  besieging  of  Carthagena,  how  vindictive  and 
irascible  is  the  character  of  the  man  who  rules  over  about  two 
millions  of  Colombians  at  the  present  day,  with  more  power  and 
absoluteness,  than  does  the  autocrat  of  Russia,  or  the  Sultan  at  Con- 
stantinople over  his  subjects. 

The  inhabitants  of  Aux  Cayes  were  greatly  scandalized  at  the 
indecent  quarrels  which  took  place  between  the  patriot  chieftains. 
There  was  a challenge  for  a duel  from  the  lieutenant  colonel  Ma- 
riano Montilla  to  general  Bolivar ; another  of  general  Marino 
against  commodore  Brion  ; both  were  prevented.  In  the  first,  I 
was  the  second  of  general  Bolivar,  who  chose  me,  as  Brion  did  in 
that  of  Marino.  Tbe  particulars  of  the  first  will  be  related  after- 
wards ; the  second  did  not  take  place  because  1 told  an  officer  to  go 
secretly  to  general  Marion  and  advise  him,  that  he  should  interpose 
his  authority  in  detaining  Maiino  in  his  house,  as  such  duels 
w'ere  not  tolerated  by  the  laws  of  Hayti ; which  he  did.  Brion 
and  myself,  accompanied  by  Bolivar,  were  going  to  the  place  ap- 
pointed for  rendezvous,  when  I urged  Bolivar  to  retire,  as  his  pres- 
ence was  entirely  useless  and  indecorous  ; he  felt  the  strength  of 
my  arguments,  and  the  more  when  ] assured  him  I would  never 
suffer  Brion  to  be  insulted  or  hurt.  He  returned  to  the  city.  Soon 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


127 


after  came  colonel  Valdes,  the  second  of  general  Marino,  to  the 
place  of  rendezvous,  telling  me,  greatly  perplexed,  that  the  latter 
was  arrested  by  order  of  the  Haytien  governor,  Marion  ; and  that 
the  whole  affair  was  known  to  him.  1 pretended  great  disappoint- 
ment ; but  was  in  fact  very  glad  that  general  Marion  had  taken  the 
hint ; and  so  another  day  and  place  were  appointed  for  a second 
meeting. 

Colonel  Valdes,  satisfied  with  my  consent  to  a second  meeting, 
left  me  at  a full  gallop.  When  Brion  heard  from  me  this  delay,  he 
was  disappointed,  and  expressed  to  me  his  sentiments,  in  very 
strong  terms,  against  Marino.  Before  our  horses  were  put  in 
readiness,  an  officer,  with  about  20  men  of  the  Haytien  guard, 
came  suddenly  upon  us,  and  saying  he  had  orders  to  arrest  us,  bade 
us  give  him  our  pistols  and  swords.  The  grenadiers  fixed  their 
bayonets,  and  all  resistance  would  have  been  in  vain.  Luckily 
it  happened  that  I was  acquainted  with  this  officer ; I requested 
him  to  order  away  the  grenadiers,  and  promised  that  I,  and  my 
friend,  would  follow  him  alone,  upon  parole,  which  he  granted  very 
politely.  We  mounted  our  horses,  and  appeared  before  the  Hay- 
tien governor,  who  after  a short,  but  polite  admonition  for  having 
acted  against  the  laws  of  the  c ountry,  dismissed  us.  The  affair 
between  Marino  and  Brion  was  settled  in  the  same  evening,  in  the 
closet  of  general  Bolivar,  by  the  latter,  in  my  and  colonel  Valdes’ 
presence. 

A third  challenge  happened  between  lieutenant  colonel  Raphael 
Hugo  and  general  Piar ; a fourth,  between  myself  and  lieutenant 
colonel  Charles  Soublette,  the  same  who  is  now  general  of  divis- 
ion and  secretary  general  of  the  president  Liberator,  notwithstand- 
ing the  known  cowardice  of  the  said  Charles  Soublette.  The  fol- 
lowing are  the  particulars  of  this  cmious  and  characteristic  affair. 

During  the  evacuation  of  Cartfiagena,  by  the  patriots,  (Decem- 
ber, 1815,)  and  their  retreat  under  the  batteries  of  the  forts  of  Boca 
Chica,  I remained  the  last  and  only  commander,  who,  in  virtue  of 
the  martial  law  proclaimed  since  the  beginning  of  Morillo’s  siege, 
had  been  invested  with  dictatorial  powers.  Soublette  came  from 
Carthagena  to  Boca  Chica,  where  lie  wished  to  meddle  with  busi- 
ness in  which  he  was  not  at  all  concerned.'  Some  of  my  officers 
reported  it  to  me  immediately.  I came,  and  repremanding  him  for 
his  intrusion,  ordered  him  to  leave  the  fort  of  San  Fernando  and 
embark.  He  replied  not  a word,  and  embarked  on  board  the  Con- 
stitution, where  1,  and  my  family,  came  -afterwards,  it  being  com- 
modore Aury’s  vessel.  When  in  sight  of  the  Island  of  Jamaica, 
the  latter  desired  to  go  on  shore,  to  procure  fresh  provisions  and 


123 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


water,  and  requested  me  to  take  the  command  of  the  squadron  in 
his  absence.  Mr.  Soublette,  already  much  incensed  against  me, 
attempted  to  criticise  some  of  my  orders,  while  I was  in  the 
cabin.  My  friends  told  me  of  the  murmurs  of  said  Soublette  ; I 
came  on  deck  and  reprimanded  him  again  very  severely,  in  pre- 
sence of  more  than  an  hundred  persons,  assembled  to  whom  I ex- 
plained the  propriety  of  my  orders,  and  Mr.  Soublette  again  re- 
ceived this  second  reprimand  without  replying  a single  word. 

Soublette  being,  like  all  cowards,  of  a very  vindictive  and 
haughty  character,  could  not  bear  this  double  public,  and  well  de- 
served reprimand,  and  said  to  some  of  his  friends,  that  I should 
pay  for  it  very  dearly.  As  soon  as  general  Bolivar  arrived  from 
Port  au  Prince  at  Aux  Cayes,  and  I had  been  entrusted  with  the 
organization  of  the  staff,  and  the  military  administration,  Soublette, 
who  had  never  commanded  four  men,  was  raised,  by  the  favor  of 
general  Bolivar,  to  the  grade  of  lieutenant  in  the  staff,  and  was  a 
great  favorite  of  the  latter,  for  some  reasons  well  known  to  those 
acquainted  with  the  family  connexions  of  the  two  handsome  sisters 
of  said  Soublette,  of  which  can  be  found  satisfactory  proofs  in 
colonel  Hyppisley’s  account  of  his  journey  to  the  Orinoco,  ed.  Lon- 
don, 1819.  Said  Soublette,  sure  now  of  the  protection  of  gen- 
eral Bolivar,  began  to  say  to  some  of  his  companions,  in  my  ab- 
sence, “ that  1 had  tyrannized  much  over  all  the  Caraguinson  board 
of  the  Constitution,  which  was,  on  the  part  of  a stranger,  much 
more  intolerable,  and  should  be  resented  by  every  native  of  the 
country,”  &ic.  He  repeated  these  falsehoods  to  a great  many  of 
his  countrymen,  in  order  to  inspire  hatred  against  me  in  the  minds 
of  the  Caraguin  officers,  and  particularly  of  general  Bolivar,  who 
is  a Caraguin  himself. 

1 had  heard  nothing  of  these  rumors,  thus  maliciously  spread 
against  me  by  Mr.  Soublette.  One  day,  being  alone  with  general 
Bolivar,  in  his  bed  chamber,  he  said  to  me,  in  the  course  of  the 
conversation,  “ Apropos,  my  dear  friend,  (we  always  spoke  French 
together,  and  in  these  conversations,  Bolivar  used  the  term,  in 
speaking  with  me,  of  “ Mon  cher  Ami,”  which  the  Spaniards  use 
much  in  their  intimate  conversation  in  the  Spanish  language,  say- 
ing “ Mi  Amigo!”)  do  you  know  that  Soublette  has  made  great 
complaints  against  you  and  Aury,  that  you  both  have  not  well  treat- 
ed the  Caraguin  officers  on  board  the  Constitution.”  I remember- 
ed, immediately,  that  Soublette  had  since  been  very  careful  to 
avoid  my  presence,  and  what  had  passed  between  him  and  me  in 
Boca  Chica,  and  on  hoard  of  the  Constitution.  I recounted  all 
this,  minutely,  to  Bolivar,  who  laughed  much  at  the  warmth  with 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


129 


which  I related  it ; but  I said,  at  the  end  of  my  acconnt  to  Boli- 
var, “ as  it  is  high  time  to  finish  all  these  calumniesof  such  a young 
fellow,  I will  give  him  advice  of  my  intentions,  and  that  in  your 
presence.”  I asked  for  pen,  ink  and  paper,  and  immediately 
wrote  to  Soublette,  in  Bolivar’s  own  bed  chamber,  the  fallow- 
ing note  in  French,  which  Soublette  understands  passably  well  : 
“ I have  just  now  heard  from  general  Bolivar,  that  you  speak  and 
spread  falsehoods  against  me,  like  a coward,  in  my  absence.  I give 
you  notice,  that  if  you  continue  to  do  so,  I will  treat  you  as  you 
deserve,  and  mark  your  face  with  my  whip  wherever  I can  meet 
you;  such  a fellow  as  you  deserves  nothing  else  !”  After  having 
signed  the  note,  and  addressed  it  to  “ Mr.  Charles  Soublette,  pre- 
sent,” I handed  it  to  general  Bolivar,  saying : “ Here,  sir,  is  my 
reply  to  such  a shameful  calumny,  read  it,  if  you  please.”  Boli- 
var read  the  note  over,  and  said  1 should  do  well  to  take  care  of 
Soublette’s  vengeance,  which  might  bring  discredit  on  a man  of 
my  age,  and  the  head  of  a family.”  1 laughed,  and  replied,  “there 
is  not  the  least  danger  for  me,  I know  this  man  much  better  than 
you  do.  I am  ready,  if  called  upon,  to  give  him,  when,  and 
wherever  he  pleases,  hereafter,  any  satisfaction  he  may  choose  to 
take  !”  I called  one  of  the  officers  on  duty,  who  happened  to  be 
the  lieutenant  colonel  Pedro  Chypia,  and  ordered  him,  in  presence 
of  general  Bolivar,  handing  him  my  folded,  but  unsealed  note,  to 
give  it  himself , in  person,  to  Charles  Soublette  ; to  seek  him  at  his 
lodgings,  or  wherever  he  could  find  him  out,  and  return  to  the 
residence  of  general  Bolivar,  where  I would  remain  and  wait  for 
his  return.  It  was  about  eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning,  and  an 
hour  afterwards  colonel  Chypia  returned,  and  said  to  me,  in  Boli- 
var’s presence,  (where  I remained  alone  with  him  in  his  bed  cham- 
ber,) that  he  found  Soublette  in  the  street,  and  that  he  read  my 
note  over  twice,  turning  pale  and  red,  and  saying  not  a single  word 
more  than  “ it  is  good,  it  is  well !”  And  so  it  was  ; then,  I can 
declare,  under  the  most  solemn  oath,  that  said  Soublette,  after 
having  received  my  note,  avoided,  very  carefully,  to  meet  me  in 
the  streets,  or  in  any  house  where  he  could  suspect  l frequented. 
This  was  carried  so  far,  that  when  Soublette  was  cautioned  at  one 
end  of  a street  which  I entered,  he  turned  quickly  round  and  pass 
ed  into  another,  so  that  my  aid-de-camps,  who  were  perfectly 
acquainted  with  the  whole  transaction,  said  to  me,  (who  am  near 
sighted,)  “ there  comes  Soublette.”  I quickened  our  pace,  in  or- 
der to  meet  him,  but  they  shortly  afterwards  exclaimed,  “ he  is 
gone  into  another  street;  oh,  see  how  fast  he  goes  !” 

17 


130 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOI-IVAR. 


As  I am  speaking  of  Charles  Soublette,  I must  give  some  other 
particulars  of  him,  taken  from  the  books  of  colonel  Hippisley,  which 
has  the  following  title  : “ A narrative  of  the  expedition  to  the  rivers 
Orinoco  and  Apure,  in  South  America,  London,  John  Murray, 
1819.”  In  a note,  page  322,  he  says,  “The  council  had  received 
an  addition  by  the  presence  of  the  adjutant  general  of  the  army, 
just  arrived  from  head  quarters,  general  of  division,  Charles  Soub- 
lette. Of  this  man,  colonel  English  and  the  British  officers,  who 
had  been  at  the  last  actions,  at  Villa  del  Cura  and  Ortiz,  spoke 

most  degradingly  ; the  former  officer,  colonel  E , had  seen 

him  seeking  shelter  behind  a tree,  during  the  action  at  Ortiz,  and 
has  reproached  him  with  his  cowardice.  This  Soublette  is,-  how- 
ever, an  exception  to  the  general  conduct  of  the  patriot  officers, 
who  certainly  are  not  destitute  of  courage,  and  is,  I believe,  the 
only  instance  of  such  weakness  in  the  land  service.  General 
Soublette  is  a very  handsome  figure  of  a man  ; about  twenty-five 
years  of  age  ; tall,  thin,  and  well  proportioned ; remarkably  neat 
in  his  dress  and  appearance  ; half  cast  by  birth  and  complexion  ; 
he  is  about  five  feet  ten  inches  in  height ; rather  a handsome  and 
European  style  of  countenance  ; black  hair  and  large  mustachios  ; 
a smile  more  than  prepossessing ; a general  lover,  amongst. the  fe- 
male part  of  the  province,  by  whom  he  is  well  received,  and  has 
no  disappointments  in  affairs  of  gallantry  to  complain  of;  he  has, 
however,  been  a martyr  to  his  pleasures,  and  makes  an  infamous 
boast  of  retaliation  in  this  respect.” 

At  page  334,  colonel  Hippisley  expresses  himself  as  follows  : 
“ Soublette’s  quarters  (at  the  city  of  Angostura,  in  the  province  of 
Guayana,)  are  extensive  and  in  most  excellent  repair.  They  be- 
long, as  an  appendage  of  his  own  sister,  to  his  brother-in-law,  who 
is  a merchant,  and  keeps  a large  store  on  the  ground  floor  under- 
neath. The  general-in-chief,  Bolivar,  is,  in  common  with  the  rest 
of  his  countrymen,  much  attached  to  women ; and  one , two,  or 
three,  generally  accompany  him  on  his  various  marches.  Among 
his  favorites  was  Soublette' s sister ; and  when  his  short  season  of 
love  was  expired,  the  lady,  being  not  only  young,  but  tolerably 
pretty,  with  a head  of  flaxen  hair,  upon  which  she  could  tread  with 
her  feet,  became  an  object  of  chaste  love  to  the  enamored  swain, 
who  considered  it  an  honor  to  be  married  to  the  mistress  of  the 
‘ supreme  chief  of  the  republic  of  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,’ 
and  the  sister  of  the  adjutant  general  Soublette.  And  doubly  was 
he  rewarded : for,  on  the  second  visit  Bolivar  made  to  Angostura, 
he  presented  his  quondam  chore  amic,  with  this  house  as  her  mar- 
riage portion  ; the  original  owners  not  being  in  a situation  ever  to 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


131 


claim  it  again,  as  their  bones  still  remain  unburied  among  the  heaps, 
lying  in  the  interior  of  the  new,  yet  unfinished,  cathedral,”  he.  he. 

At  page  468,  the  same  author  says:  “General  Soublette,  the 
adjutant  general,  I had  previously  to  notice.  He  is  too  well 
known,  even  by  the  British,  for  his  timidity  and  cowardice,  on  all 
occasions.  He  is  a native  of  Caracas ; and  Bolivar,  when  he  made 
him  a general,  did  him,  as  I before  mentioned,  the  additional  fa- 
vor, of  making  his  sister  his  favorite  mistress ; an  honor  of  which, 
two  of  the  parties  felt  proud,”  he.  Sic. 

And  such  a man  has  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  chief  of  the 
staff,  general  of  division,  vice-president  of  the  republic  of  Colom- 
bia, intendant  of  the  department  of  Caracas,  minister  of  the  war 
and  navy  departments,  and,  lately,  secretary-general  of  the  presi- 
dent Liberator.  He  is,  besides  what  colonel  Hippisley  and  many 
others  say  of  him,  a vile  and  cunning  flatterer  of  his  master,  and 
all  his  well  known  cowardice  and  blunders,  were  excused  and 
covered  by  other  good  and  honorable  qualities  ! 

We  will  return  to  Aux  Cayes,  where  I left  Charles  Soublette, 
avoiding  me  like  a spectre.  This  anecdote  is  not  alone  known  by 
all  the  officers  of  the  staff  at  that  time,  but  by  a great  many  of  the 
principal  inhabitants  of  Aux  Cayes,  and  general  Bolivar  himself 
cannot  deny  this  fact — which  took  place  in  his  chamber,  in  the  house 
of  an  English  merchant,  established  in  Aux  Cayes,  Mr.  Joseph 
Downie — without  stating  an  untruth. 

Here  follow  now  the  promised  particulars  of  lieutenant  colonel 
Mariano  Montilla’s,  challenging  Bolivar  to  a duel  at  Aux  Cayes. 
The  lieutenant  colonel  Montilla,  Caraguina,  arrived  from  Jamaica 
at  Aux  Cayes,  in  March  1S16,  to  offer  his  services  to  general 
Bolivar,  in  his  projected  expedition.  Some  hours  after  his  ar- 
rival, he  presented  himself,  unexpectedly,  with  commodore  Brion, 
before  general  Bolivar,  who  had  often  spoken  to  me  and  others  of 
said  Montilla,  as  a very  dangerous,  intriguing  man,  capable  of  doing 
great  mischief- — capable  de  tout  houleverser , as  he  expressed  him- 
self in  French,  in  speaking  to  me  of  that  officer.  He  spoke  in 
very  animated  terms,  and  I saw  clearly  some  old  hatred  was  re- 
maining against  him.  I heard  afterwards  of  the  following  circum- 
stances, which  had  provoked  this  hatred. 

Mariano  Montilla  was  one  of  the  first  promoters  of  the  revolu- 
tion at  Caracas,  as  I have  related  elsewhere.  He  spoke  in  strong 
terms  of  Bolivar’s  refusal  to  join  his  cousin  Ribas,  and  was  from 
that  time  not  at  all  on  good  terms  with  the  former.  He  c4me  to 
Caracas  during  the  time  when  Bolivar  was  dictator  of  Venezuela, 
but  preferred  to  serve  in  the  army  of  Marino,  the  rival  of  Bolivar, 


132 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


and  the  dictator  of  the  eastern  part  of  Venezuela.  Much  dissatis- 
fied with  Bolivar,  and  his  constant  refusal  to  establish  a congress, 
he  joined  with  some  others,  and  tried  to  turn  him  out,  and  make  a 
second  revolution  in  favor  of  a congress  and  a republican  govern- 
ment. This  was  prevented,  and  Montilla  escaped  and  came  to 
Carthagena,  where  he  joined  Castillo,  the  rival  and  enemy  of  Boli- 
var, when  the  latter  besieged  this  fortress.  Here,  he  was  the  coun- 
sellor and  friend  of  general  Castillo,  and  he  afterwards  turned 
against  the  latter,  and  greatly  assisted  Aury  and  others  to  displace 
Castillo  and  elect  Bermudes.  Montilla  evacuated  Carthagena 
with  the  other  patriots,  but  seperated  himself,  remaining  at  a 
little  port  of  Jamaica,  Savana  La  Mar,  where  we  stopped  two 
days.  From  thence  he  proceeded  to  Kingston,  and  arrived  some 
days  after  the  departure  of  Bolivar  for  Boca  Chica  and  Aux 
Cayes.  As  soon  as  he  heard  ol  a new  expedition  against  the  Main, 
and  that  his  friend  and  protector,  Luis  Brion,  would  have  the  com- 
mand of  it,  he  came  to  Aux  Cayes,  and  offered,  as  I have  said, 
his  services  to  general  Bolivar,  who  much  surprised  at  his  unex- 
pected visit,  had,  nevertheless,  self  command  enough  to  receive 
him  with  that  politeness  which  characterises  him.  Bolivar  had 
some  officers  with  him,  so  that  Montilla  could  only  speak  on  in- 
different topics  ; he  remained  a quarter  of  an  hour,  and  in  taking 
leave,  he  told  Bolivar,  lowering 'his  voice,  that  he  wished  much  to 
have  a private  conversation  with  him,  and  requested  he  would  ap- 
point him  an  hour  to  have  the  pleasure  to  wait  on  him  and  to  meet 
him  alone.  Bolivar  astonished,  fixed  him,  nevertheless,  the  hour 
of  seven  o’clock  in  the  evening,  and  so  they  separated.  This  pass- 
ed in  the  morning  at  eleven  o’clock. 

I was  the  whole  of  that  day  absent  from  town,  and  when  I came, 
at  about  six  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  as  usual,  to  visit  the  general, 
I found  him  at  dinner.  1 declined  to  dine,  but  drank  a glass  of 
wine  with  Mr.  Downie  and  general  Bolivar.  I found  the  latter 
uneasy  and  thoughtful,  and  asked  him  if  he  was  not  well,  “ Oh 
yes,  yes,  my  dear  friend,  I am  very  well,  very  well;”  which  words 
were  spoken  in  French,  and  with  a distracted  air  and  tone.  After 
a while,  he  asked  me  how  late  it  was  ; I answered,  in  looking  at 
my  watch,  (he  having  left  his  in  his  bed  chamber,)  it  wanted  ten 
minutes  to  seven.  He  jumped  up,  and  bidding  me  follow  him, 
took  his  hat  and  ran  down  the  steps  from  the  dining  room  into 
the  yard,  with  such  haste  that  I could  not  follow  him  in  the  dark- 
ness. As  soon  as  I had  descended,  I said  to  him,  jesting,  that  he 
was  surely  very  anxious  to  meet  some  fine  handsome  girl.  He 
took  me  by  the  arm,  and  only  saying  “ don't  talk,"  he  quickened 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


133 


his  pace,  passed  the  yard  door,  walked  with  me  very  rapidly  to 
the  large  square,  during  which  he  turned  round  three  or  four 
times,  like  a man  who  is  afraid  that  somebody  might  follow  him. 
Two  of  his  aid-de-camps,  Paez  and  Chamberlaine,  followed  a 
good  distance  after  us.  I was,  I must  confess,  very  much  sur- 
prised, at  such  unusual  walking  and  behaviour,  but  was  silent  and 
quickened  step  with  him,  who  kept  my  arm  fast.  When  we  were 
about  in  the  middle  of  the  square,  he  at  last  appeared  to  respire 
more  easily,  and  stopped,  asking  his  aid-de-camps  who  joined  us, 
if  they  had  not  seen  Montilla  pass  ; they  answered  in  the  negative  ! 
what,  exclanred  I astonished,  Montilla,  Montilla  ; “ Oh  don’t  speak 
so  loud,”  replied  Bolivar,  “ I must  tell  you  that  Montilla  has  arrived 
from  Jamaca  ; he  came  this  morning  and  requested  me  to  fix  an 
hour  to  see  me  in  presence  oj  four  eyes  (entre  quatre  yeux.) 
I was  a little  perplexed  and  appointed  him  the  hour  of  seven 
this  evening.  But  I shall  not,  1 will  not,  see  that  man  again ; 
you  must  know  that  he  is  a very  dangerous  intriguing  man,  able 
to  do  great  mischief.  In  order  not  to  meet  him  I quickened  my 
steps  ; then  you  know  he  lives  with  Brion.*  But  let  us  go  to  our 
Signorita’s  ; (this  was  the  house  of  the  lieutenant  colonel  Juan  Val- 
des, whom  Bolivar  appointed,  during  his  dictatorship,  governor  of 
Laguira  in  recompense  of  certain  connexions  with  his  handsome 
wife,  (who  must  not  be  confounded  with  colonel  Manuel  Valdes, 
devoted  entirely  to  Marino,  and  who  was  no  relation  of  the  for- 
mer.) 

Here  we  met  with  the  regular  coterie,  to  wit,  the  intendant  Zea, 
some  aid  de  camps  of  Bolivar  and  the  family  Valdes.  Valdes  sel- 
dom received  any  company  and  Bolivar  liked  not  a great  assembly 
when  he  was  there.  He  introduced  me  as  a friend,  and  I came 
two  or  three  times  a week  when  he  was  there  every  day.  As  soon 
as  be  had  arrived,  he  took  captain  Chamberlain,  his  aid-de-camp, 
aside,  and  spoke  a few  words  to  him  ; the  latter  took  his  hat 
and  went  out.  Balivar  was  sitting  in  a hammock  and  had  a very 
distracted  air,  looking  constantly  towards  the  door.  Zea  took 
me  aside  and  asked  what  was  the  matter  with  Bolivar  ? he  re- 
marked that  he  was  not  as  usual,  and  so  in  fact  it  was.  Cham- 
berlain came  with  a captain,  of  large  mustachios,  named  Jose  Ma- 


* The  house  of  commodore  Brion  was  situated  in  the  public  square  close  by  the  new 
coffeehouse,  so  that.  Montilla  was  obliged  to  pass  a part  of  the  same  way,  which  we 
came,  and  Bolivar  was  afraid  that  Montilla  would  see  and  follow  us.  Therefore  he  ran 
down  the  sieps,  so  fast  and  quickened  his  pace,  imposing-  silence  upon  me.  He  was 
afraid  Montilla,  determined  and  courageous,  would  challenge,  or  ill-treat  him  in  this  pri- 
vate interview. 


134 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


ria  Hernandez,  who  saluted  us,  and  was  crossing  the  room  with 
Chamberlain,  going  immediately  together  into  the  adjoining  piazza. 
Bolivar  jumped  from  his  hammock  and  joined  them.  I stood  with 
Zea  and  some  of  the  ladies  of  the  family  in  the  other  corner  of  the 
pretty  large  piazza,  and  heard  Bolivar,  speaking  to  Hernandez 
in  a low  quick  voice,  and  gesticulating  much,  which  is  his  cus- 
tom when  he  is  talking  of  some  very  interesting  matter  ; the  captain 
appeared  to  reply,  but,  at  last,  he  left  the  general,  and  went  out 
with  Chamberlain  without  wishing  any  of  us  a good  night.  Cham- 
berlain came  alone,  after  a full  halt  hour’s  absence,  to  join  us 
at  the  house  of  Valdes,  but  without  the  captain  ; he  spoke  a few  words 
in  the  ear  of  Bolivar  in  a very  lowT  tone,  who  appeared  much  pleas- 
ed, and  was  afterwards  more  at  his  ease.  We  retired,  general  Bol- 
ivar, intendant  Zea,  myself,  and  the  two  aid-de-camps,  together. 
The  general  took  us,  Zea  and  myself,  each  by  the  arm,  and  said 
in  a jesting  manner,  that  he  was  now  well  escorted  in  case  Mon- 
tilla  should  attempt  anything  against  him.  We  left  him  at  the 
gate  of  Mr.  Joseph  Downie’s  house,  and  retired. 

At  seven  o’clock  the  next  morning  captain  Demarguet,  another 
aid-de-camp  of  Bolivar,  came  to  my  house  in  a great  hurry,  and 
requested  me,  in  the  name  of  his  general,  to  come  immediately, 
as  he  had  something  of  importance  to  communicate  to  me.  I 
hastened  to  meet  him,  and  found  him  sitting  in  his  bed,  and  dress- 
ing himself.  He  sprang  from  it  arid  said  to  me  greatly  agitated, 
but  smiling  : my  dear  friend  I am  in  need  of  your  advice  ; be  so 
good  as  to  read  this  letter,  and  tell  me  the  meaning  of  it,  as  I do 
not  understand  French  well  enough  to  know  what  the  writer  says. 
It  was  a note  addressed  to  general  Bolivar,  present,  and  signed 
by  Charles  La  Veaux,  a French  gentleman  with  whom  I was  very 
well  acquainted,  as  he  had  been  a long  time  established  in  Car- 
thagena,  where  he  was  the  representative  of  the  French  nation, 
as  Mr.  Baxter  of  the  German  and  Swiss,  and  Mr.  Hyslop  of  the 
English.  Its  contents  were  as  followes  : 

Mr.  General — Having  been  chosen  by  lieutenant  colonel  Mari- 
ano Montilla,  my  friend,  to  enclose  you  the  following  printed  inju- 
rious pasquinade  against  said  colonel,  signed  Jose  Maria  Hernan- 
des,  which  having  been  posted  up  at  the  corner  of  the  public  square, 
was  brought  to  him  early  this  morning  ; I am  directed  by  him  to  tell 
you,  with  reluctance,  that  he,  colonel  Montilla,  considers  this  inju- 
rious paper  as  coming  from  you , and  not  from  a man  of  whose 
existence  he  had  never  heard  before.  Certain  past  transactions 
between  you  and  my  friend,  made  him  more  than  suspect  that  no- 
body else  except  yourself  could  be  the  author  of  this  handbill. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


135 


and,  therefore,  I am  authorised  to  demand  for  the  colonel,  the 
usual  satisfaction  between  gentlemen  and  officers  ; please  to  acquaint 
me  with  the  day,  the  hour,  and  the  place  where  your  meeting  can 
be  settled  ; but  as  the  stay  of  colonel  Montilla  admits  of  no  delay, 
I request  you  to  fix  it  in  the  course  of  to  day,  or  at  least  to-morrow, 
I have  the  honour  to  be  &c.”  Signed  Charles  La  Veaux,  Aux 
Cayes,  March  3th  1816. 

The  paper  enclosed,  was  printed  in  the  Spanish  language,  as 
follows  : “ To  the  Venezuelan  officers  at  present  residing  in  the 

city  of  Aux  Cayes : Citizens  and  countrymen — You  are  advised 
that  commandant  Mariano  Montilla  has  arrived  in  this  town,  and 
applied  to  have  the  honour  to  be  admitted  among  us.  All  those 
who  know  well  the  intriguing  and  dangerous  character  of  this  man, 
will,  I hope,  join  me  to  oppose  his  admission  into  the  army,  &c. 
Signed  T.  M.  Hernandez,  captain  of  the  body  guard  of  his  excel- 
lency the  captain-general  of  the  armies  of  Venezuela  and  New 
Grenada,  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  expeditionary  army,” 
&c.  &c. 

While  I sat  down  to  read  these  papers,  Bolivar  was  pacing  his 
bed  chamber  up  and  down,  like  a man  profoundly  occupied,  and 
stopping  before  me  three  or  four  times,  he  asked  me,  at  last,  what 
I thought  of  Mr.  La  Veaux’s  letter.  “ I think  it  is  a formal  chal- 
lenge from  Montilla.”  “ What,”  said  he,  greatly  agitated,  “ do 
you  think  so,  my  dear  friend  ?”  “ Yes,  to  be  sure  !”  I replied. 

“ But  how  came  you  to  receive  such  a curious  challenge  ; what 
can  be  the  reason  of  Montilla’s  attributing  to  you  such  an  infamous 
paper.  Montilla  should  have  directed  the  challenge  to  Hernan- 
dez ! Well,  general,  be  quiet  and  easy;  I will  arrange  the  whole 
singular  business,  and  will  see  La  Veaux,  and  never  will  I suffer 
that  you  shall  be  molested  by  any  of  your  subalterns,  on  such  a 
ridiculous  accusation !”  He  embraced  me,  highly  pleased  with 
the  warmth  of  my  actions,  and  called  me  his  best  friend. 

I went  to  La  Veaux,  and  found  him  not ; I went  to  Montilla, 
and  found  these  two  gentlemen,  with  the  lieutenant  colonel  of  cav- 
alry, Rafael  Tugo,  in  a conversation,  which  appeared  to  me  to  be 
very  animated. 

Mr.  La  Veaux  acknowledged  that  he  was  the  author  of  the 
letter  written  to  general  Bolivar,  which  the  latter  left  with  me,  and 
that  it  was  upon  the  particular  request  of  colonel  Montilla,  that  he 
wrote  it.  I turned  to  Montilla  and  asked  him  the  reason  of  such 
a procedure  against  a man  who  was  my  commander-in-chief,  and 
unable  to  act  in  such  a base  manner  against  him.  “ Oh,  said  he, 
you  know  not  this  man,  as  I have  done  for  many  years;  he  ispos- 


13G 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


itively  the  author  of  this  paper,  and  nobody  else.”  These  were 
the  words  of  Montilla. 

After  a long  conversation,  I told  the  two  gentlemen,  Mr.  La 
Veaux  and  Montilla,  that  1 would  never  acknowledge  Mr.  La 
Veaux’s  letter  to  be  a challenge  ; and  if  they  would  absolutely  chal- 
lenge general  Bolivar,  I declared  to  them  they  should  fight  with 
me  and  kill  me  first,  before  I wTould  suffer  general  Bolivar’s  life  to 
be  hazarded,  upon  which  the  safety  of  so  many  thousands  of  us 
depended  entirely,  &c.  But  being,  at  the  time,  fully  convinced 
of  the  innocence  of  general  Bolivar,  I offerred  Montilla  a written 
declaration,  by  which  the  general  would  be  ready  to  give  him  an 
honourable  testimony,  enabling  him  to  show  it  to  whoever  he 
pleasfed.  Montilla  desired  that  it  should  be  stated  in  that  letter 
expressly,  that  Bolivar  disavowed  any  participation  in  the  said 
pasquinade.  This  1 positively  refused,  as  degrading  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  general,  but  engaged  to  urge  him  to  furnish  it  from 
Hernandez,  as  a just  satisfaction  to  him,  Montilla.  Mr.  La  Veaux 
interfered  and  said  to  Montilla  that  my  proposals  weie  honourable 
and  sufficient,  and  added,  it  would  answer  to  bring  Hernandez 
before  him,  La  Vaux,  at  his  lodgings,  to  acknowledge  that  he  wras 
sorry  for  having  made  such  a pasquinade  against  Montilla.  To 
this  the  latter  consented  ; and  1'  pledged  my  word  to  see  both 
measures  punctually  fulfilled;  and  the  hour  of  four  o’clock  in  the 
afternoon  wras  fixed,  when  I engaged  to  bring  captain  Hernandez 
with  me  to  Mr.  La  Vaux’s. 

I relumed  to  Bolivar’s  house,  where  I found  him  in  his  bed 
chamber  alone,  walking  to  and  fro,  and  looking  very  dejected 
and  pale.  I related  to  him  minutely  my  wdiole  conversation,  w hich 
gave  him  great  satisfaction  ; but  when  1 came  to  the  last  point,  the 
intended  apology  of  Hernandez,  he  jumped  from  his  chair  and 
asked  me  abruptly — “ what ! have  you  consented  that  I shall  pun- 
ish Hernandez,  and  send  him  to  La  Vaux’s  at  four  o’clock?” 
“ To  be  sure  l have  ; it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  save  your  owrn 
honour,  which  is  deeply  compromised  by  the  formal  accusation  of 
Montilla,  who  appears  sincerely  to  think  that  you,  and  not  Her- 
nandez, are  the  author  of  this  pasquinade  ; and  therefore  it  is  ne- 
cessary that  not  the  least  shadow  of  suspicion  against  you  should 
remain  in  his  mind.”  “ You  are  correct,  my  dear  friend,  it  is 
true  ; it  must  done.” 

He  requested  me  to  make  out  a letter  in  French  to  Mr.  La 
Veaux,  in  reply  to  his  note,  in  which  I gave  an  honourable  testi- 
mony to  colonel  Montilla,  but  without  mentioning  either  the  chal- 
lenge or  captain  Hernandez’s  pasquinade. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


137 


Bolivar  said  to  me  in  making  this  request,  that  he  did  not  write 
French  well,  and  that  his  mind  was  vexed  with  such  a disgreeahle 
business.  I did  it  in  his  bed  chamber,  immediately,  as  Mr.  La 
Veaux  and  Montilla  were  waiting  my  return.  After  having  per- 
used my  draft,  Bolivar  appeared  highly  pleased  with  it,  and  sat 
down  to  copy,  sign  and  seal  it. 

Montilla  and  La  Veaux  were  both  satisfied,  and  so  was  I.  When 
I came  hack  to  the  general,  he  said  to  me  in  a jesting  tone,  that 
my  engagement  to  fetch  Hernandez  to  Mr.  La  Veaux,  was  a. pret- 
ty hard  task  ! but  nevertheless,  you  are  in  the  right ; it  will,  it 
must,  it  shall  be  done.  These  last  words  were  spoken  in  a rash 
and  passionate  manner,  in  walking  up  and  down  his  bed  chamber. 
Well  colonel  (no  more  mon  cher  ami)  you  will  be  here  at  four 
o’clock  ; I must  go  and  prepare  Hernandez  before  ; he  shall  be 
here  and  go  with  you. 

I arrived  a little  before  four  o’clock;  my  hand  was  on  the  knock- 
er of  the  general’s  door,  which  led  from  the  saloon  through  a large 
piazza  to  his  bed  chamber,  being  accustomed  to  go  freely  out  and 
in,  without  being  announced,  when  colonel  Paez,  the  aid  de  camp 
on  duty,  told  me  not  to  enter,  requesting  me  in  a low  voice  not  to 
go  in,  as  the  general  desired  me  to  wait  some  minutes,  having  to 
speak  with  captain  Hernandez.  This  private  conversation  in  a 
matter  in  which  I had  undoubtedly  some  claims  to  be  present, 
struck  my  mind,  and  some  suspicions  arose  in  regard  to  the  truth 
of  colonel  Montilla’s  accusation  ; but  I had  then  too  great  and 
exalted  an  idea  of  general  Bolivar’s  character  to  suffer  the  least 
impression  to  remain,  and  entering  the  saloon,  conversed  with  some 
officers  present.  After  a while,  the  general  called  me  out  into  the 
piazza,  his  face  being  highly  colored,  and  showed  me  Hernandez 
coming  out  of  the  bed  chamber  with  a very  harsh  look,  and  his 
eyes  fixed  to  the  ground,  as  a man  who  contemplated  something 
profoundly  engraved  on  his  mind.  Bolivar  whispered  me  in  the 
ear,  in  French,  in  going  through  the  piazza  into  his  bed  chamber  : 
“ JVe  faites  aucun  reproche  a Hernandez,  je  Vai  deja  fait ,”  (make 
no  reproaches  to  Hernandez,  I have  done  so  already.)  Hernan- 
dez was  in  full  uniform,  but  without  his  sword,  with  his  hat  in  his 
hand.  Bolivar  and  myself  were  in  civil  dress.  The  general  said 
to  me,  that  Hernandez  was  ready  to  follow  me,  when  the  latter 
stepped  hastily  forward,  put  his  hat  deep  over  his  face,  and  said, 
Vamos,  Vamos  ! (let  us  go.)  I followed,  a little  surprised  at  his 
behaviour,  but  being  in  the  street  with  him,  he  walked  extremely 
fast.  “ Captain,  (said  I,)  go  not  so  fast,  I cannot  follow  you,  it  is 
too  warm.”  “Oh yes,  yes,  it  is  true  ; I beg  you  pardon,  (answer- 


138 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


ed  he,  slackening  his  pace,)  but  you  would  excuse  me  if  you  should 
know  all  that  has  happened.  No,  no,  you  are  a good  man,  too 
good  a man ; but  it  must  be  done.”  He  grasped  my  hand,  and 
some  tears  fell  from  his  cheeks.  “ But  captain  Hernandez,  what 
is  the  matter  with  you,  are  you  sick  ? what  can  have  happened  to 
you  ?”  Until  then,  I had  treated  him  with  great  severity,  firmly 
convinced  of  his  being  the  author  of  the  paper,  but  now  I felt  again 
new  doubts,  and  in  this  uncertainty,  l spoke  to  him  with  a milder 
tone,  and  entreated  him  to  open  to  me  his  mind,  and  to  fear  noth- 
ing in  doing  so.  “ Oh  no,  oh  no  ! I cannot,  I cannot ! I know 
you  are  the  father  of  your  aid-de-camps,  (they  said  so  to  their 
companions  in  arms.)  You  are  good,  but — no,  no,  I cannot  speak, 
I dare  not  speak;”  and  so  we  arrived  at  Mr.  La  Veaux’s  room. 
I told  the  latter,  in  French,  to  he  satisfied  with  any  apology  he 
should  make;  then  I pitied  Hernandez,  who  proffered  some  broken 
and  unintelligible  words,  with  which  Mr.  La  Veaux  professed 
himself  satisfied,  and  Hernandez  was  dismissed.  I now  told  Mr. 
La  Veaux,  who  had  always  been  my  good  friend,  and  had  served 
with  distinction  in  the  French  army,  of  the  strange  behaviour  of  Her- 
nandez. “ Oh,  (said  he  to  me,)  Montilla  is  in  the  right ; you  know 
not  all ; but  as  you  are  engaged,  and  can  run  a brilliant  career  with 
your  new  friend,  I will  not  say  any  thing  else  to  you.  You  acted 
in  a frank  and-  honorable  way,  and  if  Bolivar  is  not  an  ungrateful 
man,  he  must  undoubtedly  be  your  friend,”  &c. 

The  lieutenant  colonel  Montilla  embarked  two  days  afterwards, 
with  Mr.  Papagea,  a French  merchant,  established,  at  the  time, 
at  Kingston,  Jamaica,  under  the  firm  of  Hardy,  Moose  & Compa- 
ny. He  is  acquainted  with  Mr.  La  Veaux,  who  is  now  in  Mar- 
tinique. They  will  undoubtedly  confirm  this  statement,  which,  of 
course,  will  be  denied  by  Bolivar  and  Montilla,  who  are,  at  pre- 
sent, very  good  friends. 

Now  I must  give  the  key  of  Montilla’s  ground  of  suspicion  of 
Bolivar’s,  Hernandez’s  and  La  Veaux’s  actions  and  words,  wrhich 
the  following  circumstances  will  put  in  a proper  light.  After  the 
action  of  Ocumare,  where  Bolivar  fled,  and,  a second  time,  took 
shelter  at  Jacquemel  and  Port  au  Prince,  came  captain  Chamber- 
lain,  one  of  his  aid-de-camps  to  Aux  Cayes,  where  I then  re- 
sided, to  see  me.  After  dinner,  when  he  had  drunk  pretty  freely, 
and  we  were  talking  together  of  past  times,  I asked  him  if  he  could 
not  give  me  some  account  of  the  challenge  sent  by  Montilla,  and 
of  the  strange  suspicions  of  the  latter,  of  general  Bolivar’s  be- 
ing the  author  of  the  pasquinade  and  not  Hernandez.  “ To  be 
sure,”  said  he  “ 1 can,”  and  so  he  told  me  the  following  facts : 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


139 


“ After  Montilla’s  first  visit  in  the  morning,  to  general  Bolivar,  he 
called  Chamberlain,  and  said  to  him,  he  wished  to  get  rid  of  Mon- 
tilla,  who  was  a very  dangerous  intriguer,  and  the  thought  had  oc- 
curred to  him,  to  find  some  of  the  officers  who  would  sign  a paper 
against  Montilla,  and  have  it  immediately  printed.  Chamberlain 
proposed  Hernandez  as  the  most  fit  for  this  purpose  ; and  the  gen- 
eral sending  for  him,  was  very  much  disappointed  to  hear  he  was 
out,  and  would  not  return  that  evening.  So  Bolivar  and  Cham- 
berlain spoke  secretly  in  the  piazza  of  colonel  Valdes’  house,  and 
then  went  to  Mr.  Baillot  the  printer,  (engaged  by  Bolivar  to  fol- 
low us,)  and  to  sign  the  pasquinade  already  prepared,  which  was 
printed  during  the  night,  and  fixed  on  the  different  corners  of  the 
streets  of  the  city.  When  Montilla  complained  to  general  Marino, 
the  Haytian  governor,  with  one  of  the  printed  bills  in  his  hand,  the 
general  immediately  ordered  the  only  printer  in  the  city,  Mr.  Bail- 
lot,  to  be  arrested,  who  declared  that  he  had  received  the  written 
pasquinade,  by  an  aid-de-camp  of  general  Bolivar,  with  the  order 
to  print  it  secretly,  and  not  make  known  to  any  one,  that  it  came 
from  him.  This  aid-de-camp  was  Chamberlain,  in  whom  Boli- 
var had  always  had  the  greatest  confidence ; he  was  a native  of 
the  island  of  Jamaica,  and  had  served  in  the  British  army.  So  it 
came  that  colonel  Montilla  and  Mr.  La  Veaux,  highly  offended  of 
Bolivar’s  conduct,  agreed  to  challenge  him,  and  to  accuse  him  of 
what  was  the  truth,  namely,  of  his  being  the  author  of  the  pas- 
quinade. 

I have  entered  into  all  these  minute  circumstances,  in  order  to 
show  the  true  character  of  Bolivar  and  his  great  duplicity.  I vouch 
for  the  truth  of  this  anecdote,  having  been  myself  one  of  his  dupes, 
and  actors  in  the  whole  transaction. 

Captain  Hernandez  was  eight  days  after  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  major,  and  in  Margarita,  two  months  later,  I received  the  order 
to  deliver  him  a brevet  as  lieutenant  colonel,  and  so  the  mouth  of 
this  officer  was  closed. 


140 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Sailing  of  the  expeditionary  army,  under  command  of  General  Bo- 
livar, from  Aux  Cayes  to  Margarita — Naval  action  on  the  2d 
May , and  how  General  Bolivar  behaved  in  it — Events  in  the 
Island  of  Margarita — Arrival  of  the  expedition  at  Carupano — 
Characteristic  Anecdotes  of  General  Bolivar — The  author  takes 
final  leave  of  the  service — what  happened  between  General 
Bolivar  and  him  at  Aux  Caues  and  at  Port  au  Prince.  Year 
1816. 

The  Haytian  government  made  great  advances  to  general  Boli- 
var, in  ammunition,  provisions  and  money.  President  Petion  and 
his  friend  general  Boyer,  were  very  favorable  to  his  expedition, 
whilst  the  corrupt  and  cunning  Inginac,  secretary  of  state,  was,  as 
I was  assured,  secretly  an  enemy  to  all  whites,  who  had  not  mo- 
ney enough  to  gain  him  over.  This  despicable  man,  who  is  a 
white,  as  has  been  said,  had  done  more  harm  to  the  whites  than 
all  the  colored  and  black  people  of  Hayti.  He  is  too  well  known 
to  many  thousands  and  unworthy  to  be  mentioned  more. 

Louis  Brion,  promoted  to  the  rank  of  post  captain,  did  more 
than  any  of  us  to  fit  out  the  squadron  in  a proper  way.  He  was 
named  commander  of  the  navy,  and  employed  his  great  credit  and 
the  remainder  of  his  large  fortune,  to  enable  us  to  depart  from 
Aux  Cayes  on  the  10th  April,  1S16. 

But  scarcely  had  we  arrived  at  the  island  of  San  Beata,  when 
the  whole  squadron  was  detained  by — a woman  ; it  was  no  other 
than  Miss  Pepa  M — , (the  Spanish  name  of  Josephine,)  the  dear 
mistress  of  general  Bolivar.  She  alone,  by  her  secret  virtues,  had 
the  power  to  detain  the  whole  squadron  and  about  a thousand  men, 
during  more  than  48  hours,  at  anchor  ! 

The  following  particulars  will  explain  this  curious  and  notorious 
fact.  Genera]  Bolivar  is,  like  all  his  countrymen  the  Caraguins, 
greatly  attached  to  the  fair  sex,  and  has  usually  with  him,  one, 
two,  and  more  mistresses  in  his  retinue,  besides  those  whom  he 
lakes  a fancy  to  in  passing  from  one  place  to  another.  These 
amours  last  ordinarily  24  hours  or  a week ; but  Miss  Pepa  made 
a rare  exception  to  the  general’s  customary  habits. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


141 


He  had  known  her  since  1813,  during  his  dictatorship,  at  which 
time  . she  had  much  influence  over  him,  as  I have  already  mention- 
ed. When  Bolivar  arrived  from  Aux  Cayes  at  Port  au  Prince, 
he  found,  unexpectedly,  the  two  sisters,  Helen  and  Isabella  Soub- 
lette,  sisters  of  the  famous  general  Charles  Soublette,  which  our 
readers  know  already ; and  in  Aux  Cayes  he  met  mistress  Valdes 
and  her  two  daughters,  where  Bolivar  regularly  passed  the  great- 
est part  of  his  time. 

As  soon  as  he  was  named  commander-in-chief,  by  the  assem- 
bly held  at  Aux  Cayes,  he  wrote  to  Miss  Pepa,  who  resided  with 
her  mother  and  sister  at  St.  Thomas’,  to  come  and  join  him  with- 
out delay.  He  expected  them  daily  with  great  anxiety,  and  de- 
tained the  departure  of  our  expedition,  from  one  day  to  another, 
during  more  than  six  days.  At  last  commodore  Brion,  growing 
impatient,  declared  to  him  frankly,  that  it  was  high  time  to  em- 
bark, and  that  he  would  not  and  could  not  wait  any  longer.  Bo- 
livar, therefore,  was  obliged  to  sail  without  his  mistress,  and  we 
departed.  Before  we  arrived  at  the  island  of  La  Beata , some 
leagues  from  Aux  Cayes,  a fast  sailing  pilot  boat  brought  the  lucky 
tidings  to  general  Bolivar,  that  his  dear  Miss  Pepa,  mother  and 
sister,  had  arrived  from  St.  Thomas’  at  Aux  Cayes.  This  letter 
caused  a bustle  on  board  the  whole  squadron.  Bolivar  immedi- 
ately took  commodore  Brion,  (on  board  of  whom,  he,  general  Flo- 
rencio  Palacios  his  cousin,  intendant  Zea  and  myself,  with  the  of- 
ficers of  the  staff,  had  embarked,)  down  into  the  cabin,  where  they 
remained  a long  time  talking  together.  Brion  was  strongly  op- 
posed to  waiting  the  arrival  of  Miss  Pepa,  with  whom  he  had  been 
already  well  acquainted  at  Caracas,  but  the  entreaties  of  genera] 
Bolivar  prevailed  at  last,  and  he  consented  to  wait.  The  com- 
plaisant Paez,*  Anzoatiqui,  and  Soublette,  made  a formal  toilette, 
put  themselves  in  uniform,  and  sailed  in  the  fast  sailing  armed 
schooner,  the  Constitution,  back  to  Aux  Cayes,  in  search  of  the 
dear  Miss  Pepa.  They  were  rewarded  for  their  readiness  to  com- 
ply •with  the  desires  of  their  master  ; Anzoatiqui  was  promoted  to 
the  rank  of  lieutenant  colonel,  commander  of  the  body  guard  of 
general  Bolivar,  and  Soublette,  adjutant  general  colonel,  attach- 
ed to  the  staff. 

When  I and  others  of  the  foreigners  heard  this  curious  news, 
we  were  greatly  mortified  at  such  a proceeding,  and  declared  loud- 


" This  Paez,  who  was  an  aid-de-camp  of  general  Bolivar,  must  not  be  confounded 
with  general  Paez,  of  the  Llaneros.  They  are  not  at  all  related  or  connected. 


142 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


ly  that  vve  would  leave  a commander  who  compromised  the  wel- 
fare of  so  many  thousands  for  such  a motive.  When  Brion  heard 
this  determination,  he  urged  me  in  very  strong  terms  to  remain,  and 
said  to  me  that  if  I were  to  leave  the  expedition,  all  the  other  stran- 
gers would,  undoubtedly,  follow  my  example,  and  he  should  be 
greatly  disappointed  at  it.  His  entreaties  were  so  urgent  that  J, 
at  last,  yielded,  and  promised  him  to  stay  ; I pursuaded  the  others 
to  do  the  same,  and  not  a single  foreign  officer  debarked.  But  gen- 
eral Palacios,  the  cousin  of  Bolivar,  with  some  other  Caraguins, 
would  not  remain  any  longer,  notwithstanding  the  entreaties  of  Boli- 
var himself,  and  were  put  on  shore  not  far  distant  from  the  Haytian 
port  of  Jacquemel. 

The  majority  of  the  officers  composing  this  expeditionary  army 
very  much  dissatisfied  with  being  under  the  control  of  such 
circumstances,  when  activity  and  bravery  alone,  and  not  a woman, 
could  save  the  country.  From  that  time  Bolivar  sunk  very  much 
in  my  opinion,  and  that  of  others. 

The  composition  of  that  expeditionary  army  which  took  after- 
wards the  title  of  liberating  army , was  as  follows  : There  were 
six  generals,  nine  colonels,  forty-seven  lieutenant  colonels,  a chief 
of  the  staff,  three  adjutant  generals  colonels,  and  eighteen  officers 
of  the  staff;  one  commandant  of  the  artillery,  one  intendant  gener- 
al, one  secretary  general  of  the  intendancy,  and  a good  number  of 
the  administration  of  the  army  ; one  commandant  general  of  the 
cavalry,  without  taking  into  the  account  that  each  general  had  his 
aid-de-camps,  a secretary,  servants,  and  many  their  mistresses  or 
wives  ; that  each  adjutant  general  and  each  colonel  had  his  adju- 
tant; that  the  number  of  majors,  captains,  and  lieutanents  amount- 
ed to  about  500,  and  that  we  had  for  these  epaulets  not  fifty  sol- 
diers. Each  lady  had  either  her  mother,  sisters  or  some  oth- 
er friend  male  or  female,  servants,  and  a good  deal  of  baggage, 
which  embarrassed  greatly  the  manoeuvering  of  the  vessels. 
There  were  besides  a number  of  families  emigrants  from  Venezu- 
ela, who  embarked  at  Aux  Cayes  in  spite  of  the  entreaties  of  com- 
modore Brion,  who  was  against  the  admittance  of  any  female  on 
board  the  squadron.  When  Miss  Pepa  arrived,  she  was  never 
suffered  to  come  on  board  of  the  commodore’s  vessel  where  gen- 
eral Bolivar,  Zea,  and  myself,  with  the  staff  officers,  except  Charles 
Soublette,  remained.  This  man,  before  we  departed  from  Aux 
Cayes,  had  asked,  as  a favor  from  general  Bolivar,  that  he  should 
not  embark  in  the  same  vessel  where  I was;  he  was  ordered  on 
board  the  Constitution,  and  remained  with  Miss  Pepa;  lie  never 
came  on  board  of  our  vessel  during  our  whole  passage,  in  which 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


143 


we  had  the  visits  of  a number  of  other  officers  from  the  squadron. 
Miss  Pepa  arrived  at  last,  on  the  third  day,  from  Aux  Cayes, 
where  the  Constitution  was  obliged  to  remain  a whole  day ; this 
belle  being  not  prepared  to  embark.  Bolivar  made  his  toilette  in 
a superb  style,  and  left  our  vessel  to  pay  his  visit  on  board  the  Con- 
stitution, where  he  remained  the  whole  day  and  night,  and  came 
the  next  morning  on  board  the  commodore,  who  was,  as  well  as 
myself,  and  the  other  officers,  highly  displeased  at  having  lost  about 
four  days  at  anchor. 

When  we  passed  the  city  of  St.  Domingo,  at  that  time  belong- 
ing to  tbe  Spaniards,  the  whole  city  ivas  in  alarm,  believing  we 
should  attack  them ; we  saw,  from  our  deck,  their  bustle,  and 
laughed  heartily  at  their  fears. 

On  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  May,  the  squadron  being  not  far 
distant  from  the  three  elevated  rocks,  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Three  Monks  (Los  Tres  Frailes)  not  far  from  the  island  of  Margari- 
ta, two  Spanish  men  of  war,  a large  brig,  and  a schooner  were  sig- 
nalized. As  our  squadron  had  no  colors  at  all,  Brion  ordered  the 
Spanish  flag  to  be  hoisted  on  board  of  each  of  our  vessels,  so  that  the 
enemy  believing  it  was  his  long  expected  squadron,  took  in 
sail  and  waited  for  us.  But  as  soon  as  they  perceived  their  mis- 
take, the  captain  of  the  schooner,  which  was  a fine  and  fast  sail- 
ing vessel,  pressed  sail  and  left  his  commander,  whose  brig  sailed 
not  so  well.  Both  tried  to  escape,  but  too  late.  Brion  changed 
his  colours  and  fired  upon  them.  The  brig  was  soon  overtaken  by 
our  brig  a fine  and  large  vessel,  armed  with  eight  carron- 
ades  and  a brass  24  pound  swivel.  Three  fast  sailing  schoon- 
ers were  detached  from  the  squadron  in  chase  of  the  Spanish 
schooner,  which  was  taken  some  hours  afterwards.  It  was  the 
Spanish  royal  schooner  Rita,  with  two  carronades,  24  pounders, 
six  8 pounders,  and  one  18  pound  swivel ; commanded  by  the 
captain  Don  Mateo  Ocampo,  who  was  mortally  wounded  in  the 
combat.  The  royal  brig  was  the  Intrepido,  with  14  pieces  of 
eight,  and  150  men,  sailors  and  troops,  commanded  by  the  briga- 
dier Don  Rafael  Iglesias,  who  was  wounded  and  then  killed  "by 
our  men,  who  took  the  vessel  by  boarding.  They  entered  the  cab- 
in with  drawn  swords  while  the  surgeon  was  dressing  his  wound, 
and  killed  him  ; the  surgeon  attempted  to  appease  them  and  was 
murdered  too.  Such  was  the  horrid  character  of  this  barbarous  war. 

Commodore  Brion,  who  fought  bravely,  received  a wound 
which  was,  fortunately,  of  no  dangerous  consequence,  and  was  pro- 
moted, after  the  action,  to  the  rank  of  admiral  of  the  republic  of 
Venezuela. 


144 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOL1VVR. 


But  how  did  general  Bolivar  behave  in  this  pretty  hot  and  close 
action,  which  lasted  more  than  four  hours  ? As  soon  as  he  heard 
that  Brion  had  ordered  the  necessary  preparations  for  attack,  he 
took  me  aside  and  spoke  as  follows  : “ But,  my  friend,  do  you 
not  think  that  the  Spaniards  will  resist  and  fight  to  the  last.”  “ To 
be  sure  they  will,”  replied  I laughing.  “ Well,  but  do  you  think 
that  our  schooner  is  strong  enough  to  fight  alone  against  these  two 
strong  vessels,  (at  the  same  time  looking  at  them  through  a spy 
glass,)  we  are  too  distant,  and  too  far  in  advance,  which  renders 
it  impossible  for  the  remainder  of  our  squadron  to  support  us  in 
the  action.”  “ That  is  true,  (said  I,)  but  we  will  take  them  by 
boarding  ; this  is  the  customary  way  to  force  Spanish  vessels.” 
“ What  ? by  boarding,  do  you  think  of  such  folly  ?”  (y  penses  vous 
moil  cher  Ami  ? c'est  unefolie!)  These  were  the  very  expressions 
of  general  Bolivar  to  me  ! “ But  what  is  it  best  for  me  to  do  ? do 

you  not  think  that  if  I were  wounded,  or  killed,  our  expedition  would 
be  totally  lost,  and  Brion,  the  poor  Brion,  would  have  expended  in 
vain,  all  his  fortune  ! I looked  up  astonished  ; it  first  occured 
to  me  that  he  might  be  jesting  ; but  when  I saw  that  these  strange 
questions  were  put  to  me  in  earnest,  I understood  him,  called 
Brion  and  said  : general  Bolivar  has  made  me  a just  observation 
concerning  you,  he  said  that  he  being  wounded  or  killed  in  the  ac- 
tion, you  Brion,  would  lose  all  your  advances,  as  then  the  expedi- 
tion would,  of  course,  be  disbanded.  “ Oh  the  d — d coward,” 
said  Brion  to  me  in  Dutch;  (he  was  a native  Dutchman,)  “ Well 
general,  (turning  to  Bolivar,)  you  will  be  safely  placed  with  the  in- 
tendant  Zea,  to  whom  I have  assigned  a place  in  our  cabin,  (fin 
which  Bolivar,  Brion,  Zea,  and  myself  slept,)  at  the  entry  of  the 
powder  magazine,  to  hand  the  necessary  cartridges.  As  Brion 
said  these  words  in  an  angry  manner,  Bolivar  asked  him  : But  my 
dear  Brion,  do  you  not  think  that  Ducoudray’s  observation  is  just, 
do  you  not  think  so  ? Oh  yes,  yes,  said  Brion,  and  turned  round. 
1 was  giving  the  necessary  orders  to  our  officers  to  arm  with  mus- 
kets and  cartridges,  when  Bolivar  came  hastily  and  took  me  by 
the  arm,  saying  : “ Now  I have  found  an  excellent  place,  better 
than  to  be  down  in  the  cabin  with  old  Zea,”  (who  looked,  in  fact, 
much  older  than  he  was,  and  he  was  the  same  man  who  died  as 
minister  of  Colombia  in  England.)  He  showed  me  the  longboat 
which,  in  armed  vessels,  is  generally  fixed  over  the  cabin  windows. 
He  jumped  in,  called  Garcia,  (his  intendantj  ordered  his  pistols, 
and  sword,  and  told  him  to  load  two  balls  in  each  pistol,  which 
Garcia  did  in  my  presence,  and  looking  at  me  and  laughing.  This 
position  which  Bolivar  chose  for  himself,  was  surely  the  safest  place 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


145 


in  the  vessel,  then  in  setting  as  he  did  in  the  longboat,  his  head 
and  whole  body  was  safely  protected  by  the  thickness  and 
strength  of  the  beam  which  supports  the  rudder  of  the  vessel. 
He  sat  down  in  the  boat,  and  requested  me  to  take  command 
of  the  officers,  which  I provided  with  arms  and  ammunition,  and 
Brion  entrusted  me  with  the  command  of  the  volunteers,  so 
that  I had  to  survey  the  whole  infantry  of  about  160  armed 
men.  A strange  contrast  between  the  old  and  honest  Mr.  Bal- 
lot, a respectable  French  gentleman  of  64  years  of  age,  taking 
a musket  with  his  young  son  of  16  years,  putting  themselves 
voluntarily  under  my  orders,  in  spite  Brion’s  and  my  representa- 
tions that  they  should  go  down  into  the  cabin,  and  assist  Mr. 
Zea.  But  both,  full  of  ardour  and  courage,  refused  positively, 
and  said  that  this  was  a post  of  honor,  and  that  they  would  not 
have  any  other  assigned  to  them.  In  comparing  the  behaviour 
of  Ballot,  father  and  son,  who  exposed,  voluntarily,  their  lives, 
for  the  welfare  of  a country  in  which  they  were  not  born,  and  to 
which  they  did  not  come  in  order  to  fight,  with  that  of  a military 
chieftain,  already  famous,  by  his  rank,  and  now  placed  at  the 
head  of  an  expedition,  withdrawing  himself  in  such  a curious 
manner,  when  he  should  have  taken  the  command  of  us  all ; 
we  clearly  see  this  characteristic  trait  of  Bolivar,  and  an  illus- 
tration of  what  I must  repeat  in  the  course  of  these  memoirs 
of  him.  Both  the  Ballot’s  fought  with  great  courage  and  cool- 
ness. 

We  suffered  much  during  the  very  warm  action,  from  the 
musket  fire  of  about  a hundred  men  of  the  Spanish  regiment 
La  Corona,  wrho  fired  from  the  rigging  into  our  vessel,  and 
wounded  and  killed  about  fifty  of  our  officers  and  men.  AVe 
stood  more  than  an  hour  at  half  pistol  shot  distance  from  the 
brig,  before  we  could  fix  the  grapples  for  boarding.  AVhen  the 
crew  saw  about  a dozen  of  us  on  their  deck,  the  battle  began 
to  be  renewed  with  more  fury ; but  when  our  number  increas- 
ed, and  their  brave  commander  felt  himself  to  be  mortally 
wounded,  they  lost  all  hopes  ; and  about  thirty  of  them  strip 
ped  off  their  clothes  and  jumped  overboard,  in  hopes  to  save 
their  lives  by  swimming  to  the  Three  Rocks  which  lay  a gun 
shot  distance  from  us. 

At  this  moment,  general  Bolivar,  having  all  this  time  been 
sitting  very  safe  behind  his  beam  in  the  long  boat,  perceived 
these  naked  unfortunate  men  swimming  at  a very  short  distance 
from  him  ; he  took  his  pistol  and  killed  one  of  them,  took  the 
second,  fired  at,  but  missed  another  ! 

19 


146 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


When  all  was  over,  and  the  brig  was  taken,  he  jumped  out 
of  his  boat,  came  with  a radiant  face  to  me  and  said,  “ my  dear 
friend,  you  fought  bravely,  but  I too,  have  not  been  inactive  ; I 
killed  my  man  ; but  unfortunately  missed  the  second  !”  I,  who 
passed  several  times  from  one  side  of  the  vessel  to  the  other, 
always  seeing  my  commander  leaning  his  head  close  to  the 
beam,  was  surprised,  and  asked  him  how  he  could  kill  a man 
in  his  boat  ? “ Ah,  said  he,  laughing,  with  my  pistol,  in  the  wa- 
ter !” 

Such  was  Bolivar,  in  the  action  of  the  2d  May,  1816.  I was 
there  ; I saw  him,  he  spoke  to  me,  and  I commanded,  in  his 
place,  our  corps  of  officers  and  volunteers,  who  will  testify  to 
the  truth  of  my  plain  statement,  if  they  are  any  longer  living 
out  of  Colombia,  and  not  interested,  and  out  of  his  reach. 

On  the  third  of  May,  the  squadron  entered  the  port  of  Juan 
Griego,  in  the  island  of  Margarita,  with  her  two  prizes.  Gen- 
eral Bolivar  fearing,  not  without  some  reason,  that  general 
Arismendy  might  not  receive  hirh  or  recognise  his  authority,  after 
what  had  passed  between  Arismendy  and  the  two  dictators, 
Bolivar  and  Marino,  in  August,  1814,*  requested  the  new  ad- 
miral, Louis  Brion,  who  being  wTounded,  was  put  immediately 
on  shore,  and  the  chief  of  the  staff  of  the  navy,  a Frenchman, 
named  M.  Villarette,  to  speak  with  general  Arismendy.  Vil- 
larette,  who  was  formerly  acquainted  with  Arismendy,  after  a 
couple  of  hours’  absence,  returned  on  board,  and  said  to  Boli- 
var that  the  governor  of  Margarita,  highly  pleased  with  the  suc- 
cess of  our  combat  at  sea,  expecting  soon  to  see  the  cause  of 
liberty  re-established  on  the  Main,  and  filled  with  joy  and  hope, 
was  reconciled  with  general  Bolivar,  and  assured  him  of  his 
respect  and  friendship. 

One  hour  afterwards,  Arismendy  arrived  on  board  to  com- 
pliment the  commander-in-chief  on  account  of  his  safe  arrival 
on  the  shores  of  liberty  and  independence,  and  of  his  naval  vic- 
tory, in  which  Bolivar  took  a very  curious  part,  as  we  have  re- 
lated. Bolivar  embraced  Arismendy  with  that  kind  of  frank- 
ness and  cordiality,  which  appeared  so  natural  in  him,  took  him 
by  the  arm,  after  having  presented  me,  and  the  intendant,  and 
invited  him  down  into  the  cabin,  where  they  remained  alone 
more  than  an  hour.  They  appeared,  in  mounting  on  deck, 
very  well  satisfied  with  each  other,  and  Arismendy  invited  us, 


' See  chapter  VII. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


147 


Bolivar,  Zea,  Marino,  Piar  and  myself,  to  come  on  shore  in  the 
afternoon,  where  horses  would  be  in  readiness  to  convey  us  to 
the  villa  del  Norte,  the  head  quarters  of  Arismendy,  at  a dis- 
tance of  three  leagues  from  the  sea-port  of  Juan  Griego.  The 
governor  himself  received  us  at  the  latter  port,  with  a numer- 
ous retinue,  and  in  arriving  on  the  public  square  at  his  head 
quarters,  the  troops  received  us  under  arms,  and  with  military 
music.  After  a good  and  splendid  dinner,  the  ball  began,  which 
lasted  the  whole  night.  But  not  a single  word  passed,  which 
had  any  connexion  with  business ; Bolivar  was  so  totally  en- 
gaged in  dancing,  of  which  he  was  passionately  fond,  that  he 
thought  of  nothing  else  but  the  dance.  I was  in  a very  me- 
lancholy humor,  recapitulating,  in  my  mind,  all  that  had  hap- 
pened from  our  sailing  from  Aux  Cayes,  and  declined  to  dance, 
and  formed  a firm  resolution  to  quit  a man,  whom  I could  by 
no  means  love  or  respect.  I walked  up  and  down  in  the  pub- 
lic square,  and  was  soon  joined  by  general  Arismendy,  who 
was  full  of  attention  and  kindness  to  me.  I was  astonished  to 
find  in  him  a frank  and  good  man,  who  spoke  of  military  mat- 
ters and  politics,  with  much  more  knowledge  and  sense  than  I 
ever  heard  general  Bolivar.  The  latter,  during  about  a month 
of  our  being  in  the  same  vessel,  and  very  intimate,  never  asked 
me  a single  question  on  military  tactics,  or  any  thing  concern- 
ing our  art.  His  great  employment  was  to  play  backgammon  with 
me,  or  with  Brion,  or  Zea,  to  walk  up  and  down  on  deck  and 
talk  on  very  common  topics  with  one  or  another  of  his  officers, 
or  to  sleep.  I saw  him  in  about  a month’s  time,  three  times 
reading  in  a book  ; and  when  he  did,  it  was  the  first  one  he 
found  in  our  cabin  ; and  this  not  half  an  hour  at  a time.  His 
favorite  topics  were,  with  me  and  Brion,  to  speak  of  his  stay  in 
Paris,  to  give  us  detailed  particulars  of  his  good  fortune  in  this 
capital,  and  sometimes  he  asked  me  many  questions  about  Na- 
poleon, the  dresses  of  the  ladies  and  gentlemen  at  court,  and 
what  kind  of  ceremonies  were  necessary  to  he  presented,  &c. 
&lc.';  another  time,  about  his  mustachios,  and  those  of  the  offi- 
cers, the  modes  of  dress  and  uniforms  in  the  French  and  Eng- 
lish armies,  but  never  could  I speak  a single  word  about  milita- 
ry tactics,  drills,  &tc.  He  stopped  me  immediately,  saying, 

‘ oh  yes,  yes,  mon  cher  ami,  I know  that,  I know  that  book  is 
very  well  written,  but  tell  me’ — and  then  he  asked  me  a very 
insignificant  question  on  absolutely  indifferent  trifles,  which  gave 
another  turn  to  our  conversation. 


14S 


MEMOIRS  OB’  BOLIVAR. 


One  day  I saw  him  walking,  with  a quick  step,  to  and  fro 
on  deck,  absorbed  in  thought,  and  melancholy.  I came  up 
and  observed  that  he  continued  so  a good  while,  without  see- 
ing or  hearing  any  thing  that  passed  around  us.  It  was  some 
days  previous  to  our  naval  engagement.  I at  last  accosted  him 
and  said  with  my  usual  frankness  and  familiarity  to  him  : “ what 
is  the  matter  with  you,  my  dear  general,  are  you  unwell,  or 
has  something  happened !”  “ Oh  no,”  replied  he,  “ but  we 

are  approaching  the  island  of  Margarita,  where  Arismendy  com- 
mands, and  I fear  this  man  and  his  character  ; he  is  obstinate 
and  cruel.”  At  that  time  I was  totally  unacquainted  with  what 
had  happened  between  these  two  chieftains  in  August,  1814, 
and  therefore  I made  some  inquiries  about  Arismendy,  his  man- 
ner of  acting,  and  character.  “ Oh  mon  cher  ami,  Arismendy 
is  a very  dangerous,  ambitious  man,  who  governs  the  island  of 
Margarita  with  great  despotism  ; he  is  an  absolute  brute,  with- 
out any  education  or  knowledge,  and  of  low  extraction.”  (I 
must  mention  here,  that  Bolivar  thinks  much  of  birth  and  good 
families,  and  treated  all  those  which  were  not  of  high  birth,  with 
the  common  phrase  of, — “ he  is  of  low  extraction .”) 

I was,  therefore,  much  prejudiced  against  general  Arismen- 
dy ; but  when  I found  in  him  a plain  man,  and  one  much  bet- 
ter instructed  in  military  matters  than  Bolivar  himself,  I was 
quite  surprised.  I had  afterwards  long  conversations  with  him, 
which  pleased  me ; and  when  some  days  later,  general  Bolivar 
made  the  inspection  of  what  Arismendy  had  done  against  the 
Spaniards,  I was  highly  pleased,  and  observed  that  when  Boli- 
var asked  me,  in  an  ironical  style,  what  I thought  of  this  or  that 
fortification,  or  battery,  or  redoubt,  and  I approved  of  them, 
and  expressed  the  reasons  of  the  construction  of  these  works, 
our  commander-in-chief  was  not  at  all  satisfied  with  my  obser- 
vations. Arismendy,  who  did  not  understand  French,  but  ask- 
ed me  afterwards  to  explain  to  him  in  Spanish  my  observations, 
was  satisfied,  and  look  me  more  and  more  into  his  favor. 

But  as  general  Bolivar  had  deserted  Venezuela  in  August, 
1814,  and  Newr  Grenada,  in  May,  1815,  it  was  necessary  that 
his  authority  should  be  re-established  in  his  native  land,  by  a 
formal  and  solemn  acknowledgment  of  what  the  general  assem- 
bly in  Aux  Cayes  had  stipulated  in  his  favor.  Arismendy  was 
easily  gained  over  by  various  secret  conversations  which  Boli- 
var had  with  him  on  the  matter,  in  which  the  former  received 
the  formal  promise,  that  Bolivar  would  establish  a National 
Congress  at  Venezuela,  as  soon  as  he  should  be  master  of  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


149 


country.  This  formal  promise  was  given  to  him,  as  he  had 
given  it  to  us  before  his  departure  from  Aux  Cayes,  and  so 
Arismendy  hesitated  not  a moment  to  call  a general  assembly, 
or  Junta  in  the  cathedral  of  La  Villa  del  Norte,  to  which  all  the 
officers  of  our  squadron  were  invited  by  an  order  emanating 
from  Arismendy  and  Bolivar.  The  principal  inhabitants  of 
the  island  were  assembled,  and  the  clergy,  in  their  sacerdotal 
dresses,  were  kneeling  before  the  altar,  reciting  prayers  in  a 
low  voice,  for  the  welfare  of  the  republic.  When  all  were  as- 
sembled in  church,  the  mass  began,  and  afterwards  the  numer- 
ous clergy  remained  kneeling  before  the  altar  in  silence  and  in 
prayers.  These  religious  ceremonies,  mixed  with  politics,  were 
generally  used  by  the  Spanish  leaders  ; and  their  Juntas  and 
great  assemblies  were  always  held  in  churches.  The  patriots 
have  continued  this  custom. 

When  the  mass  was  over,  general  Arismendy  delivered  a 
long  speech,  in  which  he  recommended  our  union,  and  the  ne- 
cessity of  having  one  single  chieftain,  and  related  what  had  hap- 
pened in  Aux  Cayes,  and  the  election  made  of  general  Bolivar, 
whom  he  now  recommended  to  his  army  to  recognise  and  obey, 
as  he,  Arismendy,  did.  He  then  approached  general  Bolivar, 
and  delivered  him  the  wand  of  commander-in-chief,  (a  small 
reed  with  a golden  head,)  and  proclaimed  him  solemnly,  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  republic  of  Venezuela  and  New  Grena- 
da, which  were  to  be  re-established.  Bolivar  then  delivered  a 
speech,  in  which  he  declared  his  acceptance  of  the  wand  of 
commander,  which  Arismendy  had  given  him  up.  He  conclu- 
ded by  promoting  a great  many  of  the  natives  to  be  officers  in  the 
land  troops,  but  not  a single  foreigner  belonging  to  this  army 
was  promoted,  notwithstanding  that  a good  many  had  distin- 
guished themselves,  particularly  in  the  action  of  the  second  of 
May. 

By  particular  and  urgent  request  of  the  newly  promoted  and 
wounded  admiral  Brion,  some  few  promotions  were  made  among 
the  foreigners  belonging  to  the  navy.  I was  highly  displeased 
not  to  be  promoted,  when  I could  say  with  truth,  that  I had  dis- 
tinguished myself  in  the  combat  of  the  second  of  May,  had  taken 
Bolivar’s  place  and  the  command  of  our  officers,  while  Bolivar 
sat  very  safely  in  his  long  boat,  and  out  of  all  danger.  Many 
ol  my  friends,  among  them  Brion  and  Zea,  were  astonished  to 
see  me  not  at  the  head  of  these  promotions,  having  seen  me  at 
the  head  ol  the  officers  and  volunteers,  and  mounting,  one  of 
the  first,  to  enter  the  enemy’s  vessel.  Chypia,  Martinez  and 


150 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Anzoatigui,  who  were  in  the  action  under  my  orders,  one  of 
whom  withdrew  himself  for  fear  of  the  balls,  were  promoted. 
Charles  Soublette,  being  a mile  distant  from  the  battle,  on  board 
the  Constitution  with  Miss  Pepa,  was,  notwithstanding,  promot- 
ed to  the  rank  adjutant-general-colonel  in  the  staff'.  But  these 
four  were  natives,  and  the  most  servile  flatterers  of  general 
Bolivar.  v 

After  these  promotions,  a solemn  te  deum  was  sung  in  hon- 
or of  the  battle  of  the  second  of  May,  and  on  the  present  occa- 
sion under  artillery  salutes,  &c. 

This  behaviour  of  general  Arismendy  was  very  honorable  to 
him,  as  it  was  easy  to  take  general  Bolivar’s  place,  at  a time, 
where  he  alone  was  four  times  as  strong  as  Bolivar,  and  when, 
as  is  generally  known,  he  had  much  more  energy  and  patriot- 
ism, much  more  knowledge  and  personal  bravery,  than  ever 
Bolivar  had  possessed.  Arismendy  was  well  informed  that 
Bolivar  had  treated  him  in  his  manifesto,  published  in  Cartha- 
gena,  in  September  1814,*  as  an  intriguer  and  an  ambitious 
man,  who  contrived  to  take  his  place ; he  knew  perfectly  well 
the  character  of  Bolivar,  his  ambition,  jealousy,  and  his  des- 
potism as  dictator,  having  been  a long  time  governor  of  the  city 
of  Caracas.  But  Bolivar,  since  his  first  interview  with  Aris- 
mendy on  hoard  the  Commodore,  had  captivated  the  simple 
and  plain  mind  of  the  governor  of  Margarita,  who  saw  his  an- 
cient master  surrounded  with  vessels  and  power,  and  heard  his 
brilliant  and  formal  promises  to  assemble  a congress  as  soon  as 
matters  were  a little  settled  on  the  Main,  and  yielded  to  his 
promises,  as  Brion,  and  many  others  of  us  had  done  before. 

I was,  I must  confess,  highly  displeased  with  all  these  events, 
and  sleeping  in  the  same  room  with  general  Bolivar  from  the 
beginning  of  our  arrival  at  La  Villa  del  Norte,  in  the  house  ol 
a Mr.  Galindo,  I reproached  him  with  good  reason  for  not 
having  kept  his  promises,  so  solemnly  given  to  me  in  Aux 
Cayes,  to  give  me  my  rank  of  general,  as  soon  as  we  should 
arrive  in  a country  of  his  own,  which  was  free  and  independent. 
He  jumped  out  of  his  hammock,  and  coming  near  my  field 
bed  said,  taking  my  hand,  that  it  was  not  his  fault,  but  that  he 
dared  not  promote  any  of  us  strangers,  for  fear  Arismendy  and 
other  chieftains  might  be  jealous  of  our  promotion,  that  his  au- 
thority was  not  yet  sufficiently  established  to  dare  to  take  such 


Sec  Chapter  VIII. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


151 


a step  ; that,  nevertheless,  he  would  do  so,  as  soon  as  we  should 
arrive  on  the  Main  ; and  that  then,'  no  consideration  should  pre- 
vent him  from  rendering  me  justice,  &sc.  &tc. 

I reproached  him  widi  Soublette’s  promotion,  known  by  every 
one  as  a coward  and  a vile  man,  and  very  much  disliked  by 
his  own  countrymen,  declaring  that  after  what  had  passed  in 
Aux  Cayes  with  him,  I could  never  admit  him  to  be  employed 
in  my  offices  of  the  staff,  which  were,  as  usual,  established  in 
a room  opposite  to  our  bed  chamber  on  the  same  floor ; and 
added  that  Soublette,  in  the  action  of  the  2d  May,  was  a mile 
from  the  battle,  on  board  the  Constitution,  and  had  not  smelt 
the  powder  of  our  own  guns,  and  still  less  that  of  the  enemy’s. 
He  gave  me  a singular  reply,  in  the  mouth  of  a commander- 
in-chief  : “ I could  not  pass  Soublette  in  the  general  promotion 
published  this  afternoon  in  the  church,  he  belongs  to  one  of  the 
best  families  in  Caracas,  and  as  I promoted  Chypia  and  Mar- 
tinez to  the  rank  of  adjutant-generals-colonels  in  the  staff,  who 
were  younger  lieutenant-colonels  then  Soublette,  I w7as  obliged, 
of  course,  to  promote  Soublette.” 

I saw  clearly  by  this  conversation,  the  weakness  of  such  a 
commander,  appeared  satisfied,  and  having  once  embarked  with 
him,  I took  patience  and  remained. 

On  the  day  of  his  being  received  as  commander-in-chief  of 
the  armies  of  Venezuela  and  Caracas,  in  the  island  of  Mar- 
garita, he  published  a proclamation,  in  which  he  said,  “ he  had 
not  arrived  to  conquer,  but  to  protect  the  country,  and  that  he 
invited  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela  to  unite  and  join  him,  if 
they  would  be  considered  by  their  Liberators  as  pure  and  good 
patriots.  I have  not  arrived,”  continues  he,  “ to  dictate  laws 
to  you,  but  I advise  you  to  hear  my  voice,  I recommend  to  you 
union  in  the  government,  and  absolute  liberty  for  all  classes,  in 
order  that  you  may  not  commit  any  more  absurdities  and  crimes  ! 
But  you  cannot  be  freemen  and  slaves  at  the  same  time , if  you 
form  no  more  than  one  single  mass  of  the  wdiole  population  ; if 
you  choose  a central  government — (Simon  Bolivar!)  if  you 
join  us,  you  may  rely  upon  a sure  victory.”  This  proclama- 
tion is  signed  by  Bolivar,  and  dated,  “ Villa  del  Norte,  Island 
of  Margarita,  May  3d,  1816.” 

Here  is  a new  instance  of  the  pompous  style  of  Bolivar’s 
proclamations,  who  repeated  his  illusory  promises  as  he  did  in 
1813,  and  as  he  has  not  ceased  to  do  from  that  time  to  the 
present  day.  “ Liberators , liberating  army , central  govern- 
ment, advices ,”  &c.  &c.  resounded  from  one  end  to  the  other, 


152 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


in  all  his  proclamations.  We  shall  soon  see  whether  the  in- 
habitants of  Venezuela  could  rely  upon  a sure  victory,  and 
whether  he  acted  as  he  promised. 

When  the  Spaniards  were  apprised  of  our  arrival  in  the 
Villa  del  Norte,  they  evacuated,  on  the  same  night,  the  capital, 
Villa  del  Assumption,  and  the  famous  Spanish  coward,  Mr. 
Miguel  de  La  Torre,  retired  precipitately  into  the  forts  of  Pom- 
patar. 

At  our  landing  at  the  port  of  Juan  Griego,  Arismendy,  Bo- 
livar and  I were  talking,  when  I heard  suddenly  the  discharge 
of  musketry.  I turned  round  to  see  what  caused  this  firing. 
Bolivar  told  me  smiling,  “ it  is  nothing,  my  dear  friend,  (speak- 
ing with  me  always  in  French,)  general  Arismendy  has  order- 
ed some  Spanish  prisoners,  landed  from  our  squadron,  to  be 
shot.”  These  unfortunate  men  were,  in  landing,  tied  together, 
while  others  made  a large  hole,  before  which  they  kneeled 
down  and  were  shot  in  the  hack,  so  that  they  fell  into  their 
grave,  which  was  immediately  filled  with  earth.  It  happened 
that  many  of  them,  not  receiving  deadly  wounds,  were  buried 
alive  in  this  manner. 

When  admiral  Brion,  detained  in  bed  by  his  wound,  heard 
of  this,  he  gave  the  formal  order  to  suffer  no  more  of  the  Span- 
ish prisoners  to  be  landed,  and  saved  the  lives  of  about  fifty 
Spaniards,  who  were  humanely  treated  and  put  to  useful  em- 
ployments. So  should  general  Bolivar  have  acted,  instead  of 
Brion.  It  would  have  cost  the  former  no  more  than  a repre- 
sentation to  Arismendy  to  save  them  ; he  only  smiled  at  the 
horrors  which  I expressed  for  a barbarous  act  committed  in 
cold  blood. 

The  next  day  after  his  installation  as  commander-in-chief, 
Bolivar,  in  his  proclamations,  and  in  his  official  transactions, 
took  the  following  titles : “ Simon  Bolivar,  general-in-chief, 
captain-general  of  the  liberating  armies  of  Venezuela  and  New 
Grenada,  supreme  chief  of  the  republic  of  Venezuela,  comman- 
der-in-chief of  the  land  and  naval  forces,”  &c.  &tc.  &c.  with- 
out having  conferred  upon  him  the  right  to  name  himself  su- 
preme chief,  which  made  a very  bad  impression  on  all  the  for- 
eigners who  came  with  us  from  Aux  Cayes.  As  I had  pro- 
mised to  Brion  to  remain,  I made  my  best  exertions  to  quell 
and  appease  these  officers,  and  succeeded.  We  were  absolute- 
ly destitute  of  every  thing  ; the  small  and  rocky  island  of  Mar- 
garita was  unable  to  furnish  us  the  necessary  provisions ; the 
vessels  were  in  want  of  rations  for  the  crew,  so  that  each  offi- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


153 

cer  and  private,  had  a scanty  ration,  consisting  of  a little  cake 
of  indian  meal,  not  weighing  two  ounces,  called  arepa,  and  two 
small  salted  fishes,,  and  nothing  else  ! We,  general  and  staff' 
officers,  dined  with  general  Arismendy,  but  our  table  was  sur- 
rounded by  at  least  50  hungry  officers  not  belonging  to  the 
staff,  who  took  from  our  table  what  they  could  reach,  so  that 
many  of  the  company  rose  without  being  able  to  satisfy  their 
own  hunger.  There  was  no  money,  no  clothes,  nor  any  thing 
but  great  confusion  and  misery  ! 

The  25th  May  the  squadron  departed  from  Margarita,  Brion 
having  recovered  from  his  wound,  and  arrived  the  31st- before 
the  large  borough  of  Carupano,  the  port  of  which  was  protect- 
ed by  a fort,- called  Sta.  Rosa,  upon  which  the  Spanish  colors 
were  displayed.  I have  related  in  Chapter  first,  how  it  was 
taken.  The  patriots  found  a fine  merchant  brig  and  schooner, 
belonging  to  the  Spaniards,  with  a rich  cargo  in  each.  The 
greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants  having  fled,  left  their  stores  fill- 
ed with  provisions  and  dry  goods,  which  were  plundered  and 
disappeared  in  24  hours.  The  confusion  and  disorder  were  very 
great,  and  no  precaution  was  taken  to  distribute  any  of  the  pro- 
visions in  a regular  way,  but  each  one  took  what  he  pleased, 
and  destroyed  or  left  the  remainder.  I offered  to  make  maga- 
zines, and  station  guards  and  sentries,  in  order  to  save  them, 
and  to  distribute  regular  rations  ; but  Bolivar  told  me,  laugh- 
ing, “ that  these  guards  would  give  the  first  example  of  taking 
what  they  chose,  and  that  all  would  be  useless.”  I was  high- 
ly disgusted,  and  had  already,  in  Margarita,  asked  my  absolute 
discharge  from  such  a service,  but  remained  against  my  will, 
Bolivar  declaring  to  me  in  a friendly  but  positive  manner,  that 
it  was  impossible  for  him  to  grant  me  my  request.  After  some 
day’s  stay  at  Carupano,  I did  the  same,  but  was  again  refused. 

The  consequences  of  this  disorder  were,  that  after  some 
days  we  had  no  provisions,  and  that  some  maladies  reigned  in 
the  barracks,  where  the  ordinary  filthiness  of  this  people,  join- 
ed to  the  want  of  sufficient  and  wholesome  food,  introduced  a 
great  many  diseases  of  which  a great  number  died.  It  would 
have  been  an  easy  task  for  Bolivar  to  have  delivered  his  coun- 
try, in  a short  time,  if  he  would  have  followed  my  advice  ; at 
that  time  the  Spaniards,  struck  with  panic  terror  at  our  sudden 
arrival,  retired  in  great  haste  towards  Valencia  and  evacuated 
the  whole  ol  the  extensive  territory  from  Carupano  to  Cariaco 
and  Guiria,  so  that  the  communication  with  Maturin  by  land, 
and  through  the  gulf  of  Trieste,  was  entirely  left  free.  I will 


154 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


relate  here  some  particulars  which  passed  between  general  Bo- 
livar and  me,  which  will  give  still  further  illustrations  of  his 
talents  and  character. 

At  my  first  interview  with  Bolivar  at  Aux  Cayes,  he  pro- 
mised to  give  me  my  rank  as  general,  which  was  due  to  me, 
having  sent  my  commission  through  the  regular  channel  of  the 
president  and  general-in-chief  of  the  republic  of  Carthagena  to 
the  congress  of  New  Grenada,  as  1 have  already  stated.  We 
arrived  at  Margarita  where  other  officers  were  promoted,  and 
I was  passed  over,  as  I have  mentioned.  We  arrived  at  Caru- 
pano,  a place  laying  on  the  Main,  declared  free  and  independ- 
ent by  our  presence  and  thatof  Bolivar.  After  having  reminded 
him  of  his  promise  already  given,  and  after  having  said  that  I 
cared  not  much  about  a piece  of  paper,  (meaning  my  commis- 
sion,) which  gave  me  not  a cent  of  pay,  nor  any  solid  advan- 
tages ; I added,  that  it  was  just  I should  not  be  degraded  by  the 
title  of  a colonel,  when.  I had  deserved  my  ancient  rank,  by  my 
services  at  Carthagena,  Boca  Chica,  at  Aux  Cayes,  in  the  ac- 
tion of  the  2d  May,  and  since,  at  Margarita,  and  here  on  the 
Main;  and,  moreover,  when  I saw  that  Soublette,  whom  he 
himself  knew  to  be  a coward,  ranked  with  me,  who  vTas  an  old 
veteran,  not  only  covered  with  wTounds,  but  deserving,  for  having 
some  claims  on  account  of  the  services  I had  rendered,  my  for- 
mer rank,  &lc.  &c.  I spoke  very  warmly  and  strongly,  and 
Bolivar,  taking  me  by  the  hand,  gave  me  again  his  formal  pro- 
mise, that  after  the  next  action,  when  he  could  promote  others, 
I should  be  the  first  named.  He  added  so  many  obliging  and 
friendly  promises,  that  I was  again  foolish  enough  to  rely  upon 
his  word  and  remained. 

In  my  frequent  and  long  conversations  with  general  Bolivar, 
I spoke  to  him  often  of  the  necessity  of  instructing  the  officers, 
who  were  in  general  very  ignorant  in  the  elementary  principles 
of  the  military  art,  and  proposed  to  him  to  establish  schools  for 
instruction  in  the  theory  and  practice  of  forming  depots  and  to 
drill  recruits,  a commission  to  examine  the  foreign  officers  who 
wished  to  enter  the  service;  to  be  authorised  to  judge  of  the 
merits  and  the  talents  of  the  officers  in  general,  of  their  beha- 
viour in  action,  in  order  to  recommend  them  for  promotion, 
&c.  I told  him  frankly  that  nothing  was  more  degrading  for 
an  officer  of  honor,  than  to  depend  upon  favor,  flattery  and  pro- 
tection, or  the  caprice  of  one  single  man,  by  which  talents  and 
modesty  were  often  put  aside,  while  intriguers  and  flatterers, 
cowards  and  ignoramuses,  were  advanced  and  put  at  the  head 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


155 


of  men,  who  knew  a thousand  times  better  how  to  command. 

“ And  now  see,”  pursued  I,  growing  warm,  “ that  general  Mar 

what  can  he  know,  how  will  he  command  fifty  men,  is  he 

able  to  do  it  ?”  “ Oh;  mon  cher  ami ,”  interrupted  general  Bo- 

livar, laughing,  “you  are  perfectly  correct,  he  cannot  even 
command  four  men.”  After  various  conversations  upon  these 
and  other  military  matters,  with  general  Bolivar,  he  named  a 
kind  of  special  council  of  war,  being  at  Aux  Cayes,  in  which 
the  military  and  administrative  operations  were  freely  debated. 
It  was  composed  of  Brion,  Marino,  McGregor  and  myself,  Bo- 
livar presiding.  A commission  was  also  established,  to  exam- 
ine the  pretensions  of  the  foreign  officers,  in  which  I presided, 
composed  of  generals  Piar  and  McGregor.  At  the  first  session 
held  in  my  house,  some  foreign  officers  made  objections  to 
showing  their  commissions,  but  I stopped  them,  saying  that  we 
were  assembled  here  by  special  command  of  general  Bolivar, 
and  that  1 would  begin  by  obeying  bis  orders.  I immediately 
took  from  a drawer  before  me,  my  commission  from  the  govern- 
mentof  Carthagena,  and  ordered  it  to  be  passed  round.  So  did 
Piar  and  McGregor,  and  nobody  afterwards  made  the  least 
difficulty.  But  as  soon  as  we  had  arrived  at  the  island  of  Mar- 
garita, every  thing  was  forgotten,  and  Bolivar  alone  acted  as 
he  pleased. 

When  at  Carupano,  where  we  stayed  much  longer  than  I 
expected,  I again  urged  general  Bolivar  to  establish  a school 
for  the  instruction  of  the  officers  in  theory  and  practice,  which 
he  at  last  consented  to.  I proposed  for  instructor,  a lieutenant 
colonel  Schmidt,  who  had  served  under  my  orders  at  Barcelo- 
na, when  I was  the  commander  of  the  head  quarters  of  the 
marshall  McDonald,  duke  ofTarentem,  governor  of  the  citadel, 
&c.  He  was  an  able  officer  and  highly  pleased  with  my  pro- 
position. General  Bolivar  authorised  me  to  put  on  the  order 
of  the  day,  “ that  every  officer  of  infantry  should  assemble  at 
such  a place,  hour  and  day  fixed  in  my  orders,  to  receive  the 
necessary  instructions  from  colonel  Schmidt  : That  those  who 
should  not  comply  with  the  present  order,  without  a well  ground- 
ed reason,  would  expose  themselves  to  be  arrested  and  sent 
for  24  hours  to  the  fort  of  Sta.  Rosa.  During  several  days 
this  school  was  well  attended  by  the  officers,  of  whom  a great 
many  distinguished  themselves  by  their  zeal  to  learn.  I must 
state  here  once  for  all,  that  the  majority  of  these  young  officers 
were  good,  docile,  and  willing  to  obey,  as  soon  as  they  were 
well  treated  and  commanded,  and  that  I never  had  to  complain 


156 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


of,  or  to  punish  any  of  them.  It  would  not  have  been  the  ease 
here,  il  some  invidious,  vile  individuals,  had  not  tried  to  make 
all  my  actions,  my  words  and  my  orders,  ridiculous  and  sus- 
pected, not  in  my  presence,  but  always  in  my  absence.  One 
day  colonel  Schmidt  came  to  complain  that  the  officers  began 
to  be  very  neglectful  of  their  duties,  and  that  a great  many 
came  not  at  all.  I mentioned  this  to  general  Bolivar,  who  au- 
thorised me  to  renew  and  sharpen  the  order;  but  by  and  by 
the  same  neglect  was  complained  of  by  Schmidt.  I said  now 
to  Bolivar,  that  it  was  high  time  to  punish,  if  we  would  not  lose 
all  authority,  discipline,  &ic.  He  approved,  and  authorised  me 
to  act  in  accordance  to  the  existing  order.  I entered  the  next 
day  into  the  large  room  where  the  officers  were  drilled,  accom- 
panied by  some  of  my  officers,  and  saw  a small  number  of 
them  assembled  in  comparison  of  other  days,  when  I came  to 
assist  at  their  drills.  I asked  for  the  roll,  on  calling  over 
which  I found  that  among  about  100,  36  were  absent,  of 
whom  15  had  no  excuse  at  all.  I ordered  immediately  the 
adjutants  to  arrest  and  put  them  for  24  hours  in  the  fort,  and 
sent  a written  order  to  colonel  Landaeta,  who  commanded  at 
Sta.  Rosa,  to  give  them  leave  to  walk  in  the  fort  wherever  they 
pleased,  but  to  allow  none  to  go  out  until  the  hour  of  the  arrest 
was  expired.  Enclosed  were  the  names  of  these  officers.  1 
reported  all  to  general  Bolivar,  who  approved  it  highly,  not- 
withstanding his  own  nephew,  captain  Manuel  Palacios,  son  of 
his  sister,  was  among  the  arrested  officers.  Bolivar  was  very 
well  satisfied  and  laughed,  sitting  in  his  hammock,  when  I told 
him  that  it  was  necessary  to  commence  with  his  nephew’s  pun- 
ishment, as  giving  to  others  a proof  of  his  impartiality  and  jus- 
tice. He  finished,  by  approving  highly  my  remarks  and  orders, 
and  I left  him  well  satisfied.  This  was  about  1 1 o’clock  in 
the  morning.  The  same  day,  at  6 in  the  afternoon,  arrived 
general  Bolivar,  with  six  or  eight  officers,  at  my  house,  and  af- 
ter having  saluted  me  as  usual,  he  took  me  by  the  arm,  in  my 
upper  piazza,  where  we  were  alone,  and  spoke  the  following 
words  to  me  : “ You  will  never  find  out,  mon  cher  ami,  lrom 
whence  I came  just  now.  I have  received  a doleful  note  from 
my  nephew  Palacios,  (which  he  handed  to  me  for  my  perusal) 
who  is  in  the  fort,  who  urged  me  for  his,  and  his  companion’s 
sake,  to  come  and  see  him  ; I did,  and  come  from  Sta.  Rosa, 
and  can  tell  you  that  these  poor  devils  (les  pauvres  diables) 
have  requested  me,  in  a very  urgent  manner,  to  pardon  them, 
and  to  set  them  at  liberty,  and  promised  that  they  will  never 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


157 


more  fail  in  their  duty,  &c.  I told  them  that  I had  not  sent 
them  to  the  fort,  but  you  ! and  that  I would  promise  to  go  and 
make  interest  with  you  for  them,  and  ask  you  to  relieve  them 
from  their  arrest.”  “ What,  general,”  said  I,  extremely  sur- 
prised and  shocked  to  hear  him  speaking  these  words,  “it  ap- 
pears as  if  I was  the  only  cause  of  their  arrest,  and  as  if  / was 
the  author  of  their  punishment ! How  could  you  say  that  it  is 
not  you  who  have  sent  them  to  the  fort,  but  /?  Have  you 
then  not  approved  highly  the  daily  orders  for  the  army,  pub- 
lished by  me  in  your  name  ? It  is  then  I,  who  alone  have  pun- 
ished them,  and  should  you  not  have  said  that  their  punish- 
ment was  the  natural  consequence  of  their  disobeying  your  or- 
ders. Well,  then,  I see  that  I have  nothing  more  to  do  here, 
I am  of  no  use,  when  you  cannot  or  will  not  support  the  au- 
thority given  to  me,  without  my  request  or  my  intriguing  for 
it ; I can  remain  no  longer  in  a service  where  I cannot  be  of 
use,”  &c.  &tc.  I was  warm,  and  spoke  fully  determined  to 
quit  forever  such  a disgusting  service.  But  Bolivar  again  en- 
treated me  so  urgently  to  remain  with  him,  told  me  that  I should 
be  always  his  good  friend,  that  I was  very  useful  to  him,  &c. 
&c.  so  that  I embraced  him  and  remained.  The  prisoners 
were  released  by  a written  order,  sent  by  one  of  my  aid-de- 
camps  to  colonel  Landasta,  and  Bolivar  departed  after  a full 
hour’s  stay  at  my  house,  very  well  satisfied.  I must  confess,  I 
was  not  much  satisfied,  and  took  the  firm  resolution  to  punish 
nobody,  to  complain  of  nobody,  and  act,  for  a little  while,  in  a 
very  passive  way,  to  see  if  at  last,  there  would  be  any  alteration 
in  our  curiously  organised,  or  rather  our  totally  unorganised 
liberating  army,  which  counted  not  800  men  ! 

One  day  at  Carupano  I found  Bolivar  laying  in  his  hammock 
alone,  looking  melancholy  and  dejected.  His  face  was  unusu- 
ally pale  and  his  eyes  sunken.  I asked  him  if  he  was  sick; 
“ Oh  no,  no,  mon  cher  ami,  (which  was  always  his  favorite  term) 
not  at  all,  but  Marino  teases  me  to  go  with  Piar  and  twenty  of- 
ficers, to  Guiria  to  recruit  some  more  men;  he  wants  me  to 
give  him  2000  stand  of  arms,  ammunition  and  some  flecheras, 
(large  armed  barges)  to  convoy  him  along  the  coast.  But  you 
know  what  we  have  to  fear  from  these  two  generals  ; I am  con- 
vinced they  will  try  again  to  render  themselves  independent 
from  me,  which  would  renew  the  scenes  of  1813  and  1814.* 


* The  reader  will  remember  that  Marino,  at  that  time,  was  dictator  of  the  east  and 
Rolivar  of  the  west  of  Venezuela,  and  that  the  first  acted  entirely  independently  of  the 
latter.  We  have  seen  the  dreadful  consequences  of  this  rivalship.  See  chapter  VI, 
arid  VII 


15S 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


I know  not  indeed,  how  to  act  or  what  to  do.”  If  I were  in 
your  place,  I would  refuse  their  request  under  various  preten- 
ces, of  which  you  have  so  many,  and  never  would  I consent  to 
let  them  be  absent  from  you ; then  after  what  has  passed  in 
Aux  Cayes,*  you  have  certainly  to  fear  that  Marino,  once  de- 
tached from  you,  would  try  another  time  to  shake  the  yoke 
from  his  shoulders.  Brion  who  came  in,  heard  my  last  argu- 
ments and  confirmed  not  only  what  I had  said,  but  spoke  in 
much  stronger  and  contemptuous  expressions  against  Marino 
and  Piar.  Bolivar  fully  convinced  and  satisfied,  promised  to 
follow  our  advice. 

Admiral  Brion  had  never  esteemed  Marino,  and  said  many 
times,  that  he  and  Piar  were  dangerous  enemies  to  Bolivar. 
Marino  indeed,  never  had  been,  nor  could  he  be  dangerous  to 
the  latter,  for  want  of  talents  and  character,  as  I shall  fully 
show  at  the  trial  of  Piar ; but  united  with  Piar,  who  was  a col- 
ored man,  a native  of  the  island  of  Curacao,  with  Brion,  he  has 
done  great  mischief  to  Bolivar.  Piar  was  an  able  partizan  of- 
ficer, brave,  active,  a secret  enemy  of  Bolivar,  who,  like  Brion, 
hated,  in  general,  the  colored  men.  Piar  was  the  soul  of  Mari- 
no, and  both  were  inseparable  friends,  so  the  much  more  dan- 
gerous to  Bolivar,  as  Piar,  the  avowed  friend  of  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  first  Congress  in  Venezuela,  in  1811,  by  which  the 
colored  people  enjoyed  the  same  rights  as  the  whites,  had  often 
and  loudly  declared,  that  he  wished  not  to  see  Bolivar  uniting 
in  himself  alone,  the  three  powers,  but  to  have  a Congress  and 
good  laws.  Piar,  who  had  fought  various  brilliant  actions  against 
the  Spaniards,  had  a great  many  partisans,  and  was  friendly 
and  sociable  with  those  who  belonged  to  his  family,  and  princi- 
pally with  officers  of  foreign  countries,  and  colored  people, 
who  all  liked  to  serve  with  him  in  preference  to  Bolivar,  who  was 
haughty  and  imperious.  The  insinuating  and  polite  manners  of 
general  Marino,  rendered  him  very  popular,  and  he  gained  a 
great  many  partisans  among  the  simple  and  uncultivated  people, 
particularly  in  the  provinces  of  Cumana  and  Barcelona.  Both 


* San  Jago  Marino  charged  a colored  captain,  named  Sobic,  to  find  him  300  color- 
ed men,  which  should  form  the  genn  of  his  body  guard,  and  who  should  be  attached 
entirely  to  his  service.  Sobic,  who  had  served  under  my  orders  at  Boca  Chica,  and 
who  was  a brave  and  able  officer,  very  much  attached  to  me,  came  immediately  to 
acquaint  me  with  this  strange  commission  ; when  I communicated  to  Bolivar  the  se- 
cret orders  of  Marino  given  to  Sobic,  he  was  alarmed,  and  requested  me  to  counter- 
act this  plan.  I told  Sobie  to  ask  from  Marino  300  doubloons,  which  was  the  ordina- 
ry engagement  for -300  men;  Marino  had  no  money,  and  so  all  was  finished. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


150 


knew  perfectly  well,  that  Bolivar  hated  them,  but  that  he  dis- 
simulated this  hatred  ; it  was,  therefore,  very  impolitic,  even 
dangerous,  to  suffer  the  union  of  the  two  commanders,  and  their 
absence,  in  the  position  in  which  Bolivar  was  placed. 

Recently  arrived  at  Carupano,  Bolivar  was  too  confident 
that  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela  would  again  rise  in  his  favor, 
as  they  did  in  1813.  But  instead  of  it,  they  left  their  proper- 
ty and  houses,  and  after  a fortnight’s  stay,  he  could  not  count 
fifty  recruits  who  came  voluntarily  to  serve  under  his  orders. 
His  behavior  as  dictator,  his  flight,  his  abandoning  them  in  the 
way  he  did  in  embarking  at  Cumana,  had  lost  him  their  confi- 
dence, and  many  resolved  and  good  patriots  chose  to  keep  at 
a distance  from  him,  or  to  emigrate.  Bolivar,  knowing  all  these 
circumstances,  and  more,  the  great  influence  of  Piar  with  the 
weak  and  ignorant  Marino,  should  have,  at  least,  retained  Piar 
by  giving  him  some  honorable  occupation  ; and  he  was  well 
aware,  as  I told  him,  that  Marino,  without  Piar,  would  have 
never  been,  by  any  means,  dangerous. 

Brion  and  myself  were  highly  astonished  to  hear  that  these 
two  chieftains  had,  at  last,  persuaded  Bolivar  to  consent  to  their 
departure,  to  give  them  arms,  amunition,  barges,  officers,  &c. 
They  took  with  them  the  colonel-adjutant-general  Cliypia,  the 
best  engineer  officer,  and  about  twenty  officers  more.  When 
I asked  Bolivar  how  he  could  have  granted  this  permission,  he 
said  that  Marino  urged  him  very  much,  had  promised  him  to 
send  a numerous  body  of  men,  and  particularly  a very  good 
battalion  of  colored  people,  from  the  island  of  Guadaloupe, 
(about  400  men  strong)  which  had,  three  years  before,  fought 
in  the  eastern  provinces  of  Venezuela  with  great  success,  known 
in  that  country  under  the  name  of  battalion  of  Guiria,  &c.  &c. 
But  as  soon  as  Marino  had  arrived  in  Guiria,  he  proclaimed 
himself  general-in-chief,  organised  his  army,  his  staff,  named 
chief  of  the  staff,  colonel  Chypia,  and  sent  not  a single  man  to 
general  Bolivar,  who  was  daily  urging  him  in  vain  to  join  him, 
or,  at  least,  to  send  him  this  battalion  of  Guiria.  Nothing  came. 
Bolivar,  in  fine,  was  no  more  joined  by  Marino  nor  by  Piar. 

I have  said  that  we  had  a great  many  officers,  and  a very 
small  number  of  soldiers.  Then  the  300  men  embarked  from 
Margarita  with  us  to  Carupano,  had  their  officers,  all  natives, 
from  that  island.  I one  day  proposed  to  Bolivar  to  give  em- 
ployment to  these  officers,  and  form  a separate  corps,  which 
should  be  organised  in  companies,  drilled,  armed,  kc.  and  em- 
ployed as  a guard  of  our  head-quarters.  He  proposed  to  form 


MEMOIRS  OE  BOLIVAR. 


1 GO 

of  them,  at  first,  no  more  than  one  battalion  of  infantry,  and  a 
squadron  of  cavalry.  Both  proposals  were  highly  approved  of 
by  general  Bolivar.  Three  days  afterwards,  I was  surprised  to 
receive  the  reports  of  the  commanders  of  the  out  posts  estab- 
lished around  our  head  quarters,  that  the  commandant  N.  N. 
had  passed  with  passports  of  the  supreme  chief,  with  such  a 
number  of  officers,  to  go  to  such  a place.  The  results  of  these 
different  reports  instructed  me  that  five  commandants  or  chiefs 
of  a battalion,  had  absented  themselves,  with  their  respective 
officers,  in  search  of  recruits.  I called  immediately  on  the  gen- 
eral with  these  written  reports,  and  asked  him  if  this  was  done 
by  his  order  ? He  replied  to  me  in  a very  cold  and  unusually 
dry  manner,  that  having  well  reflected  on  the  nature  of  my  pro- 
posal, he  found  it  at  present  inadmissible,  and  had  thought  pro- 
per to  send  these  officers  in  search  of  recruits,  and  to  have 
more  forces.  I objected  to  him  that  this  measure  might  per- 
haps endanger  the  safety  of  these  isolated  officers,  knowing  well 
that  the  Spaniards  had  approached  us,  as  far  as  San  Jose,  a 
small  village  at  two  leagues  distance  from  our  head  quarters. 
He  said  there  was  no  danger  to  be  feared,  and  the  officers  went 
off!  This  change  of  mind  in  general  Bolivar  was  caused,  as  1 
heard  some  days  afterwards,  by  a conversation  held  at  his  even- 
ing assemblies  in  Miss  Pepa’s  house,  where  Bolivar  was  ordi- 
narily surrounded  by  his  minions  and  flatterers,  Soublette,  Pe- 
dro Leon  Torres,  Anzoatigui,  Ferdinand  Galindo,  and  others 
of  the  same  description,  in  which  they  criticised  the  actions,  or- 
ders, and  innovations  which  I would  introduce  into  their  army. 
Soublette,  a secret  enemy  of  mine  (the  reader  is  instructed  al- 
ready for  what  reasons)  distinguished  himself  more  than  any 
one  of  the  rest,  and  was  truly  supported  by  Bolivar’s  mistress, 
Miss  Pepaj  and  her  mother,  who  could  not  endure  me  at  all, 
because  I had  never  visited  them  in  Margarita,  nor  in  Carupa- 
no.  Bolivar  himself  told  me  frequently,  in  his  ordinary  jesting 
and  laughing  manner,  that  he  many  times  took  my  defence 
against  these  ladies  ! They  represented  to  the  general  that  T 
was  of  a despotical  character,  that  this  stranger  would  introduce 
ridiculous  innovations,  to  which  they  would  never  submit,  that 
he,  Bolivar,  was  very  good  to  submit  any  longer  to  such  coun- 
sel, and  the  influence  which  it  appeared  I had  gained  over  him, 
&lc.  The  others  joined  in  chorus,  and  so  it  happened  that  Bo- 
livar, at  eleven  o’clock  in  the  night,  gave  the  order  to  these 
commandants  to  depart  with  their  respective  officers.  They 
committed  so  many  disorders,  that  they  were  obliged  to  come 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


1(31 


back  without  any  forces  at  all,  and  so  the  same  disorder  remain- 
ed ; nothing  was  done. 

While  we  were  in  the  island  of  Margarita,  Bolivar  observed 
to  me  that  it  appeared  the  foreign  officers,  in  our  service,  were 
not  satisfied  to  be  with  him.  I told  him  frankly,  that  they  had 
no  reason  to  be  so,  they  had  no  pay,  no  food,  no  means  of  sub- 
sistence ; but,  added  I,  the  worst  of  all  is  to  be  commanded  by 
young  and  inexperienced  officers,  who  are  generals,  colonels 
and  lieutenant  colonels,  and  who,  by  their  great  inexperience, 
exposed  them  to  lose,  not  only  the  battle,  but  their  lives,  with- 
out being  allowed  to  make  any  dispositions,  or  to  give  salutary 
advice,  &c.  &c. 

As  I was  by  office,  age,  and  services,  the  most  elevated,  and 
the  most  iw  general  Bolivar’s  intimacy,  these  officers  came  fre- 
quently to  see  me,  and  to  ask  my  advice  on  different  occasions ; 
and  so  I was  very  well  acquainted  with  their  various  claims  and 
dissatisfactions.  Among  them  were  a great  many  officers, 
French,  English,  Germans,  Poles,  who  had  served  with  dis- 
tinction in  Europe,  and  some  during  20  and  25  years,  and  who 
knew  twenty  times  as  much  as  these  officers  born  in  the  country. 

The  just  observations  of  the  officers  inspired  me  with  the 
idea,  to  make  their  services  useful  in  their  own  way , viz.  to 
create  a corps  of  foreign  troops,  commanded  by  foreign  officers, 
under  the  name  of  legion  of  Venezuela.  Shortly  after  our  ar- 
rival at  Carupano,  I one  day  found  Bolivar  in  good  spirits  and 
alone.  We  talked  a great  deal  on  indifferent  topics,  and  after 
a while,  I introduced  my  plan  of  the  creation  of  a foreign  legion 
with  the  necessary  amendments  and  organization,  adapted  to 
our  kind  of  war,  the  country,  and  the  resources  which  we  could 
reasonably  expect.  I said  to  him,  frankly,  that  our  army,  so 
called,  was  nothing  more  than  a collection  of  armed  men,  very 
ill  organized,  clothed,  drilled,  instructed,  and  not  paid  at  all, 
&c.  I entered,  with  my  usual  warmth  and  frankness,  into  all 
the  great  advantages  of  having  such  a corps  of  men,  already 
acquainted  with  war,  able  to  beat  all  the  Spaniards,  who  re- 
cruited two-thirds  of  their  soldiers  among  the  natives,  and 
finished  by  proposing  to  him  to  make  an  essay  with  1500  men, 
of  which  1000  should  form  two  battalions,  one  of  riflemen  or 
chasseurs,  and  the  other  of  grenadiers,  500  divided  into  two 
squadrons  of  light  cavalry,  and  two  companies  of  light  artillery 
oi  100  horse  each.  These  1500  men  could,  after  a while,  be 
increased  by  mixing  natives  among  them,  to  a full  third,  half  or 
more,  by  giving  to  each  company  so  many  more  natives,  but 


162 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


all  commanded  by  experienced  commissioned  and  non-com- 
missioned foreign  officers.  I am  certain,  added  I,  that  were 
these  troops  well  commanded  and  treated,  we  should  have  in 
one  year,  3000  of  them,  as  each  of  them  could  write  to  his  un- 
fortunate countrymen,  how  well  they  were  among  us,  and  so 
would  we  be  able  to  finish  the  war  in  a very  short  time,  but 
with  the  express  condition  that  nobody  else  than  you,  general 
Bolivar,  should  have  the  right  to  interfere  with  them. 

General  Bolivar  heard  my  long  demonstration  with  unfeign- 
ed pleasure,  jumped  from  his  hammock",  shook  hands  with  me, 
and  said  that  my  plan  was  so  excellent,  that  we  would  continue 
to  talk  together  over  a good  bottle  of  Bourdeaux  wine,  a pres- 
ent from  one  of  the  merchant  vessels  arrived  from  St.  Thomas’. 
He  called  Garcia,  his  intendant,  and  ordered  him  to  bring  the 
wine  into  his  bed  chamber,  and  to  say  to  his  aid-de-camps  that 
he  would  not  be  interrupted  by  anyone.  After  having  drinked 
my  health,  he  sat  down  next  to  our  small  table,  and  said,  smil- 
ing : “ but,  mon  cher  ami,  your  plan  is  good,  but  one  trifle  is 

wanting.”  What  ? said  I.  “ The  money,  we  have  not  a cent, 
and  are  as  poor  as  Job.”  I said  to  him  that  the  battalion  of 
Guiria  having  arrived,  (which  deserted  Marino,  and  took  hy 
force  some  flecheras  to  come  over  to  ns)  the  same  battalion  of 
more  than  400  colored  men,  from  Guadaloupe,  which  had  been 
already  used  to  our  manner  of  carrying  on  the  war  in  this  coun- 
try for  more  than  two  years,  of  which  I have  spoken  before, 
we  could  have,  by  adding  the  officers  of  different  nations  pres- 
sent,  about  500  men  already  assembled  here,  that  I had  had 
different  conversations  with  colonels  Bidot  and  Boe,  of  whom 
the  former  had  assured  me,  that  with  eight  or  ten  dollars  for 
each  man  engaged,  and  his  passage  paid,  he  would  find  easily 
between  Martinique,  Guadaloupe,  St.  Thomas’,  St.  Bar  thole- 
mews’,  &c.,  more  than  500  men,  and  that  the  other  500  would 
be  procured,  by  sending  to  the  United  States  ol  America.  In 
regard  to  expenses,  Brion,  with  his  credit,  could  be  of  great 
use  ; he  had  also  a good  quantity  of  merchandise,  found  in  the 
two  captured  Spanish  vessels,  and  in  the  stores  left  by  their 
owners  ; the  two  merchant  vessels  might  be  sold ; all  of  which 
would  afford  more  than  sufficient  means  to  raise,  by  exchange, 
the  necessary  money,  without  counting  a good  cargo  of  mules, 
asses,  cacoa,  tobacco  and  other  produce  of  the  country,  which 
could  be  collected  and  shipped.  There  should  be  named  hon- 
est agents,  and  able  men,  with  the  necessary  knowledge  of  the 
country  to  which  they  were  to  be  sent,  in  order  to  collect  re- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


163 


sources  and  recruits.  Bolivar  said  I was  perfectly  correct, 
and  the  more  he  heard  me,  the  more  he  was  convinced  of  the 
practicability  of  my  plan.  I proposed  to  send  for  admiral  Brion, 
who  came  soon  after.  I had  already  talked  much  with  Brion 
upon  the  usefulness  of  the  plan,  but  he  had  always  expressed 
his  fears  that  general  Bolivar  would  be  opposed  to  it,  knowing 
too  well  his  suspicious  character,  and  his  general  aversion  to 
foreigners.  He  was,  therefore,  much  surprised  to  hear  Bolivar 
so  full  of  praise,  in  regard  to  this  plan,  and  offered  immediately 
a number  of  his  vessels,  and  his  credit,  for  the  execution  of  the 
plan.  We  drank  another  bottle  and  separated,  after  having  ta- 
ken each  of  us  a part  in  the  execution  of  the  plan.  Brion  was 
charged  with  the  vessels,  and  their  cargoes  ; Bolivar  with  the 
appointment  of  the  officers,  and  I with  the  organization  of  each 
corps,  and  the  general  instructions  to  the  agents  and  recruiting 
officers  ; and  so  we  separated,  very  well  satisfied,  at  a late  hour. 
But,  in  the  warmth  of  my  zeal  for  the  prosperity  of  our  enter- 
prise, I committed  a great  blunder  in  saying  to  general  Bolivar, 
“ that  if  I was  not  the  chief  of  his  staff,  I would  have  desired  to 
be  the  commander  of  that  legion.  These  words  appeared  to 
me  to  have  made  a bad  impression  on  the  suspicious  mind  of 
general  Bolivar,  who  treated  me  afterwards  much  more  coolly, 
even,  many  times,  with  great  dryness. 

I sat  down  the  same  night  and  drew  up  the  outlines  of 
my  plan,  which  I presented  the  next  morning  to  general  Bolivar 
at  the  usual  hour  of  my  daily  reports.  As  I entered  his  bed 
chamber  familiarly,  and  without  being  announced,  I found  him 
lying  in  his  hammock,  as  usual,  occupied  in  reading.  When 
he  saw  me,  he  hastily  placed  his  book  under  his  pillow,  jumped 
out  of  the  hammock  to  shake  hands  with  me,  but  a little  cooler 
than  usual.  Surprised  to  see  Bolivar  occupied  in  reading,  which 
he  never  did  before,  and  desirous  to  know  with  what  book  he 
occupied  himself,  I came  nearer  to  the  hammock  and  took  the 
book  out  from  under  his  pillow,  asking  him,  “ what  he  was 
leading?”  He  looked  a little  confused,  and  answered  : “he 
read  it  to  recreate  his  mind  a little  !”  It  was  the  New  Heloise, 
by  J.  J.  Rousseau. 

We  spoke  now  of  the  usual  military  concerns  during  the  last 
twenty-four  hours,  and  I handed  him  my  plan  of  the  legion. 
Bolivar,  without  even  looking  at  it,  folded  it  and  put  it  under 
his  pillow,  saying  : “ well,  well,  leave  it  with  me,  I will  look  it 
over  in  the  course  of  to-day  or  to-morrow,  as  soon  as  my  time 
will  permit."  These  words  pronounced  in  a cool  and  dry  man- 


154 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


ner,  gave  me  a new  conviction  of  Bolivar’s  very  limited  talents, 
and  of  his  not  being  at  all  the  man  able  to  command  for  the 
welfare  of  others.  I immediately  took  leave  of  him  without 
saying  a single  word  more. 

What  in  fact  can  be  thought  of  a supreme  chief,  upon  whose  ac- 
tivity and  skill  depended  the  welfare  of  so  many  thousands,  pass- 
ing the  greatest  part  of  his  time  in  his  hammock  reading  the  Nou- 
velle  Heloise,  or  talking  with  his  flatterers,  on  trifling  topics,  or 
passing  his  time  in  the  house  of  Miss  Pepa,  who  had  no  time  to 
examine  a plan  on  which  depended  so  greatly  the  success  of 
his  enterprise,  while  Brion  and  myself  were  busily  engaged  to 
prepare  every  thing  which  had  been  fixed  the  evening  before. 

I saw  the  general  in  the  evening,  the  next  morning  and  after- 
noon, and  heard  not  a word  of  the  plan.  Meanwhile  came 
Brion  and  all  the  foreign  officers  to  my  house  to  inquire  if  there 
was  any  news  ; and  being  myself  anxious  to  finish  the  business, 
I determined  to  speak  with  the  general,  definitively.  I found 
him  in  his  hammock  alone  and  half  asleep,  and  after  some  in- 
different words,  I asked  him  abruptly;  “ apropos,  general,  have 
you  examined  the  plan  for  the  creation  of  that  legion  ?”  He 
answered  me  in  a furious  manner,  and  jumping  from  his  ham- 
mock Hike  a madman  : “FoudreMr.  Foreign  legion!  Foreign 
legion  ! How,  mon  cher  ami,  can  you  think  of  it  ? do  you  know 
the  consequences  of  it  ? no,  no,  no,  no  legion.  These  foreign- 
ers would  then  impose  laws  on  me  and  control  me.”  Such 
was  precisely  the  reply  of  general  Bolivar,  expressed  in 
French.  While  making  this  reply,  he  walked  the  room  to  and 
fro,  evidently  in  a great  passion.  I was  highly  shocked  and  dis- 
pleased with  such  an  unexpected  scene,  and  approaching  to- 
wards him,  I took  him  by  the  arm,  and  exclaimed  in  a firm  and 
animated  voice,  having  an  upright  and  clean  conscience,  “ what 
means  this  Mr.  general.  You  forget,  undoubtedly,  that  you 
speak  to  a foreigner  ? And  do  you  think  that  with  my  white 
hairs  and  at  my  age,  1 would  suffer  any  man  to  betray  you,  or 
you  suppose,  perhaps,  what  I can  hardly  believe,  that  I myself 
should  think  of  betraying  you  ?”  He  interrupted  me  here,  and 
said  in  a much  more  moderate  and  friendly  tone,  “ Ah  mon  cher 
ami,  you  certainly  are  not  a stranger  among  us,  you  are  one  of 
our  good  citizens,  and  a man  of  honor  ; you  belong  to  the  re- 
public by  your  services,  which  are  and  have  been  distinguished, 
and  by  your  marriage  with  a South  American  lady.  I have 
never  thought  nor  meant  you,  my  dear  friend.  Yet,”  added  he, 
in  a more  passionate  tone,  “ there  exist  some  other  ambitious 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


165 


foreigners  who  are  desirous  of  taking  my  place,  ( supplanter) 
and  who  might  do  it.” 

This  was  alluding  to  general  Piar,  who  had  separated  him- 
self with  Marino  from  Bolivar,  and  chagrined  to  see  that  all  his 
orders  were  disregarded  by  these  two  chieftains,  who  neither 
returned  nor  sent  any  recruits,  he  imagined  that  Piar  might 
take  his  place. 

I represented  to  him  in  the  strongest  terms,  that  there  was 
not  the  least  danger  to  him,  in  consenting  to  the  creation  of  such 
a legion  ; that  it  would,  on  the  contrary,  be  highly  useful  to  him 
and  the  cause,  &c.  All  was  in  vain,  and  Bolivar  would  never 
more  hear  of  the  forming  of  such  a plan.  Admiral  Brion  tried 
also  to  change  his  mind,  but  could  not  succeed  ; the  whole  plan 
was  given  up. 

One  day  while  we  were  at  Carupano,  the  enemy  surprised 
an  advanced  guard  of  40  men  of  the  cavalry,  of  whom  a num- 
ber came  wounded,  at  two  o’clock  in  the  morning,  to  our  head 
quarters,  giving  the  alarm  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy.  Bolivar, 
immediately  struck  with  a panic  terror,  dressed  himself  hastily, 
mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  at  full  speed  to  the  arsenal,  which 
lay  close  by  the  port,  and  the  fort  of  Santa  Rosa,  so  that,  at  the 
first  notice  of  the  enemy’s  approach,  he  could  have  the  chance 
to  embark  in  a few  minutes,  or  shut  himself  up  in  the  fort.  All 
his  trunks  and  baggage  were  immediately  carried  from  his  house 
to  the  arsenal,  where  I saw  them  all  collected.  During  this 
time  I took -the  few  disposable  cavalry  and  some  officers,  and 
directed  my  course  towards  the  place  where  this  guard  had 
been  surprised,  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy,  and  ascertain  the  na- 
ture of  the  danger.  I ordered  the  troops  in  the  head  quarters 
to  take  arms  and  be  ready  to  march  at  the  first  signal  to  repel 
the  enemy  in  case  of  an  attack.  I saw  no  one  at  all,  and  all 
my  reconnoitering  parties  having  joined  me,  I returned  with  the 
usual  precautions  to  the  head  quarters.  In  approaching  the 
house  of  general  Bolivar,  in  order  to  make  him  my  report,  I 
was  surprised  to  find  it  empty,  and  dark.  I heard  from  a dra- 
goon, detached  by  general  Bolivar  in  search  of  me,  that  the 
commander-in-chief  was  at  the  arsenal,  with  all  his  retinue,  his 
household,  trunks,  &c.  I found  him  lying  in  his  hammock, 
surrounded  by  his  flatterers,  who  lay  half  asleep,  half  awake,  on 
trunks,  tables,  benches  and  boards.  As  soon  as  I saw  among 
them  Charles  Soublette  stretched  out  on  a bench,  I could  not 
refrain  from  giving  him,  in  presence  of  Bolivar  and  more  than 
'wenty  officers,  a very  harsh  reprimand,  because  he,  being  nom- 


166 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


inated  by  the  general-in-chief  commandant  of  the  head  quar- 
ters, was  not  at  his  post  at  the  head  of  the  troops,  as  he  should 
have  been,  and  not  lying  on  a bench,  when  the  enemy  was  at- 
tempting to  surprise  us.  Soublette,  as  usual,  said  not  a single 
word. 

I now  assured  general  Bolivar  that  there  was  nothing  more 
to  be  feared,  as  I had  doubled  the  guards  at  the  out  posts,  and 
ordered  all  the  troops  to  he  ready  at  the  first  signal  given.  1 
escorted  general  Bolivar  with  my  dragoons,  to  his  old  quarters, 
where  trunks,  baggage  and  papers  were  again  ordered,  and  re- 
tired to  my  own  house  feeling  more  and  more  the  strange  and 
cowardly  behavior  of  the  supreme  chief,  in  every  case  of  danger. 

This  was  an  authentic  proof  of  Bolivar’s  incapacity  to  save 
us  in  case  of  danger,  or  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a body  of 
troops  to  attack  the  enemy  in  person,  in  the  last  critical  mo- 
ment, which  lie  never  did,  nor  ever  will  do,  as  all  those  who 
have  been  in  any  action  with  him,  in  Venezuela,  in  New  Gre- 
nada, in  Peru,  will  readily  attest  : I would  he  understood  to 
speak  of  those  persons  who  are  no  longer  in  the  service  of  Co- 
lombia, and  who  are  not  dependent  upon  him  by  theii  connex- 
ions with  that,  so  called,  republic,  and  who  have  nothing  to  hope 
or  to  fear  from  the  President  Liberator  of  Colombia.  True 
enough,  the  bulletins  and  proclamations,  drawn  up  all  by  him- 
self, or  under  his  immediate  inspection,  display  him  as  a hero, 
at  the  head  of  his  troops  ; hut  none  of  these  bulletins  are  cor- 
rect, nor  can  they  inspire  in  those  who  know  the  character  of 
Bolivar,  and  the  composition  of  his,  so  called,  liberating  army, 
any  confidence. 

I have  already  given  the  authentic  facts,  in  respect  to  three 
or  four  of  his  bulletins  and  proclamations,  and  shown  how  de- 
ceptive they  are  to  distant  people.  On  examining  them  close- 
ly, the  clouds  which  surrounded  them,  and  must  naturally 
exalt  the  imagination  of  persons  not  well  acquainted  with  all 
the  circumstances,  will  at  last  disappear,  and  show,  in  his  true 
light,  the  President  Liberator,  his  actions  and  his  military  skill. 

General  Bolivar  is  the  same  man  at  the  present  day,  that  he 
was  in  1816,  with  the  difference,  that  he  is  much  more  vain, 
ambitious  and  hold.  But  then  he  has  the  bayonets  in  his  favor, 
which  accounts  for  many  things. 

I was  now  perfectly  convinced  that  my  longer  remaining  with 
such  a commander,  would  be  of  no  avail.  I saw  clearly  that 
all  plans  and  advice  tending  to  establish  order,  instruction,  drills 
and  organization,  in  a word,  any  thing  like  an  army,  was  pow- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


167 


erfully  counteracted  by  most  of  those  who  surrounded  the  gen- 
eral, and  who  were  too  much  interested  to  have  every  thing  in 
statu  quo , as  being  much  more  convenient  to  their  wishes.  My 
intimacy  with  Bolivar,  with  whom  I was  always  frank,  as  a man 
of  character  and  a free  man  should  be,  excited  the  greatest 
jealousy  in  all,  or  the  greatest  part  of  these  natives.  I was  not 
only  a foreigner,  but  I reprimanded,  corrected  and  punished 
those  wiio  did  wrong,  and  Bolivar  himself,  threw  all  the  blame 
upon  me,  as  I have  already  shown.  Sarcasm  and  ridicule  have 
always  had  a great  influence  upon  Bolivar,  as  in  general  they 
have  upon  half  cultivated  and  limited  minds  ; and  Soublette, 
powerfully  supported  by  Miss  Pepa,  was  much  more  at  his  ease 
in  these  evening  assemblies,  called  tertulias,  than  he  is  on  a 
field  of  battle,  where  he  has  been  seen  pale,  trembling  and 
mute  ! To  these  two  were  joined  Miss  Pepa,  her  mother  and 
sister,  who  detested  me  cordially,  for  some  words  spoken  pub- 
licly by  me,  against  this  family,  and  who  always  called  me  the 
maldito  Frances.  Pedro  Leon  Torres,  whom  I punished  once, 
when  I was  lieutenant  colonel  and  commander  of  the  fort  of 
San  Jose,  in  Boca  Chica,  where  I was  chief;  major  Fernando 
Galindo,  whom  I treated  once  in  Aux  Cayes,  as  lie  deserved  ; 
lieutenant  colonel  Anzoatigui,  whom  I reprimanded  one  day  at 
Carupano,  and  who  commanded  the  body  guard  of  the  supreme 
chief,  and  some  others,  now  made  a combination,  and  tried  by 
degrees  to  create  suspicions  against  me,  in  the  too  jealous  and 
weak  mind  of  general  Bolivar. 

It  appeared  to  me,  that  from  the  day  I had  mentioned  the 
wish  to  command  the  foreign  legion,  general  Bolivar  was  no 
more  the  same  man  ; his  manners  were  changed ; he  did  not 
speak  to  me  with  the  same  confidence,  with  the  same  frankness, 
if  he  is  at  all  capable  of  frankness,  of  which  I have  great  doubts, 
as  I said  before.  All  these  reasons,  and  moreover  my  impaired 
health,  injured  by  privations  and  great  exertions  of  mind,  de- 
termined me  at  last  to  leave  a service,  in  which  (I  declare 
it  here  frankly)  no  man,  who  has  feelings  of  self  respect  and 
personal  independence,  can  consent  to  remain.  I chose,  there- 
fore, to  write  him  an  official  letter,  in  which  I formally  request- 
ed him  to  grant  me  my  final  discharge  from  the  army,  and  that 
I might  join  my  family  (wife  and  children)  which  I had  left  at 
Aux  Cayes  to  restore  my  impaired  health.  I ordered  one  of 
my  aid-de-camps  to  deliver  it  into  general  Bolivar’s  own  hands, 
and  when  he  came  back  with  the  assurance  that  he  had  obey- 
ed this  my  last  order,  I felt  at  my  ease  and  cheerful. 


168 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Four  days  passed  before  I received  any  answer,  during  which, 
the  genera]  sent  me  various  persons,  as  the  adjutant  Brion,  the 
intendant  Zea,  his  aid-de-camp  Chamberlain,  who  was  always 
greatly  attached  to  me,  &c.,  to  make  me  strong  representa- 
tions, and  to  persuade  me  to  remain,  and  to  revoke  my  first 
letter.  Adjutant  general,  Jose  Martinez,  my  officers  of  the 
staff,  and  my  aid-de-camps,  and  a great  many  foreigners,  tried 
in  vain  to  persuade  me  ; I remained  firm,  and  answered  that 
my  health  too  much  required  a change  of  air,  and  rest.  When 
Bolivar  saw  that  nothing  could  retain  me,  he  sent,  at  last,  my 
absolute  discharge,  in  very  honorable  and  flattering  terms. 
He  had  written  it  with  his  own  hand,  and  said,  among  other 
things,  that  he  granted  me  my  request  with  great  regret,  ( con- 
dolor,)  and  saw  me  departing  with  reluctance,  but  that  my 
health  having  declined,  he  could  not  urge  me  any  longer  to 
stay,  &c.  &lc. 

Charles  Soublette  was  named  to  be  my  successor,  and  as 
he  dared  not  to  avenge  himself  upon  me,  he  had  the  baseness 
to  do  it  upon  my  too  adjutants,  Manuel  Flores  and  Joseph 
Martinez.  These  two  young  promising  officers  refused  posi- 
tively to  serve  any  more  in  the  staff  under  Soublette’s  orders, 
and  had  requested  the  general-in-chief  to  be  placed  in  their  re- 
spective ranks,  in  one  of  the  battalions  of  infantry.  This 
request  was  represented  by  Soublette  to  general  Bolivar  in 
a false  and  malicious  way,  and  so  he  consented  that  these 
officers  should  be  arrested,  and  put,  for  a couple  of  days,  in 
the  fort  of  Santa  Rosa ; Soublette  knowing  very  well  that  I was 
attached  to  them.  As  soon  as  I heard  what  had  happened,  and 
being  now  no  more  in  the  army,  I wrote  to  general  Bolivar  a 
very  strong  letter  against  the  misrepresentations  of  Soublette, 
and  urged  him  to  put  these  young  officers  at  liberty,  with  which 
general  Bolivar  complied,  and  he  himself  returned  me  a very 
obliging  answer. 

I inquired  in  vain  for  an  opportunity  for  St.  Thomas’  or  Aux 
Cayes,  and  was  obliged  to  remain  in  Carupano.  Two  days 
after,  Bolivar  seeing  that  his  position  was  very  critical,  as  I had 
told  him  beforehand,  gave  orders  to  evacuate  Carupano  and  to 
embark  the  same  night.  I came  in  the  evening  to  pay  a visit 
to  admiral  Brion;  general  Bolivar  entered  some  time  after  me. 
I stood  up  from  my  seat  and  came  to  shake  hands  with  him  as 
usual.  But  Bolivar  withdrew  his  hand  like  a madman,  and 
said  in  a furious  tone  to  me,  “ that  he  would  not  give  his  hand 
to  a man  who  deserved  to  lie  shot  instantly  !”  1 never  saw  in 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


169 


my  life,  among  the  houses  of  madmen,  in  Charenton  and  Bed- 
lam, a figure  like  our  supreme  chief,  at  this  moment ! and  was 
doubting  if  it  was  general  Bolivar  or  some  of  these  madmen, 
deserters  from  Bedlam,  who  were  before  me.  As  I have 
never  feared  any  man,  and  as  my  conscience  was  very  clear 
and  quiet,  I looked  at  him  some  moments,  and  asked  in  a firm 
and  strong  tone,  for  an  explanation  of  these  strange  and  unin- 
telligible words,  and  declared  to  him  positively,  that  he  should 
explain  himself,  and  that  I feared  nothing.  He  said  not  a sin- 
gle word  more  to  me,  abruptly  left  the  room,  jumped  upon  his 
horse,  and  rode  away.  Brion,  in  reply  to  my  inquiries,  said 
to  me,  I need  not  care  about  what  he  said,  as  I was  no  longer 
in  iiis  service,  and  added  that  Bolivar  had  been  the  whole  day 
in  a very  bad  temper,  having  been  very  much  disappointed,  by 
the  desertion  of  Marino  and  Piar,  who  had  left  him  in  a very 
disagreeable  position,  and  maoe  it  necessary  for  him  now  to 
evacuate  this  place,  where  the  Spaniards  threatened  to  attack 
him.  And  then,  added  Brion,  he  is  very  angry  with  you  for 
having  insisted  on  leaving  him,  &c. 

I sought  Bolivar  every  where,  but  could  not  find  him,  and 
Brion  said  to  me,  that  it  would  be  more  prudent  to  avoid  his 
presence,  at  a moment  when  his  passion  was  excited,  and  so 
he  brought  me,  who  was  of  course  enraged  at  such  treatment, 
on  board  of  one  of  his  own  vessels,  the  Diana,  where  the  cap- 
tain and  officers  treated  me  with  the  greatest  kindness.  Having 
not  been  able  to  see  general  Bolivar,  I wrote  a strong  and  la- 
conic letter  to  him,  in  which,  I asked  an  explanation  of  this 
strange  behaviour  to  me,  and  that  notwithstanding  I was  no 
more  under  his  command,  I would  submit  to  be  tried  before  a 
court  martial,  and  hear  what  were  the  charges  against  me,  and 
who  was  my  vile  accuser  ! That  I would  remain  on  board  of 
the  Diana,  one  of  the  vessels  belonging  to  the  expedition,  and 
not  go  to  St.  Thomas,  until  the  sharpest  inquiry,  from  the  be- 
ginning to  the  end  of  my  distinguished  service,  should  be 
made,  and  that  I never  could  have  expected  to  deserve  such 
an  indecorous  and  ridiculous  treatment.  I gave  this  letter,  di- 
rected to  general  Bolivar,  supreme  chief,  to  Mr.  Ballot  the 
next  morning,  to  deliver  it  into  the  hands  of  the  former,  telling 
him  that  I waited  .for  an  answer.  Mr.  Ballot  gave  him  the  let- 
ter, but  he  answered  me  not  a single  word. 

Some  months  afterwards,  I found  myself  at  Port  an  Prince, 
where  general  Bolivar  arrived  as  a fugitive,  in  September  1816, 
as  T will  relate  in  the  next  chapter.  As  soon  as  T heard  of  his 
22 


170 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


arrival,  1 said  to  my  landlord,  Mr.  Wastenfield,  a German  and 
a rich  and  established  merchant,  and  to  Mr.  Southerland,  the 
English  agent,  that  I was  very  glad  of  general  Bolivar’s  arrival 
in  a country  where  he  did  not  command,  and  where  I could 
address  him  on  equal  terms.  I related  what  had  happened  at 
Carupano,  to  these  two  gentlemen,  and  they  approved  my  resolu- 
tion ; but  after  a while,  Mr.  Southerland,  who  feared  the  con- 
sequences of  such  a meeting,  took  me  aside  and  observed  to 
me,  that  general  Bolivar,  being  lodged  at  his  house,  he  urged 
me,  in  very  obliging  terms,  to  desist  from  challenging  general 
Bolivar ; adding  that  the  latter  was  very  much  dejected  and 
melancholy,  and  that  it  would  not  be  generous  on  my  part,  to 
pursue  a man,  who  was  already  unfortunate  enough,  in  such 
circumstances,  &tc.  I yielded,  at  last,  to  his  representations, 
but  refused  peremptorily  to  avoid  Bolivar,  as  both  gentlemen 
urged  me  to  do;  and  insisted  on  having  an  explanation,  before 
one  of  them,  with  general  Bolivar,  whom  I feared  not,  and  had 
never  feared.  It  was  then  settled  that  Mr.  Southeraland  should 
first  see  general  Bolivar,  and  make  him  acquainted  with  my  in- 
tended visit,  and  see  what  he  said  to  it.  But  if  he  should  re- 
fuse, I promised  to  both,  that  I would  join  general  Bolivar, 
wherever  I could  meet  him,  except  in  the  houses  of  these  two 
gentlemen,  Wastenfield,  and  Southerland. 

The  next  morning,  Mr.  Southerland  told  me  that  general 
Bolivar  would  be  very  happy  to  see  me,  (his  very  expression.) 
I must  confess  that  I was  greatly  astonished  to  hear  such  an 
unexpected  answer  from  general  Bolivar,  and  told  them,  laugh- 
ing, that  he  would  not  have  sent  me  such  a polite  message  at 
the  head  of  his  troops  and  so  I related  to  them  his  cowardice  ; 
in  the  naval  action  of  the  2d  of  May,  of  the  same  year.  Mr. 
Southerland  told  me  then,  that  when  general  Bolivar  heard 
from  him  of  my  being  here,  he  changed  color  and  was  much 
surprised  to  hear  this  news,  and  told  him  hastily  he  would  not 
see  me  by  any  means;  but  after  Mr.  Southerland  had  as- 
sured him,  that  in  spite  of  my  being  much  irritated  against  him, 
I had  at  last  yielded  to  his  (Southerland’s)  representations,  to 
cause  no  scene  in  his  house,  and  to  consider  the  general’s  situa- 
tion, &c.  but  that  I had  insisted,  peremptorily,  on  having  an 
explanation  with  him,  in  regard  to  the  scene  that  took  place  at 
Carupano,  but  .without  intending  to  insult  or  to  provoke  him, 
&c.,  Bolivar,  who  was  now  fully  re-assured,  said  to  Mr.  South- 
erland, that  he  would  receive  me  with  great  pleasure.  I went 
immediately  and  found  him  walking  with  his  aid-de-camp, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


171 


Dr.  Perez,  (at  that  time  lieutenant  colonel,  and  now  general, 
and  his  secretary  general  in  Peru,)  in  the  large  piazza  in  Mr. 
Southerland’s  house.  As  soon  as  I came  up  the  steps,  he  left 
Perez  and  came  hastily  towards  me,  embraced  me  with  all  the 
demonstrations  of  an  unfeigned  satisfaction,  and  the  usual  ex- 
clamation, “ Ah,  vous  voila,  mon  cher  ami,  (ah,  there  you  are 
my  dear  friend,)  I am  extremely  happy  to  see  you.”  He  took 
my  arm,  and  I sat  with  him  on  the  sofa.  Mr.  Perez,  after  having 
saluted  me,  retired.  I was,  I must  confess,  more  confused 
than  general  Bolivar,  at  such  a singular  reception,  and  could 
hardly  know  if  it  was  the  same  man,  Bolivar  in  Carupano,  and 
Bolivar  in  Port  au  Prince,  or  in  June  and  September  IS  16  ! 
My  confusion  was  the  result  of  a painful  conviction  of  the  du- 
plicity of  a man  of  such  high  standing,  who  forgot  himself 
twice ; in  Carupano,  by  insulting  me  when  he  was  in  power, 
and  without  giving  me  any  reasons,  and  in  Port  au  Prince,  in 
receiving  me  with  this  apparent  satisfaction,  when  he  ivas  un- 
fortunate and  isolated,  and  well  aware  that  I was  a man  who 
would  have  called  him  to  account  wherever  I could  find  him. 
“ I insisted  on  seeing  you,”  said  I to  him  very  earnestly,  “to  have 
a definitive  explanation  with  you  for  your  strange  behaviour  to 
me  at  Carupano.  What  induced  you  to  ask  in  such  an  in- 
decorous manner  ?”  &c.  He  saw  clearly,  that  in  speaking,  I 
grew  a little  warm.  Bolivar,  who  sat  near  to  me,  took  my  hand 
again  and  said,  “ that  Brion  had  reported  to  him,  that  I had 
the  intention  to  displace  him,  Bolivar,  and  to  give  the  command 
to  admiral  Brion  ! I jumped  up  and  said,  in  a contemptuous 
manner,  that  I could  never  believe  that  Brion,  who  had  always 
b een  very  friendly  towards  me,  should  have  reported  such  a 
ridiculous  calumny;  that  my  friendship  and  the  frank  and  plain 
manner  with  which  I had  constantly  treated  him,  (Bolivar,)  my 
letter  written  from  Boca  Chica,  my  sending  for  him  at  the  risk 
of  my  fife,  my  interfering  in  Aux  Cayes  when  Montilla  chal- 
lenged him,  and  my  zeal  for  his  welfare,  should  have  convinced 
him  of  the  ridiculousness  of  an  accusation,  wrhich  could  have 
never  come  from  Brion,  but  perhaps  from  somebody  else  ! But 
supposing  it  should  have  come  from  Brion,  could  you  not  con- 
front me  privately  with  the  admiral,  who  was  present,  and  in 
whose  house  we  were  together  ; and  I believe  that  would  have 
been  the  shortest  way.  And  how  could  I have  acted  so  fool- 
ishly as  to  take  my  absolute  discharge  first,  to  lose  voluntarily 
my  authority,  if  I had  such  a plan  ; and  then  act  as  a madman, 
to  effect  such  a conspiracy  against  you  at  a time  of  my  to- 


\~2, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


tal  isolation,  and  being  sick  ! I spoke  much  more,  and  with 
warmth ; so  that  he  at  last,  fully  convinced  of  the  absurdity  of 
such  an  accusation  avowed  to  me,  that  it  came  not  from  Brion, 
but  from  somebody  else  ! But  he  would  never  mention  his 
name.  “ It  is  very  true,”  said  he  afterwards,  “ that  you  have 
always  given  me  proofs  of  being  a sincere  friend ; that  you 
spoke  to  me  with  frankness ; that  you  acted  in  your  service 
like  an  ancient  soldier,  and  a man  of  honor ; it  is  true,  it  is 
true,  I should  have  considered  all  this  before ; but,  mon  cher 
ami,  (our  whole  conversation  passed  in  French,  as  usual,)  you 
must  think  no  more  of  it,  you  know  we  are  not  perfect,”  and 
in  saying  these  words  he  gave  me  his  hand  in  sign  of  recon- 
ciliation. This  explanation  does  honor  to  general  Bolivar,  (if, 
as  I suppose,  it  came  from  his  heart,)  and  wras  satisfactory  to 
me,  as  I declared  to  him.  He  asked  me  now  a.  great  many 
questions  concerning  my  private  concerns,  useless  to  repeat 
here,  and  so  we  departed  good  friends,  I for  Aux  Cayes,  and 
he,  some  months  later,  to  the  Main. 

I have  entered  in  these  minute,  details  of  the  principal  facts 
that  happened  to  me,  in  order  to  show  the  true  character  of  a 
man,  who  has  acquired  such  a colossal  reputation,  little  corres- 
ponding to  what  he  is,  in  regard  to  heroism,  bravery,  military 
skill,  firmness  of  character,  and  talents.  I will  close  this  chap- 
ter with  another  trait,  which  will  show  how  he  always  takes 
care  to  preserve  his  own  baggage,  and  all  that  belongs  to  him. 

[ have  already  proved  how  he  fears  being  wounded  or  killed, 
or  takes  care  to  have  his  sacred  person  perfectly  secured. 

When  at  Margarita,  where  we  slept  in  the  same  room,  in 
which  he  had  established  his  office,  and  mine  was  opposite  to 
his,  on  the  same  floor,  he  came  one  day  into  my  office,  to  tell 
me  to  give  the  order  to  all  the  officers  belonging  to  our  army, 
from  the  general  down  to  the  second  lieutenant,  to  take  with 
them  no  more  than  a few  changes  of  dress,  and  to  leave  behind 
their  trunks  and  luggage.  I,  myself,  take  no  more  than  six 
changes  of  clothes,  &c.  In  conformity  to  this  order,  every  one 
of  us  left  our  trunks  in  a kind  of  block  house,  in  the  Villa  del 
Norte.  I had  three,  full  of  valuable  articles,  and  as  the  glass 
of  my  gold  repeater  was  broken,  Bolivar  told  me  to  leave  it 
in  one  of  my  trunks,  where  I could  send  for  them  when  I should 
be  definitively  fettled.  I left  also  all  my  papers,  certificates  of 
services  from  Europe,  correspondence,  and  other  very  valua- 
ble documents,  &tc.  We  embarked,  and  being  one  day  at 
Carupano,  on  board  the  admiral,  1 was  astonished  to  see  on 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


173 


deck,  more  then  20  trunks,  pretty  large  and  heavy.  I asked 
to  whom  they  belonged,  and  was  surprised  to  hear  from  Gar- 
cia, the  intendant  of  general  Bolivar,  that  they  were  his  mas- 
ter’s baggage  ! I learned  from  him  that  the  general  had  given 
him  orders  to  hire  mules,  and  to  transport  all  his  baggage  from 
Villa  del  Norte,  to  the  port  of  Juan  Griego,  where  we  should 
embark,  and  that  he  did  it  the  night  previous  to  our  embarking. 

When  I expressed  my  surprise  to  general  Bolivar  some  days 
afterwards,  on  seeing  all  these  trunks  in  his  house,  he  answer- 
ed me  dryly,  “that  Garcia  had  embarked  them  by  mistake  !" 

I have  related  how  general  Bolivar  carried  his  trunks  into 
the  arsenal,  where  he  took  shelter,  when  our  cavalry  guard 
had  been  surprised  by  the  enemy  at  Carupano.  This  station 
was  safe  for  himself  and  his  baggage,  then  from  the  arsenal  he 
could  in  five  minutes  embark,  or  take  shelter  in  the  fort  of  Santa 
Rosa. 

These  are  facts  of  which  I was  an  eye  witness.  And  so  it 
came  to  pass,  that  after  the  defeat  of  Soublette  at  Carupano, 
all  our  baggage  was  plundered,  the  trunks  broken  open,  and  all 
was  irreparably  lost,  because  general  Arismendy,  hearing  that 
Bolivar  had  fled,  judged  we  were  all  taken  or  slain,  and  our 
baggage  was  distributed  among  the  troops  of  Margarita.  I 
regretted  the  loss  of  my  watch  and  my  papers  ; wrote  twice  to 
general  Arismendy,  but  received  no  answer.  These  were  ir- 
reparable losses  which  I regret  to  the  present  time. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Evacuation  of  Carupano — Skirmish  at  Ocumare — Fifth  flight 
of  General  Bolivar , and  his  retreat  to  the  Island  of  Hay ti — 
McGregor's  retreat  towards  Barcelona. 

We  have  seen  how  general  Bolivar  acted  in  Carupano,  how 
jealous  he  was  of  his  authority,  and  what  were  my  recompen- 
ses after  so  many  latigues  and  disgustful  services.  The  fear  of 
general  Bolivar  that  the  creation  of  a foreign  legion  would  com- 
promise his  authority,  shows  sufficiently  the  little  confidence  he 
had  in  his  own  merit.  Then  how  could  1500  and  more,  for- 


174 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


eigners,  give  him  the  law,  (as  he  said  distinctly  to  me)  being  in 
his  country,  surrounded  by  his  countrymen,  and  having  already 
his  authority  established.  If  George  Washington  should  have 
protested  against  the  landing  of  so  many  thousand  French  troops 
and  foreign  officers,  during  the  revolutionary  war,  would  it  not 
have  been  prejudicial  to  him  and  his  country  ? How  different- 
ly did  he  treat  these  auxiliary  foreigners  ; but  George  Wash- 
ington was  a man,  a soldier,  a sage  ; and  Simon  Bolivar  a lili- 
putian  in  every  respect  in  comparison  with  this  great  man  ! 
Should  such  a man  be  suffered  to  be  compared  with  Bolivar  ? 
no,  certainly  not,  as  will  be  sufficiently  shown  in  the  course  of 
this  work. 

General  Bolivar  is  not  the  only  one  who  is  jealous  of  stran- 
gers ; this  jealousy  is  very  common  among  the  chieftains  of  Co- 
lombia, and  is,  I must  say,  characteristic  of  them.  Their  pre- 
judices, their  education,  their  talents,  their  ignorance,  is  the  nat- 
ural consequence  of  the  Spanish  system  to  suppress,  in  the  Amer- 
icans, every  spark  of  light  and  industry.  The  superficial  knowl- 
edge acquired  by  some  among  them  is  regarded  as  a phenome- 
non, as  an  extraordinary  and  remarkable  instance,  and  such  a 
man  is  a hero  among  them,  when  he  would  be  a very  common 
and  ordinary  man  among  civilized  and  enlightened  nations, 
where  education,  intercourse  with  strangers,  industry  and  liber- 
al institutions,  have  a daily  influence  upon  the  population.  The 
ceremonies  of  the  catholic  religion,  the  intolerance  of  the  great- 
est part  of  the  clergymen,  the  influence  which  monks,  friars  and 
priests  have,  down  to  the  present  day,  upon  the  people,  the  mis- 
erable condition  of  public  education,  the  natural  apathy  of  the 
inhabitants,  the  total  want  of  industry,  agriculture,  and  com- 
merce, united  with  military  despotism,  can  never  give  to  Co- 
lombia freedom  and  rational  liberty,  and  are  altogether  unfavora- 
ble to  the  production  of  men  of  talents  and  liberal  ideas.  The 
few  existing  cannot  raise  their  voices  against  those  of  thousands, 
and  must  necessarily  remain  silent.  Arbitrary  arrests,  exiles, 
and  punishments,  are  the  natural  consequences  of  a military 
government,  where  bayonets  and  those  who  command  them, 
rule  exclusively. 

Limited  talents  make  an  illiberal  government,  and  never  can  a 
man  of  character,  experience,  and  knowledge,  be  suffered  by 
such  men,  because  they  must  naturally  fear  the  consequences 
of  his  powerful  influence  over  those  who  were  under  his  imme- 
diate care  ; and  the  great  difference  between  the  two,  will  ne- 
cessarily, sooner  or  later,  be  found  out.  In  time  of  danger  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOI.IVAR. 


175 


war,  they  will  be  consulted,  suffered  to  take  the  command,  to 
make  dispositions  and  act ; then  here  they  stand  in  danger,  and 
expose  their  lives  ; but  once  this  danger  passed,  once  in  pros- 
perity, they  captiously  cavil  at  those  actions  of  yours  which  have 
saved  them,  and  employ  every  means  to  weaken  the  favorable 
impression  made  upon  their  subalterns  ; they  try  to  ridicule  you, 
whenever  and  wherever  they  can,  and  suffer  your  presence  with 
reluctance  and  difficulty.  Therefore  it  results  that  the  thou- 
sands of  strangers,  who  have  served  in  Colombia,  could  never 
render  effective  services  in  a country  where  their  authority  had 
been  so  limited,  that  it  was  impossible  to  act  freely  and  in  ac- 
cordance with  their  talents  and  experience.  It  is  a fact,  that 
the  greater  part  of  these  chieftains  have  complained  of  stran- 
gers, have  exiled,  punished  and  ill-treated  them,  alleging  that 
they  had  rendered  very  little  or  no  service.  This  is  the  great- 
est injustice  ever  heard  of,  as  in  the  course  of  this  history  I will 
prove,  that  Bolivar,  the  republic  of  Colombia,  and  its  chieftains, 
are  indebted  to  strangers,  and  their  powerful  support  for  their 
existence,  if  not  as  a free,  at  least  as  an  independent  people. 

Labatut  took  Santa  Martha,  1813,  and  was  obliged  to  evacu- 
ate it,  in  consequence  of  the  intrigqes  of  his  subalterns.  He 
was  arrested  and  exiled.  Louis  Aury  saved  the  evacuation  of 
the  patriots  from  Carthagena.  We  have  seen  how  Bolivar  has 
recompensed  him.  Ducoudray  Holstein  was  the  last  comman- 
der in  Carthagena  and  protected  in  Boca  Chica  many  hundred 
families.  He  was  threatened  to  be  shot!  Louis  Brion  sacrificed 
his  large  fortune  for  the  republic,  and  was  the  constant  support  of 
Bolivar,  who  treated  him  very  harshly  at  Savanilla.  He  died 
broken  hearted,  at  Curacao,  and  so  poor  that  he  did  not  leave 
a cent  to  pay  the  expenses  of  his  burial ! General  Piar,  who 
fought  bravely  in  1814  and  1815,  when  E>olivar  fled  from  Ven- 
ezuela, and  who  conquered,  in  union  with  Brion,  the  beautiful 
and  rich  province  of  Guayana,  was  arrested,  tried,  and  shot. 
To  whom  are  the  Colombians  indebted  for  their  successes  in 
1819,  in  conquering  New  Grenada  ? Was  it  not  to  foreign  le- 
gions ? Who  gained  the  battle  of  Carabobo  ? was  it  not  the 
Irish  legion  ? &c.  &z.c.  Thousands  of  these  brave  men  perish- 
ed by  misery,  and  maladies  brought  on  in  consequence  of  hard- 
ships ; and  now  the  Colombians  boast  that  they  have  gained  their 
independence  alone,  and  without  the  aid  of  foreigners.  They 
forget  past  services  because  they  want  them  no  more. 


17G 


MEMOTRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


It  is  an  astonishing  fact,  that  among  all  these  chieftains  of  Co- 
lombia, not  a single  man  can  be  found  who  deserves  the  name 
of  a great  man,  a hero,  01  an  extraordinary  man.  There  ex- 
ists none.  Can  Simon  Bolivar  possibly  pass  for  such  an  one  ? 
It  has  been  proved,  already,  by  facts,  that  he  is  not,  and  will  be 
still  more  fully  proved.  In  a time  of  revolution,  when  the  or- 
dinary distinctions  of  rank  and  titles  are  confounded  and  the  low- 
est citizen  can  rival  any  other,  if  he  is  brave  or  has  talents,  we 
search  in  vain  for  distinguished  characters  on  the  Main.  Among 
the  military  chieftains,  we  find  Paez,  Amismendy  and  Padilla, 
who  have  achieved  some  distinguished  actions  ; all  the  rest  are 
very  ordinary  characters,  which  have  gained  an  undeserved 
name  of  heroes  and  skilful  men. 

I left  general  Bolivar  ready  to  embark  at  Carupano  for  Ocu- 
mare.  The  defection  of  generals  Marino  and  Piar,  the  want  of 
order,  regulation,  and  provisions,  produced  diseases  and  mala- 
dies, and  a good  many  of  those  who  came  from  Aux  Cayes, 
and  the  island  of  Margarita,  with  general  Bolivar,  fell  sick  and 
died,  or  left  him.  The  enemy  profiting  by  the  faults  of  Bolivar, 
his  want  of  firmness,  activity  and  talents,  increased  their  forces 
in  proportion  to  the  declining  state  of  the  patriots.  The  history 
of  the  campaign  of  1 S 1 6,  is  substantially  the  same  as  that  of  1813 
and  ’14,  in  Caracas,  and  ended  with  the  flight  and  embarkation 
of  general  Bolivar,  like  the  year  1814. 

When  general  Bolivar  saw  at  last  that  there  was  no  hope  of 
making  recruits,  or  of  any  support  and  junction  from  Marino 
and  Piar,  he  followed  the  advice  of  admiral  Brion  and  evacuat- 
ed Carupano  to  seek  another  landing-place  more  convenient, 
and  so  it  was  determined  to  go  to  Ocumare,  where  he  could 
find  more  resources  and  recruits.  They  landed  accordingly  in 
the  bay,  protected  by  a little  fort  of  no  consequence,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  the  village  of  the  same  name,  Ocumare,  where  he  ar- 
rived the  3d  Julv,  1S16,  with  13  vessels,  of  which  seven  only 
were  armed.  He  published  the  following  proclamation  : 

“Head-quarters,  at  Ocumare,  July  6,  181G. — Simon  Boli- 
var, Supreme  Chief,  fyc.  &fc.  to  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela  : 

“ An  army  provided  with  arms  and  munitions  of  war  of  every 
kind,  is  on  the  march,  and  under  my  orders,  coming  to  liberate 
you. 

“ I will  drive  out,  and  exterminate  our  tyrants,  and  I will  re- 
store you  to  your  rights,  your  country,  and  give  you  peace. 
On  our  part,  the  killing  of  the  prisoners  of  war  will  cease  from 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


177 


this  instant.  We  promise  to  grant  a general  pardon  for  those 
who  submit,  even  to  European  Spaniards. 

“ All  the  troops  of  the  enemy  which  will  join  us,  will  partici- 
pate with  us  in  the  advantages  and  recompenses,  which  the 
country  and  its  inhabitants  can  afford. 

“ No  Spaniard  shall  be  killed,  except  when  he  may  re- 
sist with  his  arms  in  hand.  No  harm  will  be  done  to  the  na- 
tives, who  are  found  in  the  army  of  the  enemy. 

“ Our  unfortunate  brethren  who  are  suffering  as  slaves,  are 
from  this  moment  declared  free.  Nature,  rights,  and  govern- 
ment, reclaim  their  liberty.  In  the  future  will  exist  in  Vene- 
zuela, no  more  than  one  class  of  inhabitants  ; all  will  be  citizens. 

“ As  soon  as  we  have  taken  possession  of  the  capital,  we  will 
conv’oke  the  people  to  name  their  deputies  for  Congress.  Dur- 
ing my  march  upon  Caracas,  general  Marino  will  besiege  Cu- 
mana ; general  Piar,  supported  by  general  Roxas  and  Monaga, 
will  render  himself  master  of  the  plains,  and  march  against 
Barcelona,  while  general  Arismendy,  with  his  victorious  army, 
will  maintain  himself  in  the  island  of  Margarita, 

BOLIVAR.” 

This  proclamation  is  like  those  of  the  same  author,  viz.  drawn 
up  to  deceive  the  ignorant,  and  people  living  at  a distance.  The 
army , of  which  he  speaks  as  being  under  his  order,  consisted  of 
G50  men,  of  whom  not  300  had  ever  seen  a battle,  and  whose 
officers  were  a greater  part  of  them  totally  unfit  to  command. 

“ I shall  exterminate  our  tyrants,”  says  general  Bolivar,  the 
6th  of  July  ; and  the  10th  of  the  same  month  he  was  beaten  by 
300  men,  which  Morales  and  Guero  had  assembled  in  haste, 
and  fled  in  full  gallop  from  the  field  of  battle  to  the  bay  of  Ocu- 
mare,  where  he  embarked  for  the  Dutch  island  of  Buen  Ayre,  as 
I shall  relate  hereafter. 

“ As  soon  as  we  have  taken  possession  of  the  capital,  (Cara- 
cas) we  will  convoke  the  people  to  name  their  deputies  to  Con- 
gress,” says  general  Bolivar.  His  sincerity  on  this  occasion  is 
doubted  by  those  who  know  him  and  his  intentions.  In  1S13, 
he  spoke  the  same  language,  and  did  nothing  to  assemble  the 
Congress,  when  it  was  in  his  power  ; in  1815  he  disobeyed,  for- 
mally, the  orders  of  Congress  in  New  Grenada  in  besieging  Car- 
thagena  instead  of  St.  Martha;  in  1S17,  when  recalled,  the  first 
condition  of  his  admission . was  to  convoke  a Congress  ; it  was 
not  done  ; on  the  contrary,  he  broke  up  the  Congress  assem- 
bled at  Cariaca,  and  persecuted  its  members  in  1818,  and  the 
23 


178 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


following  events  in  these  memoirs  will  show  clearly  that  he  has 
been,  and  is  decidedly  against  the  formation  of  any  Congress  ; 
and  when  forced  to  suffer  its  existence,  he  limited  its  power  by 
military  display  and  authority,  so  that  the  senate  and  chamber  of 
representatives  were  no  more  than  nominal , and  the  submission 
servants  of  the  President  Liberator. 

“ While  I march  against  Caracas,  general  Marino  will  be- 
siege Cumana;  general  Piar  supported,”  &c.  &c.  This  is 
again  deception  ; when  some  days  previous  to  his  evacuation  of 
Carupano,  he  said  to  me  that  he  was  very  sorry  to  see  Marino 
and  Piar  paying  not  the  least  regard  to  his  orders  ; and  when 
it  is  known  that  in  consequence  of  the  defection  of  these  two 
chieftains,  Bolivar  was  obliged  to  evacuate  Carupano,  &c. 

To  any  experienced  military  man,  the  following  reflections 
will  give  a convincing  proof  of  Bolivar’s  weaknessand  small  ca- 
pacity, as  a commander-in-chief.  Instead  of  employing  every 
means  in  his  power  to  compel  Marino  and  Piar  to  do  their  du- 
ty, he  approved,  in  an  official  manner,  their  defection,  which 
naturally  encouraged  them  to  act  in  an  isolated  and  indepen- 
dent way.  Then  if  Marino,  instead  of  besieging  Cumana,  had 
joined  Bolivar  at  Ocumare,  the  united  forces  of  both  would 
have  been  sufficient  to  take  Valencia,  which  had  not  200  armed 
men  to  defend  it,  and  to  march  against  Caracas,  where  there 
were  at  the  time  no  more  than  500  men.  The  forces  of  the 
Spaniards  were  much  dispersed  and  would  have  fallen  an  easy 
prey  to  the  patriots,  who  could  have  destroyed  them,  isolated  as 
they  were,  one  column  after  another.  This  success  would  have 
reanimated  the  sunken  spirit  of  the  inhabitants,  not  in  regard  to 
patriotism,  but  in  regard  to  confidence  in  Bolivar’s  bravery,  mil- 
itary skill  and  ability  to  govern  them.  The  actions  of  the 
dictator,  and  his  flight,  gave  thern  disgust ; and  therefore  Bolivar 
himself  was  much  discouraged  to  see,  that  after  more  than  a 
month’s  stay  at  Carupano,  not  70  of  the  inhabitants  came  to  vo- 
lunteer under  his  orders.  On  the  contrary,  about  the  whole 
population  fled  on  the  approach  of  Bolivar,  and  we  found  de- 
serted houses.  The  same  thing  happened  at  Ocumare,  &c.  &c. 

General  Bolivar  collected,  in  virtue  of  his  proclamation  of 
the  6th  of  July,  some  hundred  slaves,  which  were  armed,  and 
united  to  his  troops.  He  collected  about  S00  men,  armed  in 
haste,  but  without  instruction,  uniforms,  or  discipline.  With 
such  a band  of  armed  men,  called  the  liberating  army , he  march- 
ed from  Ocumare  to  Valencia,  where,  at  the  time,  less  than  200 
men  were  able  to  resist  him.  The  possession  of  Valencia  was 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


179 


precious  to  him,  being  situated  between  Caracas,  the  plains, 
and  the  fortress  of  Porto  Cabello,  by  which  he  could  have  been 
supplied  easily  from  the  plains,  where  Paez,  Zarasa,  Roxas, 
Sedeno,  &c.  had  always  acted  bravely  and  resisted  the  power- 
ful forces  of  Morillo. 

Morales  arriving  at  Valencia,  heard  that  general  Bolivar  had 
debarked  at  Ocumare.  Having  with  him  no  more  than  a small 
escort  of  cavalry,  he  lost  no  time  in  waiting  for  more  troops, 
collected  about  200  armed  men,  and  directed  .his  march  to- 
wards Ocumare.  The  major  of  the  militia,  Jose  Guero,  join- 
ed him  with  one  hundred  more,  and  with  this  small  force  he  de- 
termined to  attack  general  Bolivar.  He  met  him  on  the  10th 
of  July  not  far  distant  from  the  village  of  Ocumare,  upon  a hill 
which  commanded  a view  of  the  lake  of  Valencia.  When  Mo- 
rales discovered  the  *ivanced  guard  commanded  by  Soublette, 
he  put  some  tirailleurs  among  the  trees,  unperceived  by  the  pa- 
triots, in  the  bushy  hills  where  they  had  to  pass,  and  took  an  ad- 
vantageous position  with  the  remainder,  to  wait  a favorable 
moment  to  attack.  A small  skirmish  began,  which  lasted  not  a 
quarter  of  an  hour,  when  a deserter  from  Morales  was  brought 
before  the  supreme  chief,  who  acquainted  him,  that  this  much 
feared  partisan  was  the  person  at  the  head  of  the  Spanish  troops. 
Soublette,  as  usual,  and  as  has  been  stated  by  eye  witnesses, 
fled  immediately  on  hearing  some  musket  shots;  general  Boli- 
var, seeing  his  advanced  guard  dispersed,  lost  all  presence  of 
mind,  spoke  not  a word,  turned  his  horse  quickly  round,  and 
fled  in  full  speed  towards  Ocumare.  Colonel  Boe,  (brother  in 
law  of  mareschal  Lefebre  Dugue  of  Dantzic,  who  was  in  this  ac- 
tion) related  to  me  afterwards,  that  Bolivar  was  so  blinded  by 
fear,  that  his  horse  run  against  Boe’s  mule,  loaded  with  baggage, 
and  precipitated  mule  and  baggage  down  the  hill,  without  stop- 
ping a single  moment.  He  passed  the  village  at  full  gallop,  and 
arrived  at  last  at  a place  of  safety,  the  bay  of  Ocumare,  two 
leagues  distant  from  the  village  of  the  same  name,  jumped  from 
his  horse,  got  into  a boat,  and  embarked  on  board  the  Diana, 
the  same  armed  vessel  which  I had  left  about  3 hours  previous 
to  his  arrival,  having  found  a French  captain,  (Mr.  DuClerk) 
who  sailed  from  Ocumare. to. St.  Thomas’,  and  who  treated  me 
with  the  greatest  kindness,  and  offered  me  a passage,  gratis,  on 
board  his  vessel.  I had  lost  (as  related,)  in  Villa  del  Norte, 
all  my  baggage,  and  had  only  some  few  changes  of  clothes,  and 
my  uniform,  without  a single  cent  in  my  pocket,  being  at  the 
same  time  sick  with  an  intermitent  fever.  We  were  very  much 


180 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


surprised  to  see  the  whole  squadron  coming  after  us,  under  full 
sail,  and  we  were  soon  joined  by  them,  all  steering  towards  Bo- 
naire laying  close  by  the  bay  of  Ocumare.  Here  I heard  the 
following  particulars  : 

Bolivar  was  so  seized  by  a panic  terror,  that  he  arrived  with 
only  a single  aid-de-camp,  out  of  six,  who  was  the  lieutenant 
colonel  Perez,  on  board  the  Diana.  Not  far  distant  from  the 
bay,  opposite  the  little  fort,  was  a kind  of  farm  house,  under  the 
rooi  ol  which  Jay  stretched  on  a mat,  the  wounded  major  Pi- 
card, who  lost  his  arm  in  a surprise  (related  in  the  last  chapter) 
ol  the  advanced  cavalry  guard  not  far  from  Carupano,  and  who, 
unable  to  move,  was  carried  on  shore  in  order  to  be  more  com- 
fortable. When  he  saw  Bolivar  and  his  aid-de-camp  Perez 
passing  dose  by  him  at  full  speed,  he  called  the  general,  and 
requested  him  for  God’s  sake  to  order  hftn  to  be  again  carried 
on  board  ; but  the  supreme  chief  did  not  hear  him,  or  would 
not  hear  him,  and  embarked.  Captain  Demarquet,  another 
Frenchman,  and  aid-de-camp  of  Bolivar,  arrived  at  the  bay 
some  minutes  after  Bolivar’s  being  in  tbe  boat,  and  urged  the 
boatswain  to  return  and  take  him  in ; but  the  general  ordered 
him  to  proceed  and  put  him  on  board  the  Diana.  As  soon  as 
he  was  on  deck,  he  directed  captain  Debouille,*  the  comman- 
der of  this  fast  sailing  armed  vessel,  and  in  the  absence  of  ad- 
miral Brion,  (on  an  excursion  to  the  island  of  Curacao)  the 
commander  of  the  squadron,  to  make  the  signal  to  cut  their  ca- 
bles and  to  depart,  which  was  done  accordingly.  They  directed 
their  course  towards  the  small  Dutch  island  of  Buen  Ayre  where 
they  arrived  in  the  afternoon  of  the  10th  of  July. 

Thus  general  Bolivar  left  again  his  army,  and  his  command, 
and  put  his  person  in  safety,  and  this  was  the  fifth  time  that  he 
had  done  so  since  1812. 

1st.  Lieutenant  colonel  Bolivar  left  in  June,  1812,  the  strong 
place  of  Porto  Cabello,  of  which  he  was  governor,  and  embark- 
ed clandestinely  in  the  night,  with  some  officers,  in  consequence 
of  the  fear  he  had  of  the  revolted  Spanish  prisoners  of  war,  and 
retired  to  San  Mateo,  leaving  his  garrison  .without  commander  or 
orders  ; in  consequence  of  which,  these  retired,  and  tfffr'place 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Monte  verde. -f- 
2d.  The  general-in-chief,  dictator,  liberator  of  the  western  pro- 
vinces of  Venezuela,  S.  Bolivar,  embarked  hastily  in  the  night 


* I have  these  particulars  from  cajHain  Debouille  himself 
t See  chapter  V. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR.  181 

of  the  25th  of  August,  1814,  at  Cumana,  and  fled  with  his  col- 
league San  Jago  Marino,  dictator  of  the  eastern  provinces  of 
Venezuela  towards  Margarita,  &c.  He  lost  all  presence  of 
mind,  and  would  not  listen  to  any  representation  of  his  cousin 
Joseph  Felix  Ribas,  and  others,  to  remain  with  them  on  the 
Main  ; he  sent  for  Marino,  and  as  soon  as  the  latter  was  on 
board,  he  ordered  commodore  Bianchi  to  cut  the  cables,  and 
off  he  sailed.  He  left  Ribas,  Villapol,  and  thousands  of  his 
countrymen  behind,  who  had  placed  their  confidence  hi  lois  skill 
and  bravery,  and  sought  safety  in  flight .* 

3d.  The  captain-general  of  the  armies  of  Venezuela  and  New 
Grenada,  Simon  Bolivar,  not  having  succeeded  to  take  Cartha- 
gena  by  force  of  arms,  and  after  having  lost,  in  a miserable  po- 
sition, bis  troops,  and  the  province  of  New  Grenada,  embarked 
, on  board  an  English  brig  of  war,  and  left  his  countrymen,  and 
retired  in  safety  to  Kingston  in  the  island  of  Jamaica. 

4th.  In  the  naval  action,  of  2d  May  1816,  the  supreme  chief  of 
the  Republic  ofVenezula,  retired  into  the  long  boat  of  commo- 
dore Brion’s  armed  vessel,  and  gave  the  command  to  Ducou- 
dray  Holstein  during  the  whole  time  of  the  action,  which  lasted 
about  four  hours,  j 

5th.  And  now,  liere  at  Ocumare,  where  the  supreme  chief  fled 
and  sheltered  himself  from  all  danger  in  the  island  of  Buen  Ayre. 

When  admiral  Brion  arrival  at  Buen  Ayre,  from  Curacao,  he 
was  much  astonished  to  find  the  squadron  and  general  Bolivar 
there,  and  came  immediately  on  board  the  Diana,  where  gen- 
eral Bolivar  had  remained  the  whole  day  in  bed,  and  reproach- 
ed him  in  very  strong  terms  with  his  cowardice  and  desertion, 
and  above  all,  for  having  given  orders  to  the  squadron  to  fol- 
low7 him  alone,  and  to  leave  all  his  companions  without  means 
and  assistance.  This  was  a vTell  deserved,  but  humiliating  les- 
son, for  a man  of  Bolivar’s  proud  and  yain  character.  But 
here,  as  every  wdiere,  vdien  die  general  was  isolated,  and  in 
misfortune,  he  wras  very  docile,  and  endured  every  thing. 
Brion,  now  a little  cooler,  admonished  Bolivar  to  return  to  the 
Main,  and  rejoin  the  commanders  on  the  coast  of  Cumana  and 
Barcelona,  and  to  unite  again  the  patriotic  troops.  He  spoke 
so  convincingly  to  Bolivar,  that  at  last  lie  consented  to  depart 
in  the  same  vessel  for  the  coast  of  Cumana,  while  Brion,  with 


* See  chapter  VII. 

+ See  chapter  XIII. 


1S2 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


the  remainder  of  his  squadron,  was  going  to  Margarita  to  refit 
some  of  his  vessels. 

As  soon  as  general  Bolivar  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Cumana, 
where  he  found  Marino  and  Piar,  these  two  received  him  very 
harshly,  reproached  him  with  his  new  desertion  at  Ocumare, 
and  Piar  threatened  to  try  him  before  a court  martial,  and  to 
have  him  shot  as  a deserter  and  a coward.  This  last  scene 
enraged  the  vain  and  vindictive  mind  of  Bolivar  so  much,  that 
he  afterwards  tvas  the  most  bitter  enemy  of  Piar,  which,  as  I 
have  been  assured,  was  the  cause  of  his  subsequent  condemna- 
tion. Bolivar  found  it  not  prudent  to  remain,  and  embarked 
without  delay.  This  essay,  and  the  fear  of  being  treated  by 
other  chieftains  in  the  same  manner,  discouraged  him  so  much 
that  he  ordered  captain  Devouille  (who  had  received  positive 
instructions  from  the  admiral,  to  remain  at  the  disposal,  of  the  , 
supreme  chief,)  to  make  the  port  of  Aux  Cayes,  in  the  island 
of  Hayti,  from  whence  he  had  departed  some  months  before 
with  the  sanguine  hopes  of  the  most  brilliant  success  ! He  re- 
mained a couple  of  days  and  re-embarked  for  Jaquemel,  from 
whence  he  departed  by  land  to  Port  au  Prince,  where  I had, 
as  related,  my  last  interview  with  him. 

I forgot  to  say,  that  during  the  conversation  with  me,  he  told 
me  he  had  heard  that  I was  going  with  the  expedition  of  gen- 
eral Mina,  who,  in  fact,  had  made  me  several  very  honorable 
propositions  to  join  his  expedition,  which  came  at  the  time  of 
my  stay  in  Port  au  Prince.  I answered  general  Bolivar — “ I 
will  never  go  more  with  general  Bolivar  or  with  general  Mina, 
as  long  as  there  is  neither  organization  or  instruction,  and  only 
a shadow  of  an  army.”  Bolivar  said,  “I  believe,  mon  cher 
ami , you  will  never  forget  your  ancien  metier .” 

The  president  of  Hayti,  Alexander  Petion,  received  him 
very  coolly,  having  already  been  acquainted  with  a part  of  his 
actions. 

Such  was  the  end  of  an  expedition  which  sailed  in  May 
1S16  from  Aux  Cayes  some  months  befoie,  which  cost  large 
sums,  and  promised  so  brilliant  results.  This  pitiful  end  must 
entirely  be  attributed  to  the  wrong  measures  taken  by  general 
Bolivar,  of  which  I have  related  some  striking  particulars.  We 
have  seen  that  Bolivar  had  lost,  by  his  fault — 1st,  the  forces  of 
commodore  Aury,  which  were  half  of  the  whole  strength  in  ves- 
sels and  men,  lying  at  that  time  at  Aux  Cayes : 2d,  his  cow- 
ardice in  the  action  of  the  2d  of  May,  alienated  from  him  the 
esteem  and  the  confidence  of  so  many  hundreds  of  his  subal- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


183 


terns : 3d,  by  his  weakness  in  following  the  perfidious  advice 
of  his  flatterers,  he  annulled  all  the  good,  which  I could  have 
done  in  endeavoring  to  establish  order,  instruction  and  disci- 
pline, in  a band  of  armed  men,  who  called  themselves  generals, 
colonels  and  officers,  and  who  had  not  the  least  notion  of  the 
first  elements  of  our  art.  He  was  opposed,  by  the  same  weak- 
ness and  his  jealous  fears,  to  consenting  to  the  organization  and 
the  formation  of  a foreign  legion,  which  could  have  had  the 
most  useful  consequences.  This  same  weakness  of  character 
induced  lym  to  consent  to  the  departure  of  Marino  and  Piar, 
against  his  own  conviction  of  having  done  wrong,  and  against 
mine  and  admiral  Brion’s  well  grounded  advice  : 4th,  finally, 
to  crown  all  these  faults,  lie  lost,  in  an  attack  by  300  men, 
when  he  had  more  than  800,  all  his  presence  of  mind,  and  fled 
with  all  the  speed  of  his  horse,  at  the  first  musket  shots,  and 
galloped  12  miles  from  the  field  of  battle  to  the  bay  of  Ocumare, 
as  if  the  enemy  was  at  his  heels. 

What  I have  related  here  of  general  Bolivar  would  appear 
impossible  arid  exaggerated  ; but  it  is,  unfortunate  enough,  too 
true  and  authentic.  Hundreds  of  eye  witnesses  like  me,  as 
the  inhabitants  of  Been  Ayre,  Aux  Cayes,  Jaquemel,  Port  au 
Prince,  &c.,  to  whom  these  facts  are  perfectly  known,  will  con- 
firm and  testify  to  the  correctness  of  my  impartial  statements, 
if  they  are  not  blinded  by  self  interest,  or  by  fear  of  a persecu- 
tion, in  case  of  their  being  settled  on  the  Main  or  in  the  service 
of  Colombia.  The  Gazettes  in  the  Havana,  from  July,  Au- 
gust and  September,  18 1G,  give  a correct  account  of  what  had 
happened  in  Ocumare,  and  in  which  general  Bolivar  is  treated 
w’ith  the  most  contemptuous  rigor.  There  will  be  found  a 
detailed  list  of  all  that  the  Spaniards  found  in  the  bay  of  Ocu- 
mare, of  debarked  arms,  ammunitions,  the  beautiful  and  new 
print,  &lc.  All  these  objects  were  debarked  in  order  to  follow 
Bolivar’s  troops,  and  waiting  for  the  transportations  by  mules, 
were  left  on  shore.  Bolivar  would  not  suffer  their  being  re- 
embarked. 

I fear  and  hope  nothing  from  Bolivar  or  the  Colombians ; 
my  name  is  on  the  title  page,  and  I will,  and  shall  state  the 
naked  truth,  and  nothing  else,  in  order  to  show  general  Bolivar 
as  he  is,  not  by  declamations,  but  by  facts.  I give  him  credit 
when  he  deserves  it,  and  relate  his  actions  and  their  conse- 
quences, and  nothing  else. 

Gen.  Bolivar,  who  had  received  powerful  support  from  the 
Haytian  government,  has  acted  very  ungratefully  to  the  Hay- 


184 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


tians.  Before  he  came  to  Carupano,  he  had  sent  hack  the 
Haytian  captain,  named  Courtois,  who  came  with  his  vessel 
from  Anx  Cayes  as  a transport  ship,  and  treated  him  harshly 
and  in  a haughty  manner,  on  his  making  him  some  just  repre- 
sentations. At  Carupano,  he  sent  two  other  Haytian  vessels 
back  without  paying,  or  consenting  to  give  them  any  written 
promises  to  pay  their  fleet,  and  forced  them  to  .embark  aiid  to 
quit  Carupano,  without  the  least  compensation  for  their  voyage. 

This  impolitic  treatment  against  the  Haytian  vessels,  and  the 
officers  which  served  in  the  land  troops,  united  with  the  con- 
demnation of  general  Piar,  who  was  a man  of  color,  and  shot 
some  years  later,  at  Angostura,  made  a very  bad  impression  on 
the  inhabitants  of  this  hospitable  island. 

President  Petion,  who  was  fully  acquainted  with  the  treat- 
ment, by-  Bolivar,  of  the  Haytians,  nevertheless  did  not  re- 
proach him  in  tfie  least,  but  of  course,  received  him  much  cool- 
er, and  made  no  great  exertions  for  a man  who  behaved  him- 
self so  ungratefully.  General  Bolivar,  in  one  respect,  kept  Ills 
promise  to  president  Petion,  on  which  express  condition  the 
latter  assisted  him  so  powerfully  in  his  expedition  which  sailed 
from  Aux  Cayes,  that  he,  Bolivar,  would  promise  him  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves.  This  general  Bolivar,  faithfully 
fulfilled,  as  I have  shown  by  his  proclamations,  published  in 
Margarita,  Carupano  and  Ocumare.  Bolivar  did  the  same 
afterwards  with  his  own  slaves,  in  San  Mateo,  which  did  him 
honor.  . 

In  consequence  of  the  flight  of  the  supreme  chief  from  the  field 
of  battle  at  Ocumare,  and  the  sailing  of  all  the  vessels  from 
the  said  bay,  general  McGregor  united  the  scattered  troops  of 
Bolivar’s  corps,  and  effected  a retreat  along  the  sea  shore,  of 
which  too  much  hasbeen  spoken  that  is  not  worthy  to  be  repeat- 
ed. The  fact  is,  that  McGregor  had  nothing  else  to  do,  but 
either  to  perish  or  to  advance  as  well  as  he  could,  until  he  ef- 
fected a junction  of  his  miserable  and  harrassed  troops  with 
general  Piar  near  Barcelona. 

The  European  Gazetters  have  described  this  retreat,  in 
which  nothing  was  done  that  was  worth  mentioning,  like  one  of 
the  most  heroic  actions  of  McGregor,  and  some  of  them  had 
the  ridiculous  idea  of  comparing  it  with  the  retreat  of  Xeno- 
phon and  general  Moreau,  The  public  is  now  too  well  per- 
suaded of  the  merit  of  general  McGregor  to  render  any  fur- 
ther reflection  necessary,  in  regard  to  a man  who  is  too  well 
known  and  justly  appreciated. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


185 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Cause  of  General  Bolivar's  recal  to  the  Main — His  arrival  at 
Barcelona — Siege  and  occupation  of  Barcelona,  by  the  Span- 
iards— Behaviour  of  General  Bolivar  at  Barcelona. — Years 

1816-17. 

General  Bolivar,  whilst  in  Port  an  Prince,  was  the  insepara- 
ble friend  of  the  brethren  Pineres,  whom  I have  mentioned  be- 
fore,* and  particularly  with  Celadonio,  the  ex-corregidor  at 
Mompox.  He  regularly  spent  his  evenings  with  the  two  sisters 
of  Soublette,  whose  mother  died  at  Port  au  Prince.  Mr. 
Southerland  afterwards  said  to  me,  “ that  he  wondered  at  find- 
ing in  Bolivar  nothing  extraordinary,  nothing  to  be  admired, 
and  nothing  adequate  to  the  idea  he  had  entertained  of  him. 
I do  not  like,”  said  he,  “ his  great  familiarity  with  every  stran- 
ger who  is  introduced  to  him.  He  takes  one  by  the  arm  and 
walks  up  and  down  my  piazza  with  him,  as  if  they  had  been 
acquainted  for  many  years.”  I told  him  that  Bolivar,  in  Port 
au  Prince,  and  unfortunate,  was  altogether  a different  man 
from  the  Supreme  Chief,  on  the  Main  ; where  his  haughty  man- 
ners formed  a complete  contrast  to  those  he  adopted  here. 
Various  other  gentlemen  made  the  same  remarks,  as  Mr. 
Southerland. 

General  Bolivar,  meanwhile,  passed  his  time  in  a quiet  and 
amusing  way,  at  Port  au  Prince.  Admiral  Brion  was  busily 
engaged,  endeavoring  to  persuade  the  chieftains  who  remained 
in  Venezuela,  to  consent  to  his  recal.  Brion  was  the  most  sin- 
cere friend  Bolivar  ever  had.  He  had  expended  his  large  for- 
tune and  employed  all  his  credit,  in  fitting  out  the  expedition 
from  Aux  Cayes,  and  he  placed  entire  confidence  in  general 
Bolivar’s  skill  and  courage.  He  was  grievously  disappointed  ; 
but,  as  he  often  told  me,  “ he  knew  no  other  chieftain  among 
the  natives  who  possessed  a greater  reputation,  or  more  authori- 


* See  chapter  VIII. 

24 


18G 


MEMOIRS  OE  BOLIVAR. 


ty,  (whether  deserved  or  not,)  than  general  Bolivar.  He  was 
the  only  military  character  who  was  able  to  exercise  authority, 
sufficient  to  unite  them  all.”  When  I spoke  privately  to  Brion 
of  the  strange,  even  cowardly  conduct  of  Bolivar,  of  his  weak- 
ness, and  his  incapacity  for  command ; he  asked  me,  often, 
“ to  whom  else  would  you  confide  the  command?”  We  ex- 
amined once  the  native  chiefs,  one  by  one,  and,  I confess,  could 
find  none,  who,  on  the  whole,  we  thought  preferable  to  him. 

Under  this  conviction,  admiral  Brion  was  active  and  ardent 
in  favor  of  Bolivar,  and  after  making  great  exertions  for  some 
months,  he  succeeded  in  uniting  a majority  of  the  chieftains, 
viz.  Arismendy,  Paez,  Zarasa,  Sedeno,  Bermudes,  Roxas, 
Monegas,  and  others,  who  consented  to  recal  general  Bolivar 
as  their  commander-in-chief,  upon  two  express  conditions. 
1st.  That  he  should  assemble  a congress.  2d.  Thathe  should 
direct  the  military  operations  only ; and  should  not  meddle  with 
the  administration  of  the  Republic.  He  consented  to  comply 
exactly  with  their  wishes,  and  prepared  to  sail  in  the  Diana, 
captain  Devouille,  for  Barcelona,  the  place  appointed  to  re- 
ceive him. 

Before  general  Bolivar  departed,  he  communicated  to  presi- 
dent Petion,  the  despatches  and  his  recal,  and  received  from 
him  new  supplies  of  warlike  stores. 

Bolivar  sailed  the  25th  December  1816,  from  the  Haytian 
port,  Jaquemel,  on  hoard  the  privateer  Diana,  accompanied 
by  three  of  his  aid-de-camps,  Perez,  Chamberlain  and  Pala- 
cios, his  nephew  ; two  brothers  Pineres,  and  some  others  pri- 
vate families,  who  wished  to  return  to  their  country.  He  ar- 
rived the  31st  of  the  same  month  at  Barcelona,  where  the  arms, 
munitions  of  war,  and  provisions  given  him  by  Petion,  were 
immediately  debarked  ; and  of  which  the  patriots  were  in  great 
want. 

General  Bolivar  published  a proclamation,  in  which  he  again 
took  the  former  titles  : “ Commander-in-chief,  Captain-general 
of  the  armies  of  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,  Supreme  Chief 
of  the  republic,”  &c.  &c.  He  confirmed  his  former  procla- 
mations respecting  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  and  offering  it  to 
those  who  would  serve  in  the  army.  He  called  a new  con- 
gress, and  ordered  the  deputies  to  assemble  at  his  head  quar- 
ters Barcelona.  He  proclaimed  a provisional  government,  of 
which  he  took  the  presidency,  under  the  title  of  “ Supreme 
Chief  of  the  Republic  of  Venezuela,”  &ic. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


1S7 


General  Arismendy  came,  the  2d  January  1S17,  with  300 
men,  to  join  general  Bolivar.  This  is  the  same  Arismendy, 
who,  qjter  the  flight  of  the  two  dictators,  Bolivar  and  Marino, 
from  Cumana,  in  1814,  had  treated  them  as  I have  related. 
He  said,  moreover,  publicly,  in  Margarita,  on  hearing  of  gen- 
eral Bolivar’s  flight  from  Ooumare,  “ that  general  Bolivar’s 
cowardice  was  shown  too  often,  and  that  he  ought  to  be  tried 
for  it  by  a court  martial,  and  condemned  to  be  shot.”  Brion 
not  being  on  the  best  terms  with  the  governor  of  Margarita, 
employed  Villaret,  the  major-general  of  the  navy,  in  whom 
Arismendy  had  great  confidence,  and  who  succeeded,  at  last, 
in  gaining  his  assent  to  Bolivar’s  recal ; who,  though  he  knew 
Arismendy’s  character,  and  what  he  had  said  against  himself, 
was  so  delighted  at  gaining  him,  that  he  executed  all  his  great 
powTer  of  pleasing,  and  subjected  Arismendy  to  his  wishes,  in- 
somuch that  the  supreme  chief,  on  the  4th  January,  proclaim- 
ed martial  law,  and  again  united  the  three  powers  in  himself. 

Bolivar  was  not  beloved  in  Barcelona.  He,  however,  con- 
tinued to  prevail  on  the  inhabitants  to  take  arms,  and  joining  to 
them,  as  many  slaves  as  he  could  collect,  marched  on  the  5th 
against  the  posts  of  observation  of  the  Spaniards,  which  they 
had  established  in  the  neighborhood  of  Clarius.  On  the  9th, 
at  the  head  of  about  900  armed  men,  with  a field  piece,  he 
attacked  the  Spaniards,  under  colonel  Ximenes,  about  500  men 
strong,  half  of  whom  were  placed  in  ambush.  General  Aris- 
mendy, who  is  brave,  active  and  skilful,  commanded  in  the 
action,  whilst  general  Bolivar  was  behind.  He  sustained  the 
combat  for  four  hours,  but  being  attacked  on  his  rear  and 
flanks,  he  was  compelled  to  retire  with  the  loss  of  his  field  piece, 
baggage,  arms,  &c.  As  soon  as  general  Bolivar  discovered 
that  his  troops  had  fallen  into  an  ambush,  from  which  he  was 
at  a considerable  distance,  instead  of  rallying  them  and  disen- 
gaging Arismendy,  he  turned  his  horse,  and  escaped  with  some 
ol  his  officers  to  Barcelona,  where  he  was  in  safety.  A French 
captain,  a clored  man,  Zenon  Bouille,  who  fought  bravely  at 
the  head  of  his  company,  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner. 
Alter  having  surrendered,  he  was  shot.  The  papers  and  plans 
ol  operations  of  the  patriot  chieftains,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards. 

M hen  this  victory  over  Bolivar’s  troops  was  known  in  Cara- 
cas, the  Spanish  inhabitants  collected  one  thousand  dollars  in 
money,  which  they  sent  to  be  distributed  among  the  non-com- 
missioned officers  and  privates  of  colonel  Ximenes’  troops. 


188 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Government  promoted  each  officer,  one  grade.  The  patriots 
have  not,  in  any  instance,  employed  such  means  for  the  en- 
couragement of  their  troops. 

The  routed  troops  of  the  patriots  retired  to  Texas,  and  were 
pursued  hy  order  of  Col.  Ximenes.  A considerable  part  of 
the  300  soldiers  from  Margarita,  and  strangers  were  taken  pris- 
oners. The  former  were  pardoned  on  condition  of  entering 
into  the  Spanish  service.  All  the  rest  were  shot.  By  this  ac- 
tion Ximenes  opened  a communication  with  Morales. 

The  latter  having  collected  more  forces,  attacked  general 
Zarasa,  and  routed  him  and  some  smaller  patriot  corps;  so  that 
by  the  last  of  January,  the  whole  province  of  Barcelona  except 
the  capita],  came  again  into  possession  of  the  Spaniards. 

San  Yago  Marino,  who  acted  separately  from  Bolivar,  in  his 
native  province  Cumana,  beseiged  this  capital,  where  general 
Pardo,  who  commanded  there,  attacked  him.  He  was  repul- 
sed, and  forced  to  retire  to  his  entrenched  camp  in  the  savan- 
nas of  del  Cantaro  ; whence  he  advanced  against  Cumana. 

General  Bolivar  immediately  gave  orders  to  fortify  at  Barce- 
lona, a large  building  which  stands  isolated,  and  formerly  serv- 
ed as  an  hospital.  It  is  called  the  Charity.  Various  privateers 
arrived  there, bringing  him  officers,  men,  arms,  ammunition  and 
provisions,  sent  by  the  persevering  activity  of  admiral  Brion. 
Six  heavy  guns  were  transported  from  the  vessel,  and  put  in 
battery  in  this  house,  where  he  collected  some  of  the  routed 
troops  and  recruits ; so  that  he  was  again  at  the  head  of  a thou- 
sand men,  among  whom  were  about  450  strangers,  taken  from 
the  crews  of  the  privateers. 

When  general  Pasqual  Real,  commander  in  chief  of  the 
Spanish  army,  called  the  Eastern  army,  heard  that  general  Bol- 
ivar had  taken  shelter  in  the  Charity,  he  united  the  forces  of 
colonels  Bausa,  Ximenes  and  general  Francisco  Thomas  Mo- 
rales, in  order  to  attack  the  city  of  Barcelona,  which  Bolivar 
endeavoured  to  defend.  But  he  was  compelled  to  retire  into 
the  Charity,  and  from  that  day  (10th  February)  the  city  of 
Barcelona  was  closely  besieged,  and  by  the  strange  negligence 
of  the  Spanish  commander,  the  road  to  Cumana  remained  un- 
guarded. 

Urged  by  Bolivar,  Marino  came  at  last,  through  this  unguard- 
ed road,  surprised  Real,  and  forced  him  to  retire.  He  enter- 
ed the  city  of  Barcelona  the  lltli  February.  The  14th,  a 
part  of  the  patriotic  army  directed  its  march  towards  San  Ber- 
nardino, where  they  attacked  a part  of  general  Real’s  troops 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


1S9 


entrenched  in  a convent.  But  they  were  repulsed,  and,  the 
next  day  retired  to  Barcelona. 

The  Spaniards  attempted  to  force  the  entry  of  the  port  of 
Barcelona,  by  sea.  They  advanced  with  their  squadron  of  17 
armed  vessels,  brigs,  schooners,  gunboats,  &c  and  attacked 
(the  18th  February)  the  privateer  schooners  and  the  four  gun- 
boats posted  to  defend  this  entry.  After  a sharp  action,  the 
Spanish  squadron  was  forced  to  retire.  On  the  19th  they  again 
returned,  and  were  again  repulsed,  with  great  loss.  The  cap- 
tains and  crews  of  the  three  privateers  were  French  and  North 
Americans  in  the  service  of  the  Republic. 

General  Real  united  his  scattered  troops,  and  being  reinforc- 
ed, marched  again  towards  Barcelona;  and  reached  Tuacal  about 
two  miles  from  the  city,  where  he  entrenched  himself. 

On  the  22d,  the  privateer  Diana,  captain  T.  Devouille,  with 
5 guns,  sailed  from  the  port  of  Barcelona,  and  attacked  a Span- 
ish royal  schooner  armed  with  seven  guns,  and  posted  near  the 
port,  to  observe  what  was  going  on  in  the  patriotic  squadron. 
Devouille  burnt  the  schooner  in  view  of  the  whole  Spanish 
squadron  ; not  a vessel  of  which  ventured  to  her  support.  The 
Diana  lost  nothing  but  half  a sail,  which  was  burnt ; and  she 
pursued  her  course,  unmolested,  to  the  island  of  Margarita. 

On  the  night  of  the  28th  the  Spaniards  left  their  entrenched 
camp  without  having  made  an  attack  upon  Barcelona,  and  re- 
tired towards  Caracas. 

The  4th  March,  the  republican  gun  boats,  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  post  captain,  Antonio  Dias,  with  300  infantry  on 
board,  attacked  a Spanish  battery  placed  upon  a hill  called  the 
Moro,  near  Barcelona.  The  patriots  were  greatly  annoyed  by 
this  battery ; and  the  approach  to  it  was  dangerous,  it  being  de- 
fended by  18  Spanish  armed  vessels.  At  day  break,  the  fire 
of  two  of  the  gun  boats  commenced  against  the  battery,  whilst 
four  others  coming  out  of  the  river,  attacked  the  Spaniards  with 
such  promptitude  and  vigor,  that  they  thought  of  nothing  but 
evacuating  the  battery,  and  the  whole  coast.  The  confusion 
of  the  enemy  was  without  example.  The  sloop  of  war  Bay- 
len,  and  the  armed  brigs  and  schooners  cut  their  cables  and  es- 
caped. The  attack  of  the  Indian  colonel,  Aunario,  upon  the 
Spanish  battery  was  conducted  with  great  bravery.  His  troops 
rapidly  mounted  the  hill,  once  a rough  and  broken  road,  close 
by  the  shore,  and  exposed  on  both  flanks  to  the  fire  of  more 
than  a hundred  guns.  Aunario  lost  but  few  of  his  kinsmen. 


190 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


The  land  troops  under  general  Real,  were  dispersed  or  de- 
stroyed. 

General  Morillo,  the  Spanish  commander  in  chief,  had,  in 
March,  fixed  his  head  quarters  at  Maracay.  When  he  heard 
of  these  events,  he  raved  like  a madman,  and  ordered  general 
Real  to  be  arrested  and  confined  in  the  fort  Del  Colorado,  at 
Laguaira.  Brigadier  general  Morales,  colonels  Uniestieta  and 
Guero,  and  captain  Alexo,  were  also  arrested  and  sent  to  Porto 
Cabello,  as  was  supposed  for  cowardice  in  the  attack  on  Barce- 
lona ; but  such  was  the  capricious  and  tyrannical  character  of 
Morillo,  that  he  deigned  not  to  inform  these  officers  for  what  of- 
fence, nor  for  what  length  of  time  they  were  to  be  punished. 

Bolivar  and  Marino,  elated  with  these  unexpected  successes, 
lost  their  time  in  festivals,  and  indolence.  They  took  no  seri- 
ous measures  to  unite  their  forces  and  march  against  Cumana, 
to  clear  the  coast  and  the  neighbouring  valleys,  and  to  drive  the 
Spaniards  from  the  provinces  of  Barcelona  and  Cumana.  Bol- 
ivar, jealous  of  Marino’s  inlluence  over  the  inhabitants,  declin- 
ed assisting  him  to  besiege  Cumana,  and  insisted  on  directing 
his  operations  against  Caracas  where  the  other  had  no  influ- 
ence. Marino  was  in  favor  of  besieging  Cumana.  And  so 
it  happened  that  disunion  now  again  broke  out  between  them, 
as  it  had  done  in  1813.  Marino  regarding  himself  independent 
of  Bolivar,  at  last  gave  orders  to  his  troops  to  evacuate  Barce- 
lona. But  hearing  that  the  Spaniards  were  in  march  under 
colonel  Aldama  to  attack  the  place,  he  encamped  not  far  from 
this  city  opposite  to  general  Bolivar’s  entrenched  house. 

Marino,  a second  time,  left  his  commander  in  chief;  who 
was  weak  enough  to  suffer  it.  Bolivar  sent  various  officers  to 
pursuade  him  to  return  ; representing  to  him  the  danger  to 
which  both  were  exposed  by  acting  separately.  He  always 
answered  equivocally.  And  Bolivar  looked  for  their  reunion 
in  vain. 

Bolivar  was  greatly  discouraged,  feeling  himself  unable,  with 
about  1100  men,  to  resist  the  force  that  was  advancing  towards 
Barcelona.  After  the  arrest  of  general  Real,  Morillo  appoint- 
ed colonel  Juan  de  Aldama  commander  of  the  first  division  of 
the  eastern  army,  destined  to  act  against  Barcelona.  This  col- 
umn marched  on  the  2d  of  April  from  the  environs  of  Picutu  ; 
and  on  the  5th,  took  possession  of  the  town,  whilst  the  patriots 
retired  towards  the  entrenched  Charity  house.  As  soon  as  gen- 
eral Bolivar  saw  the  enemy  approaching,  he  clandestinely  left 
his  post  in  the  night  of  the  5th  and  6th  of  April,  with  a few  of- 


MEMOIRS  OF  EOLIVAR. 


19) 


ficers  and  a good  guide,  all  well  mounted.  He  told  colonel 
Pedro  Maria  Freites,  that  lie  was  going  in  search  of  more  troops, 
and  would  soon  return  with  a strong  body  of  armed  men.  He 
confided  to  this  colonel  the  command  of  the  post,  during  his  ab- 
sence. He  departed  as  secretly  as  he  could,  and  directed  his 
course  to  the  plains  of  Cumana,  where  he  was  again  in  safety. 

On  the  6th,  the  Spanish  commander  summoned  colonel 
Freites  to  surrender ; and  offered  him  honorable  conditions, 
which  he  refused,  under  the  expectation  of  being  soon  relieved 
by  general  Bolivar.  He  sent  the  messenger  back  with  a neg- 
ative and  spirited  answer,  to  the  Spanish  camp.  On  the  7th, 
the  Spaniards  assaulted  the  Charity  house ; and  the  garrison, 
after  a brave  defence,  were  obliged  to  surrender.  Colonel 
Freites,  who  was  wounded  in  the  action,  and  the  intendant, 
Francisco  Esteban  Ribas,  were  put  in  irons  ; all  the  rest,  among 
whom  were  many  foreigners,  were  butchered.  The  two  pris- 
oners, after  receiving  the  usual  barbarous  treatment  from  the 
Spaniards,  were  transported  in  irons  to  Caracas,  where  they 
were  shot. 

Bolivar,  here  in  Barcelona,  renewed  the  scenes  of  1812  wdien 
he  escaped  from  Porto  Cabello.  A commander  of  ordinary 
skill  and  talent  would  not  have  left  1100  men  in  a place  unfit 
to  shelter  them  against  a serious  attack  : nor  would  he  have  left 
them  with  only  four  days  provisions.  Nor  would  a man  of  in- 
tegrity, have  left  his  people  under  the  pretext  of  obtaining  aid, 
which  he  knew  to  be  out  of  his  power.  Yet  were  all  these 
things  done  by  the  supreme  chief  in  April,  1817,  at  Barcelona. 

Marino  had  broken  up  his  camp  and  retired,  leaving  Bolivar 
and  his  countrymen  to  their  fate.  Any  other  commander  would 
have  joined  and  marched,  united  with  them,  against  the  com- 
mon enemy.  Both  Marino  and  Bolivar  behaved  here  as  they 
had  done  in  Cumana.  Each  of  them  being  jealous,  and  ambi- 
tious of  command,  they  both  sought  their  owm  security  in  flight 
and  basely  deserted  the  interests  of  their  country. 

General  Bolivar,  by  his  flight,  abandoned  one  of  his  aid-de- 
camps, who  was  initiated  in  many  secret  negoc.iations  of  his 
master.  I mean  lieutenant  colonel  Charles  Chamberlain,  a 
native  of  the  island  of  Jamaica,  who  had  been  attached  to  him 
for  several  years.  On  this  subject  I will  copy  a page  from 
colonel  Hippisley’s  narrative,  p.  466.  “At  the  taking  of  Bar- 
celona, captain  Chamberlain  was  with  him  (Bolivar)  in  the 
rank  of  lieutenant  colonel,  with  a regiment.  When  the  general- 
in-chief  lied  from  the  [dace,  he  directed  his  friend  to  continue 


192 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


in  the  command,  with  an  assurance  that  if  he  held  out  for  three 
days,  he  would  order  a strong  reinforcement  up  to  his  relief. 
Chamberlain  with  difficulty  retained  it  for  the  period.  No  re- 
inforcement arrived ; and  knowing  the  cruelties  which  the  roy- 
alists would  inflict  on  him,  he  retired  to  his  quarters,  and  the 
firing  of  a pistol  wras  to  be  the  signal  for  opening  the  barriers. 
The  pistol  was  fired,  and  a second ; the  barrier  was  opened  ; 
the  enemy  rushed  in,  and  running  to  his  residence,  found  that 
the  same  shots,  the  sound  of  which  gave  the  token  for  opening 
the  gates,  had  also  given  the  signal  of  death  to  the  ill-fated 
Chamberlain  and  the  girl  of  his  heart,  whom,  to  save  from 
miseries  of  the  worst  extreme,  from  violation  and  public  expo- 
sure, he  had  first  shot,  before  he  placed  the  second  pistol  to  his 
own  head.  Deprived  of  the  satisfaction  of  putting  a period  to 
the  existence  of  the  Englishman  and  his  wife  (for  a piiest  had 
previously  united  them)  the  royalist  commander  glutted  his  dis- 
appointment and  revenge,  by  severing  the  bodies  into  quarters, 
and  publicly  exposing  them  on  the  walls  of  the  fort.” 

Without  noticing  the  variance  of  my  own  relation  from  that 
of  colonel  Hippisley,  as  to  the  taking  of  the  Charity  house,  I 
will  only  observe,  that  they  coincide  respecting  the  clandestine 
flight  of  Bolivar  from  Barcelona,  the  promise  of  a reinforce- 
ment at  his  departure,  and  the  destruction  of  more  than  one 
thousand  men  ! 

As  soon  as  the  inhabitants  of  New  Grenada  heard  of  the  ad- 
vantages gained  by  the  patriots  over  the  Spaniards,  they  began 
to  revolt  against  their  oppressors.  In  the  provinces  of  Antro- 
chia  and  Choco,  various  guerillas  were  formed,  who  did  great 
damage  to  the  Spaniards  and  gained  advantages.  The  prov- 
inces of  Quito  and  Papayan,  openly  revolted,  took  arms,  and 
drove  the  Spaniards  out  of  their  territory.  The  patriot  gueril- 
las were  so  strong  and  so  numerous,  that  they  cut  off  the  com- 
munication between  Bogota,  Carthagena,  and  Santa  Martha. 
The  commerce  of  these  places  was  nearly  destroyed. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


193 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Conquest  of  the  Provinces  of  Guayana  by  General  Piar  and 
Admiral  Brion — Trial  and  execution  of  General  Piar — 
Bolivar  and  JMarino — Anecdotes.  1817. 

When  general  Piar  heard,  in  December  1S16,  that  the  pro- 
vince of  Guayana  was  confided  to  colonel  Miguel  de  La  Torre  ; 
he  resolved  to  march  against  him,  and  take  this  beautiful  pro- 
vince by  force  of  arms.  He  had  heard  from  several  officers, 
and  had  himself  witnessed  so  great  a want  of  firmness  and  cour- 
age in  Torre,  that  he  was  satisfied  his  attack  would  not  long  be 
resisted.  This,  together  with  a plan  proposed  to  general  Boli- 
var when  at  Aux  Cayes,  confirmed  his  opinion  that  the  enter- 
prise would  be  brilliant,  and  useful  to  the  republic. 

The  following  is  the  plan  which  was  proposed  at  Aux  Cayes. 
General  Bolivar  received  a long  letter  from  colonel  Bidot  who 
was  in  the  service  of  the  republic  in  the  neighboring  plains ; 
stating  and  explaining  a plan  for  concpiering  Venezuela,  by 
commencing  with  Guayana,  because  that  province  was  rich,  af- 
fording great  resources,  not  having  suffered  by  the  war ; and 
containing  numbers  of  inhabitants  who  were  secretly  opposed  to 
the  Spaniards ; and  would  declare  for  independence,  as  soon 
as  general  Bolivar  should  present  himself  with  a thousand  men. 
He  added,  that  the  security  of  Morillo  the  Spanish  general-in- 
chief was  so  great,  in  regard  to  this  country,  that  he  had  left  a 
small  number  of  troops  to  defend  it,  and  that  he  was  confident 
Bolivar  would  succeed,  &c.  This  letter  was  immediately  com- 
municated to  a number  of  us,  and  we  were  all  in  favor  of  colonel 
Bidot’s  proposal.  Piar,  with  whom  I spoke,  was  one  of  the 
warmest  approvers  of  the  plan.  It  must  have  produced  the 
happiest  effects  upon  our  expedition.  Bolivar,  however,  was 
decidedly  in  favor  of  first  re-conquering  his  native  country, 
Caracas ; and  then,  said  he,  “ will  we  march  against  Guaya- 
na.” This  childish  predilection  for  Caracas,  was  extremely 
injurious  to  the  cause  of  independence  in  Venezuela  ; Guaya- 
na was  deprived  of  Spanish  troops,  and  contained  many  who 
25 


194 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


were  our  friends,  and  were  waiting  to  join  us;  it  had  also  sup- 
plies for  us,  of  every  kind.  A sudden  attack  upon  it,  could 
scarcely  have  failed  of  succeeding.  I proposed  to  general  Bo- 
livar to  establish  in  St.  Thomas  de  La  Angostura,  its  fortified 
capital,  a depot  for  recruits,  because  the  superior  numbers  of 
the  horses,  afforded  a fine  resource  for  the  formation  of  a good 
cavalry  ; and  its  navigable  rivers,  an  easy  communication  abroad; 
with  the  interior  particularly.  He  preferred  going  to  Carupa- 
pano,  a village  destitute  of  resources.  If  Bolivar  could  have  got 
rid  of  his  injudicious  predilection  for  Caracas,  an  open  and  ex- 
hausted city,  and  have  consented  to  conquer  Cumana,  as  Mari- 
no had  proposed,  he  would  not  have  lost  this  general  and  his 
troops,  which,  in  Barcelona,  in  1S17,  amounted  to  1500  men. 
Nor  would  he  have  lost  this  place,  nor  (by  far  the  greatest  loss) 
1100  brave  men.  All  these  losses,  certainly  resulted  from  his 
predilection  for  Caracas.  We  shall  see  what  fatal  consequen- 
ces resulted  from  it  in  1818. 

General  Piar,  remembering  colonel  Bidot’s  letter,  conferred 
with  general  Sedeno,  and  proposed  to  him,  to  unite  their  forces, 
and  march  against  Guayana.  Sedeno,  active,  brave,  and  en- 
terprising, approved  highly  of  Piar’s  plan,  and  joined  him  with 
1000  Llaneros,  who  all  had  perfect  confidence  in  Piar’s  skill 
and  bravery ; having,  for  a long  time,  fought  under  his  orders. 
He  collected  about  1000  infantry;  and  1000  more  cavalry 
under  Sedeno,  and  having  overcome  the  greatest  labors  and 
hardships,  arrived  with  them,  in  this  fine  province  the  10th  of 
March,  1817.  Many  volunteers  joined  him,  and  supplied  his 
wants. 

When  general  Miguel  de  La  Torre,  the  governor  of  the  pro- 
vince, heard  of  this  sudden  irruption,  he  sallied  from  the  fortified 
city  of  St.  Thomas  de  La  Angostura,  at  the  head  of  2000  cav- 
alry and  infantry,  and  advanced  ninety  miles  to  San  Felix. 
Here  he  found  Piar  and  Sedeno,  in  order  of  battle,  ready  to 
receive  him.  La  Torre  had  left  St.  Thomas  unprovided  with 
any  means  of  defence  or  supply,  and,  subaltern-like,  had  taken 
2000  chosen  men,  90  miles  from  their  garrison,  and  exposed 
himself  to  be  cut  off.  La  Torre,  who  was  in  no  respect  to  be 
compared  with  the  mulatto  general,  as  he  had  called  Piar,  owed 
his  promotion  entirely  to  his  flattery  and  adulation  of  his  mas- 
ter and  benefactor,  general  Don  Pablo  Morillo.  This  will  not 
be  doubted  when  it  is  known  that  after  La  Torre  had  lost 
Guayana,  as  is  said,  by  his  cowardice  and  his  wrong  measures, 
he  was  promoted,  by  Morillo,  to  the  rank  of  brigadief  general ; 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


195 


whilst  Real,  Morales  and  others,  were  arrested  and  punished, 
for  not  having  taken  Barcelona.  Such  partiality  surely  proves 
the  existence  of  some  extraordinary  and  secret  cause.  So  it 
was,  that  Morillo  appointed  this  same  de  La  Torre  as  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  command  of  the  army,  and  in  consequence  of  it, 
lost  the  royal  cause  upon  the  Main. 

The  attack  was  commenced  at  San  Felix,  by  lieutenant 
colonel  Zeuetti,  during  which,  as  I have  been  assured  by  some 
who  were  present,  colonel  de  La  Torre,  though  at  a good  dis- 
tance from  the  fire,  trembled  so  much  as  to  excite  the  laugh  of 
some  of  his  own  officers,  at  his  position  on  horseback.  As  the 
action  proceeded,  Zeuetti’s  example  of  activity  and  coinage, 
became  more  and  more  conspicuous.  But  La  Torre,  seeing 
how  bravely  the  battle  was  fought  by  the  miserable  insurgents , 
as  he  was  pleased  to  call  the  patriots,  instead  of  animating  his 
soldiers  by  advancing  to  the  charge,  turned  his  horse  in  a con- 
trary direction  to  that  from  whence  the  balls  were  flying,  and 
galloped  off  with  some  officers,  and  about  40  men.  They 
directed  their  course  for  the  fortress  of  La  Angostura ; and  were 
among  the  first  who  brought  news  of  their  defeat  to  the  garrison. 
When  La  Torre’s  conduct  became  known  to  his  officers  they 
despised  him  ; and  attributed  the  loss  of  the  battle  to  his  cow- 
ardice. But  knowing  Morillo’s  partiality  for  him,  they  did  not 
dare  to  speak  out  against  him. 

In  spite  of  La  Torre’s  decamping,  Zeuetti  and  his  troops 
fought  bravely,  during  more  than  two  hours  ; when  at  last,  some 
soldiers  learned  the  flight  of  their  governor.  This  news  was 
soon  communicated  to  others.  Growing  discouraged,  they  de- 
fended themselves  less  bravely,  and  were  nearly  all  killed. 

Of  the  2000  men,  about  100  escaped.  All  the  rest  were 
taken  or  killed  Piar  ordered  all  the  prisoners  to  be  shot ; and 
among  them  the  brave  colonel  Zeuetti.  He  was  commandant 
of  Angostura,  and  was  an  officer  of  the  Spanish  body  guard  ; 
a man  of  talents  and  of  a liberal  mind.  This  is  satisfactorily 
proved  by  his  having  been  an  aid-de-camp  of  Louis  Lasey, 
captain-general  in  Catalonia,  who  was  arrested  by  Ferdinand, 
and  butchered,  on  coming  ashore  near  Palma,  the  capital  of  the 
island  of  Majorca.  Who  knows  not  the  fate  of  Lasey  and  Por- 
tia? Y\  ho  can  trust  a sovereign  capable  of  thus  treating  his 
bravest  soldiers  ? 

The  battle  of  San  Felix  decided  the  fate  of  Angostura  and 
the  province  of  Guayana.  The  road  was  now  open  for  Piar 
and  Sedeno,  who  approached  the  capital,  at  half  musket  shot 


19G 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


from  its  walls.  The  patriots  entrenched  themselves,  so  as  to 
he  protected  against  the  guns  of  the  fortress,  but,  having  no  ar- 
tillery, they  could  not  bombard  it.  The  ancient  commander 
of  the  place,  Mr.  Fitzgerald,  had  been  arrested,  sent  to  Cara- 
cas, and  tried  for  treason  ; but  was  honorably  accpiitted,  and 
restored  to  the  command  of  the  fortress.  He  was  a skilful  of- 
ficer, but  severe  and  cruel.  He  condemned  many  of  his  sol- 
diers to  be  shot,  upon  slight  suspicion  of  treason,  which  alienat- 
ed from  him  the  greatest  part  of  the  garrison. 

General  Piar  made  various  attempts  to  take  the  place  by 
surprise,  but  was  repulsed  by  the  vigilance  and  bravery  of  Fitz- 
gerald ; so  that  he  was  driven  to  blockade  it.  The  city  of 
Angostura  is  small,  the  streets  dirty,  and  the  houses  of  a com- 
mon size,  neither  handsome  nor  well  constructed.  The  city 
lies  close  by  the  river  Orinoco,  partly  upon  the  flat  adjoining 
the  river,  and  partly  upon  a hill,  which  affords  a fine  prospect 
over  the  beautiful  river  Orinoco  and  its  rich  plains.  From  the 
mouth  of  the  Orinoco  toward  the  interior,  Angostura  is  the  on- 
ly port  for  80  leagues.  It  was  badly  fortified  ; and  contains 
about  500  houses.  General  Piar  blockaded  it  so  closely  that 
nothing  could  pass  either  way.  Colonel  de  La  Torre  having 
left  the  fortress  unprovided,  the  garrison  and  inhabitants  were 
compelled  to  live  upon  horses,  mules,  &c.  The  governor, 
Fitzgerald  himself,  paid  three  dollars  for  a cat.  During  the 
siege  of  Carthagena  by  Morillo,  in  1815,  a cat  was  sold  for 
eight  dollars,  and  a dog,  from  sixteen  to  twenty  dollars  ! Very 
many  inhabitants  and  soldiers  died  for  want  of  food,  and  more 
than  1500  women  and  children  embarked,  to  avoid  certain 
death.  But  no  man  was  allowed  to  absent  himself.  Notwith- 
standing this  misery,  Fitzgerald  maintained  his  post,  while  the 
governor  of  the  province,  who  should  have  been  the  last  man 
to  depart,  deserted  his  post,  and  took  shelter  in  the  island  of 
Grenada.  I am  assured,  that  on  all  occasions  where  danger 
awaited  him,  he  betrayed  his  cowardice  ; insomuch,,  that  when 
any  one  in  danger  appeared  uncommonly  disturbed,  the  Span- 
ish officers  would  say,  “ He  has  a paroxysm  of  Miguel  de  La 
Torre’s  fever.” 

Admiral  Brion  arrived  from  Margarita  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Orinoco,  with  his  squadron,  and  contributed  powerfully  to 
the  conquest  of  Guayana,  by  forcing  the  passage  of  the  river, 
which  was  defended  by  a numerous  flotilla  of  Spanish  armed 
vessels.  Captain  Devouille,  the  same  who  distinguished  him- 
self before  Barcelona,  with  seven  gun  boats,  forced  the  pas- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


197 


sage,  and  destroyed  about  20  Spanish  vessels  of  every  descrip- 
tion ; and  took  many  others. 

As  soon  as  governor  Fitzgerald  received  the  news  of  the  to- 
tal destruction  of  his  squadron,  he  saw  that  all  hope  of  defend- 
ing the  city  any  longer,  must  be  given  up.  Considering  the 
sanguinary  character  of  Piar,  he  did  not  dare  to  trust  to  capitula- 
tion. He  divided  the  small  remains  of  his  garrison  among  differ- 
ent boats  and  departed  with  them  in  the  night.  He  arrived, 
without  any  loss,  at  the  island  of  Grenada. 

The  18th  of  July,  1817,  general  Piar  entered  the  city  of 
Angostura.  He  found  many  dead,  and  many  sick,  for  want  of 
food.  Even  his  troops  were  struck  with  horror  at  the  sight  of 
such  misery. 

The  city  of  old  Guayana  was  evacuated  the  30th  of  August, 
and  the  whole  province  united  to  Venezuela.  In  both  pities,  the 
Spaniards  left  large  stores  of  merchandise  and  of  war,  and  more 
than  a thousand  prisoners,  among  whom  were  the  bishop,  the 
clergy,  many  officers  and  other  persons  of  rank  and  distinction, 
who  were  respected  and  well  treated. 

This  brilliant  and  eventful  conquest  was  effected  without  the 
knowledge  or  the  order  of  general  Bolivar.  It  was  owing  en- 
tirely to  the  courage  and  exertions  of  two  foreigners,  Brion  and 
Piar.  It  resulted  in  vast  advantages  to  the  republic.  And 
what  was  their  recompense?  The  former  died  poor  and  brok- 
en-hearted in  Curiaco  ; the  latter  was  shot  by  order  of  the  su- 
preme chief.  . 

This  latter  had  lost  much  of  his  influence  by  his  desertion 
from  the  battle  field  at  Ocumare.  And  it  had  cost  all  the  great 
exertions  of  admiral  Brion  to  effect  his  recal  to  the  Main. 
General  Piar  was  strongly  opposed  to  his  recal,  and  spoke  pub- 
licly against  him,  when  Bolivar  resumed  his  former  title  of  su- 
preme chief,  and  proclaimed  martial  law.  After  his  flight  from 
Barcelona,  he  was  so  retired  in  the  plains,  that  nobody  could 
know  with  certainty  what  had  become  of  him.  The  greatest 
number  of  the  patriot  chieftains  were  averse  to  Bolivar’s  assum- 
ing the  supreme  power,  and  neglecting  the  calling  of  a Con- 
gress. His  warmest  friends,  Francisco  Antonio  Zea,  the  for- 
mer members  of  Congress,  and  Jose  Brion  among  others,  had 
constantly,  but  in  vain,  admonished  him  to  keep  his  word. 
They  thought  his  absence,  therefore,  a convenient  time  to  con- 
vene a Congress,  and  that  the  measure  would  be  best  for  the 
republic.  Brion  spoke  to  Zea,  and  he  to  Marino  and  Aris- 
mendy,  and  they  thought  the  moment  propitious.  Marino,  hav- 


193 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


ing,  at  that  time,  (May  1817)  established  his  head  quarters  at 
Curiaco,  the  8th  of  May  was  fixed  on,  to  assemble  in  the  cathe- 
dral church,  a junta,  composed  of  the  most  respectable  inhabi- 
tants of  Venezuela,  which  followed  the  troops,  among  whom 
were  many  members  of  the  first  Congress  of  Caracas.  This 
assembly  was  numerously  attended.  Admiral  Louis  Brion,  the 
intendant  Zea,  Jose  Cortes  Madaniaga,  better  known  under  the 
name  of  the  Canonicus  of  Chili,  addressed  the  assembly,  show- 
ing the  necessity  and  urgency  of  establishing  a Congress.  The 
addresses  made  to  the  assembly,  were  received  with  unanimous 
approbation.  Congress  was  re-established,  and  the  citizens 
Francisco  Xavier  Maiz,  Fronc,  Alcala,  Diego  Valenilla,  Diego 
Alcala,  Manuel  G.  Zaba,  Fronc  de  Paula  Novas,  D.  B.  Ur- 
banija,  and  Man.  Mancyco,  were  proclaimed  members  of  this 
congress.  This  election  was  provisional,  in  order  to  give  time 
to  convoke  all  the  members  of  the  first  congress.  This  body 
was  to  be  legally  constituted  by  the  regular  elections  of  the 
people. 

The  executive  was  entrusted  to  Simon  Bolivar,  Francisco 
del  Toro  and  Franc.  Xavier  Maiz.  The  name  of  the  first  was 
kept  for  fear  he  might  appear  and  disapprove  the  proceedings 
entirely.  (Some  doubted  the  existence  of  the  supreme  chief.) 
But  the  rapid  changes  of  the  war,  and  the  impossibility  of  find- 
ing a safe  place  of  meeting,  prevented  their  assembling,  and 
after  some  months  fruitless  endeavors  to  that  effect,  congress 
was  obliged  to  dissolve  and  leave  the  three  powers  in  the  hands 
of  general  Bolivar. 

The  idea  of  convoking  this  congress,  is  generally  attributed 
to  Brion  and  Zea,  who,  though  much  attached  to  Bolivar,  saw 
with  great  pain  the  powers  united  in  a man  so  incapable  of 
exercising  power  judiciously,  and  who  so  often  abused  it. 

Hidden  as  he  was  in  the  plains  of  Cumana,  Bolivar  could 
know  nothing  of  these  proceedings  toward  having  a congress. 
As  soon,  however,  as  he  learned  what  was  done,  he  fell  into  a 
violent  passion,  and  not  only  annulled  the  proceedings,  but  per- 
secuted the  members  appointed,  especially  the  Canonicus  of 
Chili,  against  whom  his  hatred  seemed  more  particularly  di- 
rected. Brion  and  Zea,  who  best  knew  his  vindictive  char- 
acter, hastened  to  appease  him,  by  a prompt  submission,  and 
by  assuring  him  of  their  belief  that  he  had  been  killed,  and  of 
the  necessity  of  complying  with  the  general  wish  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, and  the  old  members  of  congress,  to  establish  a govern- 
ment. Bolivar  appeared  satisfied,  but  from  that  time  he  treat- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


199 


ed  them  both  with  less  confidence,  and  Brion,  afterwards,  at 
Savanilla,  with  harshness,  as  I will  relate  in  the  proper  place. 
He  could  not  endui'e  Marino,  who  was  implicated  in  the  trial 
of  general  Piar,  and  would  certainly  have  suffered,  had  he  not 
saved  himself  by  a timely  flight. 

General  Paez,  in  two  brilliant  actions,  with  two  thousand 
Llaneros,  routed  the  Spaniards  once  at  Guayabal,  where  gen- 
eral Calzada  had  united  3000  men,  and  the  second  time  at 
Calabozo,  where  Morillo  himself  commanded,  and  having  lost 
nearly  all  his  forces,  retreated  precipitately  towards  Valencia, 
where  he  arrived  with  about  300  men,  the  remains  of  2500. 
These  two  victories  of  general  Paez,  in  which  he  destroyed, 
wounded,  took  and  dispersed,  about  6000  of  Morillo’s  best 
troops,  made  him  the  terror  of  the  Spaniards.  They  were 
discouraged,  and  treated  for  the  evacuation  of  Caracas  and  La- 
guira,  that  they  might  retire  into  the  strong  place  of  Porto  Ca- 
bello.  But  Morillo,  very  unexpectedly,  received  news  of  the 
arrival  of  thirty  transports,  bringing  him  3000  men,  and  a large 
quantity  of  arms,  ammunition,  &c.  He  came,  himself,  in  the 
beginning  of  June,  to  Cumana,  where  they  had  arrived,  and 
after  some  days  rest,  united  them  with  the  rest  of  his  troops, 
and  marched  against  Marino,  who  had  not  moved  from  Curiaco. 
He  attacked  and  routed  him,  and  taking  possession  of  Cumana- 
coa  and  Carupano,  left  garrisons  in  all  these  places  and 
returned  to  Cumana. 

Instead  of  preparing  to  march  against  Paez,  Morillo  ordered 
the  embarkation  into  the  transports  of  about  4000  men,  lately 
come  from  Spain,  under  the  escort  of  various  armed  vessels  of 
war,  in  which  he,  and  a great  many  staff  officers  embarked. 
This  new  expedition  was  directed  against  the  island  of  Mar- 
garita ; and  in  passing  the  island  of  Coche,  took  in  the  troops 
assembled  there  under  the  orders  of  colonel  Aldama. 

Morillo  could  never  forget  the  loss  of  3000  men,  on  his  first 
coming  from  Cadiz,  in  1815,  when  he  thought  it  would  be  an 
easy  task  to  subject  this  small  rocky  island  full  of  bushy  hills, 
where  Arismendy  fought  with  bravery  and  skill.  Morales  also 
had  been  beaten  before;  so  that  both  Spanish  chieftains  were 
extremely  bitter  against  these  islanders.  Before  embarking, 
Morillo  was  heard  to  declare,  “ that  now  he  would  exterminate 
them  with  fire  and  sword  !” 

The  inhabitants  of  Margarita  have  done  more  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  Venezuela,  than  those  of  any  other  province. 
They  now  destroyed  an  army  of  4000,  and  after  various  inci- 


200 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


dents,  in  about  a month’s  continual  fighting,  succeeded  in  driving 
them  out  of  the  island. 

The  further  particulars  of  these  three  expeditions,  will  be 
given,  when  I come  to  treat,  in  a separate  article,  of  general 
Arismendy. 

Morillo,  having  lost  nearly  the  whole  of  his  4000  men,  in 
this  bloody  campaign,  of  about  two  months,  after  having  burnt 
and  destroyed  all  the  houses,  farms,  trees  and  cultivation, 
wherever  he  passed  in  his  retreat,  to  Juan  Griego,  where  he 
had  left  his  vessels,  and  having  murdered  every  one  that  came 
in  his  way,  man,  woman  and  child — his  cruelty  and  rage  was 
not  satiated.  He  ordered  all  those  Margaritans,  who  had  fought 
steadily  under  his  banners ; Hot  excepting  those  who,  in  his 
expedition,  in  1815,  had  presented  themselves  under  his  gen- 
eral promise  of  Amnesty,  to  be  put  to  death.  They  were  all 
murdered  by  his  express  order.  Such  are  the  deeds  of  Don 
Pablo  Morillo,  the  Pacificator  of  America,  who  will  be  long  re- 
membered by  the  brave  inhabitants  of  Margarita. 

At  the  end  of  August,  Morillo  arrived  in  the  city  of  Caracas, 
in  such  ill  humor  that,  for  several  days,  he  refused  to  see  any 
one.  The  reflection  that  in  two  months  time,  and  under  such 
critical  circumstances,  he  had  lost  so  many  men,  reduced  him 
to  the  condition  of  a madman.  He  could  discover  nothing  to 
be  done  for  the  support  of  the  royal  cause  upon  the  Alain. 
D uring  his  absence,  Paez  had  beaten  the  Spanish  generals, 
Calzada  and  Correo,  not  far  from  the  city  of  San  Fernando  de 
Apure.  The  want  of  provisions  and  money,  had  produced 
sickness  and  desertion.  The  patriots  invested  the  province  of 
Barinas  and  took  possession  of  its  capital,  and  of  the  city  of 
Guanare,  (August  14th,)  where  they  found  large  stores  of 
English  dry  goods,  and,  to  fill  the  cup  of  sorrow,  came  the 
news  of  the  total  loss  of  the  rich  province  of  Guayana,  which 
had  supplied  him  with  quantities  of  money,  goods,  provisions, 
&c.  It  was  scarcely  any  alleviation,  that  colonel  Ximenes  had 
attacked  and  beaten  general  San  Jago  Marino,  the  27th  of 
August,  and  taken  the  city  of  Guiria  from  him  by  assault,  from 
which  he  fled  headlong.  The  Spaniards  murdered  men,  wo- 
men and  children,  after  having  committed  the  most  shocking 
cruelties. 

In  these  critical  circumstances,  Morillo,  on  the  23d  Septem- 
ber 1817,  published  at  Caracas,  with  great  solemnities,  a gen- 
eral amnesty  for  all  who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  patri- 
otic army.  He  was  stupid  enough  to  believe  that  this  amnesty, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


201 


granted  under  the  express  condition  of  “ returning  under  the 
Spanish  domination,”  would  make  a deep  impression  upon 
the  minds  of  the  Americans.  But  he  ought  to  have  been  dis- 
couraged by  the  consideration  that  the  Venezuelans  had  been 
but  too  well  acquainted  with  the  character  of  the  Spanish  chief- 
tains, and  particularly  with  the  duplicity,  despotism  and  cruelty 
of  Morillo  himself.  No  one  confided  in  his  promises. 

While  he  uras  occupied  with  his  expedition  against  Marga 
rita,  the  patriots  were  busy  in  exploring  the  province  of  Guay- 
ana,  where  they  found  large  supplies  of  every  thing  ; this  pro- 
vince having  never  suffered  by  any  invasion  during  this  civil 
war.  As  soon  as  Bolivar  heard  of  this  conquest,  effected  by 
Piar  and  Brion,  two  foreigners,  his  jealousy  arose  to  a high 
pitch,  but  he  dissembled  it,  and  hastened  to  Angostura,  lie 
received  general  Piar  most  graciously,  who  naturally  of  a cold 
and  dry  character,  received  his  compliments  with  an  air  of  pride 
and  disdain,  which  made  a very  bad  impression  upon  the  vain 
and  haughty  mind  of  the  supreme  chief.  Piar  feeling  his  own 
superiority  in  point  of  military  skill  and  courage,  had  for  sev- 
eral years  shown  an  aversion  to  general  Bolivar.  He  was  ad- 
vanced to  be  major  general,  vdien  Marino  wras  the  colleague 
and  rival  of  Bolivar,  during  his  dictatorship  of  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces of  Venezuela,  in  1813-14. 

Marino,  who  is  of  a lively  and  amiable  character,  but  has 
neither  firmness  or  talents,  found  in  Piar  the  man  he  stood  in 
need  of,  and  soon  advanced  him  to  the  rank  of  major  general, 
and  was  his  devoted  friend  and  second.  Piar  left  himself  un- 
der no  obligations  to  Bolivar,  whom  he  knew  to  be  his  inferior, 
and  at  Angostura,  putting  himself  on  an  equal  footing,  felt  not 
much  flattered  by  the  compliments  paid  him.  He  vras  wrell 
aware  too,  that  they  were  insincere. 

Bolivar  was  busily  employed  at  Angostura,  upon  his  favorite 
plan  of  delivering  the  capital  and  province  of  Caracas.  He 
therefore  formed  a plan  of  a campaign  against  the  Spaniards  in 
that  province.  He  sent  general  Bermudes,  wdth400  men,  who 
departed  the  25th  September,  with  an  order  to  unite  with  the 
division  of  Zarasa,  whom  he  found  at  Chaguaramas. 

Admiral  Brion,  devoted  to  the  supreme  chief,  and  anxious 
that  he  should  forget  the  proceedings  relative  to  a congress, 
was  busily  employed  in  overseeing  the  construction  of  a num- 
ber of  gun  boats,  to  protect  the  river  Orinoco,  and  facilitate 
the  transportation  and  free  intercourse  between  the  inhabitants 


202 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 

of  Angostura  and  foreign  places.  These  gun  boats  were  well 
manned  and  sent  in  perfect  order. 

Bermudes,  alter  having  joined  Zarasa,  who,  with  2000 
horse,  (Llaneros,)  occupied  Caburto  and  the  advanced  posts, 
and  were  extended  as  far  as  El  Ractro,  on  one,  and  St.  Se- 
bastian, on  the  other  side.  Bermudes  marched  towards  Cala- 
bozo  and  San  Carlos,  where  he  united  with  general  Paez. 
General  Monagas  was  ordered  to  take  possession  of  Barcelona. 
The  supreme  chief  collected  a strong  body  of  recruits  in  the 
province  of  Guayana,  with  which  he  intended  to  act  in  con- 
cert with  all  these  forces,  against  Caracas,  an  open  and 
defenceless  city,  instead  of  directing  them  against  Cumana, 
which  the  Spaniards  had  fortified,  and  against  Porto  Cabello  ; 
both  of  these  being  seaports,  and  affording  the  enemy  a strong 
central  place,  whence  he  might  be  supplied,  and  carry  the  war 
from  east  to  west,  throughout  Venezuela.  Whereas  Caracas 
is  neither  a fortress  or  a sea  port.  But  representations  against 
his  favorite  plan,  were  made  in  vain.  He  persisted  in  his  par- 
tiality for  Caracas.  He  was  so  certain  of  soon  being  in  pos- 
session of  it,  that  he  said  publicly,  “ the  colors  of  the  republic 
shall  be  hoisted  very  soon  upon  the  tower  of  the  cathedral  of 
this  capital.”  In  this  conviction,  he  published  the  following 
proclamation,  directed  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  of  Tuy : 

“ Caraguins  ! the  precious  moment  decreed  by  divine  pro- 
vidence, for  the  total  expulsion  of  the  Spanish  government,  from 
the  territory  of  Venezuela,  has  at  last  arrived.  The  arms  of 
the  Republic  have  triumphed  every  where.  We  have  been 
constantly  victorious,  from  the  plains  of  Cssanare  to  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Orinoco.  Twenty  glorious  actions  have  consoli- 
dated the  fate  of  Venezuela.  All  the  famous  chieftains  which 
Spain  has  sent  to  subject  us,  have  been  beaten  by  our  troops, 
except  Morillo,  who  avoids  the  battle  which  we  seek  him  to 
offer.  Five  thousand  men  protect  this  rich  province,  (Guaya- 
na,) five  thousand  others,  under  Gen.  Marino,  are  ready  to 
march  against  Cumana,  and  to  deliver  it ! Thousands  of  brave 
inhabitants  of  Maturin,  commanded  by  Gen.  Roxas,  are  ready 
to  leceive  the  Spaniards,  if  they  should  attack  that  city.  The 
intrepid  Gen.  Monagas  harrasses  them  with  his  brigade  near 
Barcelona.  The  brave  brigade  commanded  by  the  w'orthy 
Gen.  Zarasa,  two  thousand  men  strong,  marched  through  the 
plains  of  Caracas,  to  deliver  its  inhabitants  subdued  by  force. 
The  army  of  Gen.  Paez  which  reminds  us  of  the  defeats  of 
Calzada,  Morillo,  Gonin,  Lopez,  Ramos,  Reyes,  Gongaha,  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


203 


a great  many  more,  is  four  thousand  men  strong.  He  has 
spread  the  sparks  of  liberty  over  a great  part  of  New  Grenada. 
Caraguins  ! having  delivered  Guayana,  I re-cross  the  river 
Orinoco,  and  will  be  soon  in  the  midst  of  your  capital 
with  such  a formidable  army  as  has  never  existed  in  Venezu- 
ela. The  forces  of  Morillo  wrnre  reduced  to  nothing.  The 
miserable  reinforcement  which  Capine  has  brought  him  lately 
from  Spain,  (the  three  thousand  armed  from  Cumana,)  is  not 
sufficient  to  take  the  fort  of  Pampatic,  in  the  immortal  Marga- 
rita.— Caraguins  ! despise  the  power  of  the  Spaniards  ; as 
long  as  we  are  united  we  will  remain  invincible  ! 

Head-quarters  of  Guayana,  July  1st,  1S26. 

(Signed)  SIMON  BOLIVAR. 

Here  is  a new  instance  of  Bolivar’s  deceitful  proclamations  : 
1st.  He  says  that  “ twenty  glorious  actions  have  consolidated 
the  fate  of  Venezuela.”  It  is  notorious  that,  from  the  day  of  his 
re-entering  upon  the  territory  of  Venezuela,  (31st  December 
1816,)  there  had  been  fought  no  other  glorious  action,  but  the 
two  gained  by  general  Paez  over  Aldama  and  Morillo,  by  gen- 
eral Piar  over  De  La  Torre,  and  by  colonel  Gomez,  in  Marga- 
rita, over  Morillo  ; making  in  all,  four.  Perhaps  the  supreme 
chief  includes  those  which  passed  at  Barcelona  under  his  com- 
mand and  alter  his  flight,  or  those  of  Curiaco,  Guiria,  &c.  under 
Morillo’s  command. 

2d.  He  accuses  Morillo  of  avoiding  the  battles  which  he  says 
we  seek,  &c. 

3d.  These  mafty  thousands,  to  come  near  the  truth,  must 
be  reduced,  at  least,  one  third  ; and  the  remainder  forming  his 
powerful  army,  were  badly  clothed  recruits,  collected  in  haste, 
and  without  organization  or  instruction.  The  reader  will  re- 
collect what  I have  said  in  another  place,  (chapter  xiii.)  as  to 
the  instruction  and  formation  of  these  armies. 

4th.  The  army  of  general  Paez,  which  reminds  us  of  the 
defeats  of  Calzada,  Morillo,  Gonin,  Lopez,  Ramos,  Reyes, 
Gongona,  and  many  others.  This  high  sounding  collection  of 
names,  can  deceive  none,  but  those  at  a distance  from  the  seat 
of  war,  and  have  no  other  means  of  information  but  these  pro- 
clamations. The  victories  gained  over  Calzada  and  Morillo 
would  be  truly  described,  by  saying  that  their  antagonist,  in  a 
regular  combat,  gained  the  advantage.  All  the  rest  were 
skirmishes,  with  small  bodies  of  armed  men,  known  under  the 
appellation  ol  Guerillas,  and  among  them,  some  Indian  chiefs, 
as  is  Reyes,  who  came  over  to  the  patriots,  after  having  three 


204 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


or  four  times  changed  his  colors,  between  the  contending  par- 
ties. He  had  some  sixty  or  an  hundred  naked  and  half  armed 
Indians,  that  committed  great  devastation  wherever  they  came. 
The  bands  of  Guerillas  were  a little  better.  Some  might  have 
1 50  or  200  men,  who  fled  ordinarily,  at  the  first  serious  attack. 
Such  was  the  character  of  the  Spanish  chieftains  whose  names 
are  here  so  pompously  enumerated. 

5th.  But  the  following  cunning  phrase  affords  the  best  ex- 
ample of  his  duplicity  : “ Caraguins  ! having  delivered  Guay- 
ana,  I recrossed  the  river  Orinoco.”  By  this  certainly  he 
means  to  be  understood,  that  he,  general  Bolivar,  had  deliver- 
ed Guayana.  When,  in  fact,  he  was  about  a thousand  miles 
distant  from  the  battle  field  at  Guayana,  carefully  hid  in  the 
plains  of  Cumana,  after  his  flight  from  Barcelona. 

In  his  proclamation  he  names  nearly  all  the  chieftains  in 
Venezuela,  and  gives  them,  or  their  corps,  flattering  epithets. 
He  speaks  of  having  delivered  Guayana,  and  says  not  a word 
of  admiral  Brion  or  general  Piar,  the  actual  deliverers.  These 
two  were  foreigners,  and  if  he  had  mentioned  their  names  he 
could  not  have  avoided  the  mention  of  their  glorious  actions, 
and  their  conquest  of  Guayana.  All  the  rest  were  natives.  If 
he  had  not  used  this  mode  of  expression  too,  he  could  not  have 
used  the  grand  phrase,  “ recrossed  the  Orinoco /’ 

This  omission  of  mentioning  the  names  of  Brion  and  Piar, 
in  a proclamation  of  which  far  the  most  important  topic  was 
the  delivery  of  Guayana,  shocked  them  both  ; and  Piar  ex- 
pressed the  bitterness  of  his  feelings  in  a most  sarcastic  man- 
ner. His  expressions  were  reported  to  the  supreme  chief, 
whose  vanity  was  deeply  piqued.  But  he  dissembled  as  usual, 
and  received  Piar  with  the  same  exterior  marks  of  kindness 
and  regard  as  before. 

General  Bolivar  was  now  advised  to  form  a government,  and 
to  show  that  he  sincerely  wished  for  a republican  form,  and  a 
division  of  the  powers.  But  he  had  great  objections  to  calling 
a congress,  pretending  that  there  would  be  great  difficulty  in 
convening  the  members  during  the  war,  and  he  named  in  its 
place  a “ Supreme  Council  of  the  Nation” 

Bolivar  was  charged  exclusively  with  the  executive,  under 
the  name  of  President  Supreme  Chief.  This  council  was  di- 
vided into  two  sections;  in  one,  the  political  section , (sectione 
politice,)  Antonio  Francisco  Zea  presided;  in  the  2d,  the 
military  section,  Louis  Brion  presided.  Bolivar  was  well 
aware  of  the  submission  of  both  presidents  to  his  wishes,  so 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


205 


that  he  again  effectually  united  in  himself  all  the  powers  of  gov-- 
eminent.  Nothing  could  be  done  without  his  sanction.  In  his 
absence,  messengers  were  continually  on  the  road  between  An- 
gostura and  his  head  quarters,  with  papers  to  sign,  relative  to 
one  or  other  department,  that  of  Zea  or  of  Brion.  This  un- 
controlled power  and  influence  of  Bolivar,  was  said  to  be  the 
principal  cause  of  Piar’s  condemnation. 

I must  here  relate  this  too  famous  trial,  which  excited  a great 
sensation  at  the  time.  The  secret  causes  of  which  are  not 
known,  as  they  ought  to  be,  for  they  are  characteristic  traits  in 
the  life  of  the  Liberator  of  Colombia. 

Manuel  Piar  was  born  in  17S2,  at  the  Dutch  island  of  Cura- 
cao. He  was  a man  of  color,  and  his  parents  were  poor,  and 
labored  for  their  subsistence.  They  nevertheless  sent  him  to 
school,  where  he  learned  reading,  writing  and  the  elements  of 
arithmetic  ; and  nothing  more,  tie  was  averse  to  close  appli- 
cation, and  never  would  consent  to  be  a mechanic,  which  was 
too  degrading  for  his  vain  and  proud  temper.  At  the  age  of 
fifteen,  he  passed  over  to  the  Spanish  Main  and  remained  there 
a long  time  before  the  revolution  of  Caracas,  being  in  one  place 
and  another,  without  any  fixed  or  steady  occupation.  He  came 
to  Curacao,  where  he  married  a colored  woman,  who  brought 
him  a small  fortune.  But  his  restless  and  ambitious  temper  did 
not  suffer  him  long  to  remain  in  Curacao,  where  his  color  and 
extraction,  kept  him  from  aspiring  to  rank  and  fortune.  He 
travelled  over  part  of  the  Antilles  islands  in  search  of  business 
and  fortune,  until  the  time  of  the  revolution  in  Caracas.  He 
had  left  his  wife  and  children  at  Curacao  in  the  greatest  mise- 
ry, while  he  lived  with  a young  and  handsome  girl,  whom  he 
seduced;  and  whom  he  supported  on  the  Main,  with  her  pa- 
rents, in  a splendid  manner.  This  family  were  white  and  of 
good  extraction.  It  is  a fact  that,  during  our  stay  at  Carupano, 
he  established  them  in  a large  store  taken  from  the  families  who 
had  fled  at  the  approach  of  Bolivar’s  expeditionary  army  in 
1816.  While  he  lived  in  great  abundance,  he  sent  not  the  least 
support  to  his  wife  and  children. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  revolution  (1810)  at  Caracas,  Piar 
commenced  his  military  career  as  a non-commissioned  officer. 
Miranda  had,  as  I have  mentioned,  a great  predilection  for  for- 
eigners wits  had  served  ; and  preferred  them,  as  officers,  to  his 
own  countrymen,  saying,  that  the  latter  should  learn  to  obey, 
before  they  could  be  fit  to  command.  He  saw  in  Piar,  an  am- 
bitious and  courageous  young  man,  and  advanced  him,  by  de- 


20G 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


grees,  to  the  rank  of  colonel ; whilst  Piar,  day  and  night,  stud- 
ied military  tactics.  He  distinguished  himself  on  the  field  of 
battle,  acquiring  by  practice,  what  was  wanting  in  theory.  His 
coolness  in  the  hottest  fire,  his  quickness  in  discerning  the  faults 
of  his  enemy,  and  his  personal  bravery,  gained  him  the  confi- 
dence of  his  subalterns,  whom  he  inspired,  by  his  example, 
with  fire,  and  a confidence  of  certain  success.  He  owed  his 
rapid  advancement  to  merit,  and  not  to  any  intrigue,  which  he 
always  despised.  He  advanced  thus  to  the  rank  of  major  gen- 
eral, under  the  dictatorship  of  Marino,  in  1813.  Marino  hav- 
ing in  1812,  passed  to  the  island  of  Trinidad,  came  soon  after- 
wards, back  to  Cumana,  where  he  formed  a small  corps  of 
young  men,  and  named  himself  dictator  of  the  provinces  of  Cu- 
mana and  Barcelona,  as  I have  related.  Piar  joined  him  very 
soon  ; and  being  acquainted  with  the  active  part  Bolivar  had 
taken  in  the  arrest  of  general  Miranda;  for  whom  Piar  felt  the 
greatest  veneration  ; he  detested  Bolivar  for  this  act  of  cruelty 
and  treachery  against  a defencelees  old  man.  This  was  the 
first  cause  of  Marino’s  defection  from  Bolivar  ; Piar  having 
gained  a complete  ascendancy  over  the  weak  mind  of  Marino, 
so  that  Marino  could  do  nothing  without  Piar.  It  wras  Marino 
who  persuaded  Piar  to  join  Bolivar  at  Aux  Caves,  where  they 
lived  like  brothers  ; and  were  called  by  Bolivar,  the  insepara- 
bles. Bolivar  at  that  time  spoke  to  me  of  Piar  as  a very  dan- 
gerous man,  wTho  hated,  all  whites,  and  saw  with  great  anxiety, 
Marino’s  intimacy  with  him.  Brion  hated  Piar,  and  in  speak- 
ing to  me  of  him,  used  to  say,  “that  mulatto  of  a general,  Piar, 
is  a great  plunderer  and  vagabond.” 

Piar,  however,  was  the  ablest  commander  of  them  all ; and 
very  far  superior  to  Bolivar,  not  only  in  personal  bravery,  but 
in  knowledge,  of  military  tactics,  and  operations.  He  was  so 
beloved  by  his  subalterns,  that  foreigners  particularly,  preferred 
general  Piar  as  a leader,  to  any  of  the  other  chieftains.  He 
w7as  cold  in  his  manner,  but  plain  ; and  attentive  to  each  one  of 
them,  treating  them  kindly,  and  taking  the  greatest  care  of 
their  general  welfare.  But  his  discipline  was  rigorous  ; and  he 
never  overlooked  a fault  committed  under  arms  ; not  even  the 
slightest.  His  cold,  reserved,  and  often  sullen  manner,  inspir- 
ed them  with  respect  and  fear;  his  personal  bravery  and  skill, 
with  courage  and  confidence.  He  constantly  supported  the 
cause  of  independence  in  Venezuela,  and  many  times  success- 
fully in  1813  and  ’14.  When  the  two  dictators  fled,  Piar  re- 
mained and  fought  with  good  success  against  the  Spaniards. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


207 


The  chieftains,  and  particularly  Boves,  feared  him  and  Paez, 
more  than  any  other.  He  was  successful  in  Barinas  and  Ma- 
turin,  and  lastly,  we  have  seen  that  the  conquest  of  Guayana 
was  conceived  and  executed  by  him ; and  this  conquest  had, 
undoubtedly,  the  most  favorable  effect  upon  the  welfare^  of 
Colombia. 

Piar  was  proud  of  his  personal  merits,  and  a firm  and  warm 
friend  of  liberty  and  the  republican  form  of  government.  He 
had  rough  and  harsh  manners,  the  natural  consequences  of  a 
neglected  education,  and  of  a life  led  in  camps.  He  was  nei- 
ther a flatterer  nor  a courtier.  He  was  greatly  attached  to 
general  Marino,  who  had  distinguished  and  advanced  him. 
Marino’s  soft  and  weak  mind  seemed  always  to  need  Piar,  who 
at  last  turned  and  directed  every  thing  of  any  importance  that 
Marino  transacted. 

Piar,  in  speaking  of  Bolivar,  often  said,  that  he  was  a cowT- 
ard,  and  an  ignoramus  in  military  operations ; that  he  deserved 
no  command,  because  he  absconded  when  his  presence  was 
most  needed  at  the  head  of  his  army ; that,  indeed,  he  never 
had  been  at  the  head  of  his  army  ; that  he  had  never  seen  him 
at  the  head  of  a corps,  charging  the  enemy,  and  deciding  the 
victory ; that,  therefore,  it  happened  that  Paez  had  gained  so 
many  actions,  when  left  to  himself ; that  the  actions  of  Bolivar 
■were  gained  by  others,  and  not  by  himself,  for  that  he  always 
took  care  to  keep  himself  at  a respectful  distance  from  the  shot ; 
that  in  his  proclamations  he  appears  to  be  at  the  head  of  his 
troops  ; and  lately  would  appear  to  have  liberated  Guayana, 
whilst  he  had  absconded  to  the  plains  of  Cumana  ; and  that  he 
most  ridiculously  and  contemptibly  imitated  Napoleon. 

When  Bolivar  arrived  at  Angostura,  these  words  of  Piar  were 
officiously  reported  to  him.  But  his  feelings  were  more  hurt,  by 
his  seeing  that  he  was  no  longer  the  object  of. so  much  respect 
as  he  had  formerly  received  wherever  he  went.  He  saw  him- 
self in  a measure  deserted,  and  even  despised  by  those  who 
were  acquainted  with  his  last  flight  from  Barcelona,  by  which 
he  caused  the  miserable  fate  of  a thousand  men.  Piar,  who 
was  then  governor  of  the  province,  commanded  of  course  ; and 
made  himself  many  friends  by  his  bravery  ; and  also  by  his 
cordial  attention  to  every  one.  His  house  was  constantly  filled 
with  strangers,  and  his  evening  parties  were  much  more  bril- 
liant than  those  of  the  supreme  chief.  This  was  very  natural, 
for  general  Piar  did  the  honors  of  his  house  perfectly  wTelh 
He  was  attentive  to  every  one,  and  at  his  house  the  guests  were 


20S 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


much  more  at  their  ease,  than  in  the  evening  parties  of  the  su- 
preme chief,  where  a certain  etiquette  was  observed  ; and  where 
any  man  of  sense  and  honor  was  sure  to  be  disgusted  by  wit- 
nessing the  vile  flatteries  of  such  persons  as  Charles  Soublette, 
Anziotigui  and  others. 

Some  biting  sarcasms  which  escaped  Piar,  in  full  company, 
were  the  signal  for  his  destruction. 

At  that  time  many  men  of  color  were  in  the  service  of  the 
patriots  ; and  particularly  in  the  division  commanded  by  Piar. 
Many  foreigners,  good  military  men,  said  loudly  that  general 
Piar  was  superior  to  Bolivar  in  every  thing  relating  to  military 
affairs,  of  which  the  latter  was  quite  ignorant,  and  that  they  pre- 
ferred to  serve  with  Piar,  rather  than  under  the  orders  of  the 
supreme  chief.  Admiral  Brion  hated  Piar,  and,  l lament  to 
say,  contributed  greatly  to  his  destruction.  He  advised  to  his 
arrest  and  trial  before  a court  martial.  When  Bolivar,  fearing 
the  consequences,  hesitated  long,  to  take  any  vigorous  measure ; 
it  was  Brion  undoubtedly,  who  decided  him  to  arrest  Piar. 
This  fact  has  been  affirmed  to  me  by  more  than  twenty  persons 
of  rank  and  credit.  Among  other  words  against  Piar,  they 
heard  him  say  the  following.  The  question  arose  who  would 
be  named  president  of  the  court  martial ; and  Brion  being  told 
that  he  probably  would  be  named,  said,  “ If  I should  be  named 
the  president  of  that  court  martial,  I would  accept  it  under  one 
condition,  viz.  that  the  court  martial  condemn  Piar  to  capital 
punishment ; he  is  a mulatto,  a vagabond,  a man  of  the  lowest 
class,  dangerous  and  mischievous  to  all  whites,”  &c.  These 
persons  assured  me  that  Brion,  that  evening,  behaved  like  a 
madman  ; and  that  he  had  expressed  himself  in  the  same  man- 
ner before.  With  respect  to  morality,  Piar’s  character  was 
equivocal.  He  was  known  to  be  over  fond  of  money;  and  to 
raise  it  as  he  could.  He  raised  by  exactions,  a great  deal  at 
Angostura  ; and  converted  the  whole  into  doubloons.  He  lov- 
ed luxury  of  every  sort,  and  was  vain  and  ambitious. 

When  his  friends  informed  him  that  Brion  had  advised  gen- 
eral Bolivar  to  arrest  and  try  him  before  a court  martial,  as  a 
colored  man  who  conspired  against  the  whites,  and  sought  to 
overturn  the  existing  government ; but  that  the  latter  had  not 
yet  decided  to  follow  the  advice,  fearing  the  consequences  of 
such  an  arrest,  Piar  lost  his  presence  of  mind  and  his  usual 
bravery.  He  was  conscious  of  what  he  had  said  against  Boli- 
var, and  knew  that  Brion  was  his  enemy.  In  fear  ol  their  unit- 
ed power,  he  took  the  worst  course  a man  of  his  standing,  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


203 


in  his  circumstances,  could  take.  Instead  of  consulting  his 
friends  and  adherents,  and  submitting  to  them  his  critical  situa- 
tion, and  forming  a powerful  party  to  support  him  in  case  of  ne- 
cessity, in  the  first  place  ; and  then  demanding  an  explanation 
of  the  supreme  chief,  and  of  Brion  also,  he  took  all  his  gold, 
and  departed  clandestinely  in  the  night,  following  the  hank  of 
the  Orinoco,  in  search  of  the  means  of  embarking  on  board 
some  vessel  in  which  he  could  leave  the  country.  Bolivar  had 
surrounded  him  with  spies,  and  was  soon  informed  of  his  es- 
cape. He  ordered  general  Sedeno  to  take  a strong  body  of 
cavalry  and  pursue  him,  arrest  him,  and  bring  him  back  to  the 
city.  Some  are  confident  that  Sedeno  received  a secret  order 
to  kill  him  wherever  he  could  find  him  ; but  this  is  not  certain, 
though  Sedeno  afterwards  told  some  of  his  friends  that  he  had 
received  such  an  order.  But  it  is  certain  that  Sedeno,  with  his 
troops,  overtook  him  about  six  miles  from  Angostura,  and  forced 
him  to  return.  On  arriving  at  the  city,  he  was  put  in  die  pub- 
lic prison,  where  the  guard  was  reinforced,  many  patroles  were 
walking  the  streets  with  orders  to  disperse  any  groups  that 
might  assemble  to  release  Piar  from  prison.  But  as  he  had 
communicated  his  plan  to  no  one,  all  his  friends  were  astonish- 
ed at  the  news  of  his  arrest,  and  utterly  unprepared  to  defend 
him,  otherwise  it  would  have  been  easy  for  general  Piar  to  as- 
. semble  a respectable  force  against  any  attempt  upon  his  liberty. 

The  supreme  chief  was  highly  pleased  with  Sedeno's  report 
that  he  had  put  Piar  into  the  prison.  General  Bolivar  took  no 
rest  during  the  whole  night,  fearing  some  accident  might  happen 
to  himself ; he  doubled  his  guards,  and  ordered  his  strong  body' 
guard  to  be  ready  at  the  first  call.  Brion,  deeply'  interested 
for  the  welfare  of  Bolivar,  to  whom  he  had  entrusted  his  lanre 
fortune,  advised  him  to  strike  a decisive  blow  and  to  condemn 
Piar,  in  order,  as  he  said,  to  frighten  Marino,  Arismendy',  and 
others,  who  were  secretly'  opposed  to  the  usurped  power  of 
the  suoreme  chief,  and  in  favor  of  convening  a Congress,  that 
by  this  example  he  might  prevent  all  future  attempts  to  resist 
his  power.  This  decided  Piar’s  fate,  and  that  the  more  fully, 
when,  after  two  days,  Bolivar  saw  no  hostile  movement  in  fa- 
vor of  Piar.  The  fact  is,  that  many'  thousands  were  secretly 
indignant  at  the  arrest  of  Piar;  and  much  more  so  to  see  him 
treated  like  a common  criminal  ; but  there  was  no  leader, 
nothing  prepared  beforehand.  They  had  no  point  of  union, 
and  feared  the  vengeance  of  the  supreme  chief,  if  they  made  an 
open  declaration  in  favor  of  their  general.  Some  of  them 
27 


210 


MEMOIRS  OF  EOLIVAR. 


have  assured  me,  that  they  had  never  thought  of  the  probabil- 
ity of  the  condemnation  of  such  a man  as  Piar,  who  had  ren- 
dered such  eminent  services  to  the  republic ; and  that  after  his 
condemnation,  it  was  too  late  to  attempt  any  thing,  because  the 
supreme  chief,  powerfully  assisted  by  the  admiral,  had  increas- 
ed his  forces  by  means  of  crews  of  vessels,  and  by  calling  dif- 
ferent dispersed  bodies  of  troops  into  the  town.  A council  of 
war  was  immediately  assembled  over  which  admiral  Brion  pre- 
sided, and  Charles  Soubletle  was  .appointed  by  Bolivar  to  act 
against  Piar.  Soublette,  tbe  vilest  of  the  vile  instruments  of 
his  master’s  wishes  and  orders,  had  been  rapidly  advanced,  and 
was  at  this  time  chief  of  the  staff  and  major  general  of  the 
army.  Soublette,  in  his  long  catalogue  of  accusations  against 
Piar,  inserted  so  many  and  such  horrid  charges,  that  the  latter 
was  highly  irritated,  and  interrupted  him  vehemently.  Calling 
him  publicly  an  impostor  and  a vile  and  imfamous  liar,  but  Sou- 
blette continued  his  accusation  with  the  greatest  coolness.  All 
that  Piar  said  was  in  vain.  His  fate  was  decided  beforehand. 
Various  false  witnesses,  bribed  by  brilliant  promises,  testified 
under  oath,  that  general  Piar  had  proposed  to  them  to  murder 
the  supreme  chief,  saying  he  was  a tyrant,  a usurper  &:c.  and 
that  Piar  was  afterwards,  to  proclaim  a republican  government. 
Others  testified  that  general  Piar  had  formed  a conspiracy  to 
murder  all  the  whites,  and  to  establish  a republic,  of  colored 
and  black  people,  of  which  he,  Piar,  was  to  be  the  president. 

Among  these  witnesses  was  the  brigadier  general  Sedeno, 
the  same  who  assisted  Piar  in  the  conquest  of  Guayana,  and 
who,  by  some  altercation  between  them,  was  embittered 
against  him  and  had  arrested  him,  as  has  been  mentioned. 
Another  wtness  was  lieutenant  colonol  Hernandes,  Dr.  M.,  a 
surgeon,  and  various  others.  The  two  latter  were  colored 
men.  Piar  was  astonished  at  the  testimony.  He  said  in  his 
defence,  that  if  he  had  intended  to  murder  the  supreme  chief, 
he  should  not  have  wanted  the  assistance  of  these  witnesses,  he 
whose  intripidity  was  well  enough  known  to  prove  the  absurdi- 
ty of  such  depositions.  That  so  many  persons  were  not  wanted 
to  kill  one  single  man.  He  said  that  with  regard  to  the  infa- 
mous accusation  of  the  most  vile  and  servile  impostor  Soublette, 
that  he  had  proposed  to  murder  all  the  whites,  he  appealed  to 
all  the  foreign  officers  who  had  served  under  him,  how  kindly 
he  had  treated  them  ; and  how  he  had  preferred  them  to  any 
others,  colored  and  black  officers,  and  that  he  had  then  white 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


211 


officers  among  his  aids-de-camp.*  That  the  whole  accusation 
was  a treacherous  and  horrible  conspiracy  against  him  who  had 
served  the  country  with  so  much  distinction  and  honour.  He 
spoke  with  such  strong  and  convincing  eloquence,  that,  the 
whole  audience  was  deeply  moved  in  his  favor,  and  entirely 
convinced  of  his  innocence.  But  his  speech,  and  the  de- 
fence of  his  council  named  officially,  and  pro  forma,  were  of  no 
avail.  He  was  convicted  and  condemned  to  be  shot  on  the 
public  square,  as  a conspirator  against  the  security  and  safety 
of  the  republic  ! A republic  then,  and  now  in  September  1S2S, 
existing  in  the  person  of  the  supreme  chief,  and  dictator, 
Simon  Bolivar  ! Here,  as  in  every  instance  of  any  consequence 
general  Bolivar  has  always  had  the  art  to  identify  his  person 
with  the,  so  called,  republic  of  a free  and  independent  people. 
But,  where  is  the  republic ; where  is  the  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence of  Colombians  ? 

In  the  afternoon  previous  to  the  day  of  general  Piar’s  execu- 
tion, Dr.  F.  called  on  him  in  prison  on  account  of  some  hun- 
dred dollars  the  former  owed  him.  He  was  quiet  and  at  ease, 
flattering  himself  he  should  not  be  executed,  but  banished, 
notwithstanding  all  the  Dr.  could  say  against  his  opinion.  He 
grounded  his  hopes  upon  the  great  services  he  had  rendered, 
but  particularly  upon  his  innocence  of  the  crimes  imputed  to 
him.  He  spoke  writh  warmth,  and  in  a firm  tone,  showing  that 
he  felt  no  fear  or  anxiety. 

The  1 6th  of  October  having  been  fixed  for  the  execution  of 
general  Piar,  the  strongest  precautions  were  taken  to  prevent 
any  trouble.  From  four  o’clock  in  the  morning,  the  numerous 
troops  of  the  garrison  were  under  arms  ; and  formed  a square 
in  the  public  place.  A strong  detachment  was  sent  for  him  to 
the  prison.  Soon  after,  he  came  into  the  midst  of  the  guard,  in 
a kind  of  great  coat,  his  arms  crossed  upon  his  breast.  He 
walked  firmly  to  the  middle  of  the  square  formed  by  the  troops, 
where  a chair  was  placed  for  his  execution.  Being  come  be- 
fore the  chair,  he  urgently  requested  the  officer  that  he  might 
see  the  supreme  chief,  for  that  he  had  something  of  great  in- 
terest to  reveal  to  him  in  person.  This  request  was  positively 
denied.  The  officer  requested  him  to  sit  down.  One  of  them 
approached  with  a handkerchief  to  blindfold  him,  but  he  would 
not  permit  it,  saying,  he  could  well  dispense  with  such  a cere- 


* Colonel  Marlin,  a Polish  officer,  was  his  aid-de-camp  at  this  time. 


212 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


mony ; that  he  feared  not,  and  never  had  feared,  to  die.  But 
when  they  insisted  upon  it,  he  said ; “Well,  well,  do  as  you 
please.”  More  than  twenty-five  muskets,  dose  by  the  chair, 
were  directed  against  him  ; and  when  the  officer  began  to  com- 
mand, Piar  exclaimed,  “ Viva  la  Patria,”  a.id  fell  pierced  with 
balls.  The  troops  and  great  crowd  of  people  now  cried,  “ Viva 
la  Patria,  Viva  la  Republica,  Viva  Justicia  ! !”  soon  after,  his 
body  was  taken  into  an  unfinished  chapel  and  buried  with  great 
solemnity,  but  without  any  other  ceremony. 

Thus  died  Piar,  against  whom  there  was  no  evidence  except 
his  precipitate,  and  extremel)  ill  judged  flight  from  Angostura. 
His  enemies,  with  some  appearance  of  justice,  seized  upon  this 
and  took  his  life. 

The  night  previous  to  Piar’s  execution  the  supreme  chief 
could  not  sleep.  He  was  constantly  fearful  of  some  revolution, 
in  favor  of  Piar,  notwitl  standing  the  troops  being  under  arms 
and  ready  to  act  every  moment  of  the  time. 

General  San  lago  Marino  was  implicated  in  Piar’s  trial,  in 
consequence  of  what  had  been  done  respecting  a Congress  in 
May  1817,  at  Cariaco,  and  at  Campano  in  1816.  He  was  at 
this  time,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cumana.  Brion  hated  and 
despised  him,  and  in  speaking  of  Piar,  uttered  some  threats 
against  Marino,  which  alarmed  his  friends  who  had  before 
known  the  hostile  feeling  of  both  Brion  and  Bolivar  relative  to 
him.  Those  friends  immediately  despatched  a trusty  messen- 
ger to  Marino,  advising  him  of  his  danger;  upon  which  he  de- 
parted for  the  island  of  Trinidad,  where  he  was  safe. 

Some  days  after  the  execution  of  Piar,  Bolivar  published  the 
following  proclamation. 

“ Soldiers  ! Yesterday  was  a day  of  mourning  for  my  heart. 
General  Piar  was  executed  for  his  crimes  of  high  treason, 
conspiracy  and  desertion.  A just  and  legally  formed  court  has 
pronounced  sentence  upon  this  unfortunate  citizen,  who,  infat- 
uated with  an  ardent  desire  to  make  his  fortune,  and  to  satisfy 
his  ambition  had  formed  the  plan  to  bury  this  country  in  ruins. 

General  Piar  had  certainly  rendered  great  service  to  this  re- 
public, notwithstanding  his  behaviour  has  been  that  of  a factious 
man  ; his  services  have  been  always  reasonably  rewarded  by 
the  government  of  Venezuela. 

Nothing  desirable  was  left  to  a chief  who  had  attained  one  of 
the  highest  ranks  in  the  army  : the  second  magistracy  would 
have  been  confided  to  him  by  the  absence  of  general  Marino,  but 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


213 


all  this  sufficed  him  not;  he  aspired  to  the  supreme  command; 
he  was  plotting  the  most  atrocious  plan  which  could  be  invented 
by  a preverse  soul.  Soldiers  ! he  meditated  not  alone  to  kin- 
dle a civil  war  amongst  us,  but  to  introduce  anarchy,  to  the 
most  inhuman  sacrifice  of  his  own  brethren  and  of  his  compan- 
ions in  arms’.  Soldiers!  you  know  that  freedom  and  indepen- 
dence are  cur  motto  ! Has  not  mankind  recovered  their  rights 
by  the  establishment  of  our  laws  ? Have  our  arms  not  broken 
the  chains  of  slavery?  Has  not  the  order  been  given  that  na- 
tional property  should  indiscriminately  be  respected  among  you 
all?  Has  your  merit  not  then  been  amply  recompensed  ? Or 
has  it  not  been  so  at  least  with  justice  ? What  could  general 
Piar  desire  more  for  you  ? Are  you  not  free,  independent, 
respected  and  honored  ? Could  Piar  promise  you  greater 
benefits  than  those  ? No,  no,  no  ; Piar  wished  to  dig  with  his 
own  hands,  the  grave  in  which  he  wished  to  bury  the  republic, 
in  order  to  destroy  the  life,  the  property,  and  the  honour,  as 
well  as  the  welfare,  and  the  glory  of  the  brave  defenders  of 
Venezuela,  by  destroying  its  children,  its  husbands  and  fathers. 

Heaven  has  contemplated  this  cruel  paricide  with  horror ; 
heaven  has  given  him  up  to  the  vengeance  of  the  laws,  and  has 
not  permitted  that  a man  who  so  greivously  offended  both  the 
divinity  and  mankind,  should  sully  our  terrestrial  globe  with 
horrid  crimes  a minute  longer. 

Soldiers,  heaven  protects  you  and  the  government,  which  is 
your  parent,  and  is  earnestly  watching  over  your  security.  Your 
chief,  who  is  your  companion  in  arms,  and  who  'has  always 
shared  at  your  head,  your  misery  and  your  dangers,  as  well  as 
your  triumphs,  and  has  placed  his  confidence  in  you.  Rely 
then  upon  him,  and  be  persuaded  that  he  loves  you  more  than 
if  he  was  your  father  or  your  son. 

Head-quarters  of  Angostura,  October  17th,  1S17. 

(Signed)  SIMON  BOLIVAR.” 

The  hypocrisy  and  duplicity  of  general  Bolivar’s  character 
is  shown  throughout  this  notorious  proclamation  in  its  true  light. 
No  other  man  could  have  had  the  assurance  to  say,  in  the  face 
of  the  world,  that  the  day  of  sceneral  Piar’s  execution  was  a day 
of  mourning  to  his  heart,  when  we  are  acquainted  with  the  cir- 
cumstances of  this  scandalous  act  of  arbitrary  power ; when 
we  know  that  the  whole  transaction  depended  on  his  will,  and 
that  a single  word  could  have  saved  this  man,  whose  only  crimes 
were,  that  he  was  the  true  friend  of  constitutional  liberty  and  a 
foreigner.  If  we  inquire  what  Arismendy  and  Bermudes  did 


214 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


against  Bolivar,  we  shall  find  that  these  two  were  much  more 
explicit  against  him  than  Piar  was.  Arismendy  treated  the 
dictator  as  a coward,  who  deserved  death,  and  declared  that 
he  would  shoot  him  as  such  if  he  put  his  foot  on  shore,  (Aug. 
1S14.)  Bermudes  did  the  same  in  1 S 1 4,  at  Ocumare;  and 
much  more  in  Maturin,  in  June,  1817.  The  following  are  the 
particulars  of  these  strangers’  transactions.  The  reader  will 
recollect  that  Bolivar  was  recalled,  in  December  1816,  from 
Port  an  Prince,  to  resume  the  command  of  the  army,  upon  the 
express  condition  that  he  should  assemble  a Congress,  and  con- 
fine himself  to  the  military  operations  alone. 

By  means  of  martial  law  being  proclaimed,  Bolivar  again  as- 
sumed the  supreme  power,  and  destroyed  all  that  was  done  in 
Curiaco  by  the  provisional  Congress,  installed  in  virtue  of  a 
general  assembly,  held  at  the  Cathedral  church  on  the  8th  of 
May ; the  majority  of  its  members  being  convinced  that  Boli- 
var was  dead. 

This  absence  of  Bolivar  was  certainly  caused  by  his  own 
cowardice  ; by  his  escaping  in  the  night  from  Barcelona,  and 
secreting  himself  in  the  plains  of  Cumana.  Hearing  that  the 
danger  was  over,  he  appeared  again ; and  again  indulged  his 
haughty  and  despotic  disposition,  by  annulling  the  transactions 
of  Curiaco.  Being  made  acquainted  with  Piar’s  conquest  of 
Guayana,  he  passed  from  Barcelona  into  that  province.  In  his 
journey  he  found  general  Bermudes  established  with  his  troops 
at  Maturin ; and  with  his  usual  meanness  and  impudence, 
thought  to  gain  over  Bermudes,  whom  he  knew  to  be  attached 
to  a republican  or  constitutional  government.  He  was  received 
by  the  latter  and  his  staff,  with  the  most  bitter  reproaches  for 
his  desertion  from  Barcelona,  his  absconding  to  the  plains  of 
Cumana,  and  his  measures  against  the  members  of  the  congress 
of  Curiaco.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  Bolivar  gained  over  Ber- 
mudes, who  is  weak,  and  in  truth  has  no  fixed  character.  As 
they  sat  dining  together  quietly,  but  under  a good  deal  of  con- 
straint, Bermudes,  who  drinks  hard,  grew  warm,  and  renewed 
his  reproaches  to  Bolivar,  treating  him  as  a deserter,  a coward, 
and,  in  short,  the  lowest  of  mankind. 

Bolivar  would  never  bear  such  treatment  from  his  equal, 
much  less  from  his  subaltern.  Bermudes’  passion  rose  so  high 
that  he  stood  up  and  told  Bolivar,  he  was  tempted  to  cut  him 
in  pieces,  and  that  his  recollection  of  his  glorious  march  from 
Carthagena  to  Caracas,  with  his  cousin  Ribas,  alone  restrained 
him. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


215 


The  supreme  chief,  trembling  like  a child,  sprung  upon  his 
horse  and  decamped  as  soon  as  possible,  lest  Bermudes  should 
put  his  threats  in  execution,  for  he  knew  him  to  be  a cruel,  un- 
educated barbarian. 

Bolivar’s  proclamation  of  the  17th  of  October,  is  the  pro- 
duction of  a mind  triumphant  in  a bad  cause.  The  impartial 
reader  will  justly  appreciate  the  charges  of  Bolivar  against  his 
victim  already  slain.  The  reader  will  also  give  due  weight  to 
his  declaration,  that  he  has  shared  the  dangers,  as  well  as  the 
triumphs,  of  his  brethren  in  arms.  A moment’s  recurrence  to 
the  facts  of  1812,  at  Porto  Cabello  ; in  1814,  at  Cumana;  in 
1816,  in  the  naval  action  of  the  2d  of  May;  in  Ocumare  in 
July  of  the  same  year;  in  Barcelona  in  1817,  &c.  &lc.  will  af- 
ford a sufficient  comment  upon  this  part  of  his  proclamation. 
I have  undertaken  to  show  the  President  Liberator  in  his  true 
light ; and  to  strip  him  of  the  mask  with  which  he  has  ever 
covered  his  person  and  his  transactions. 

I must  now  relate  the  conduct  of  San  1 ago  Marino,  and  make 
the  reader  better  acquainted  with  the  character  of  a man,  who, 
for  a long  time,  was  the  equal,  and  has  even  been  the  rival  of 
Simon  Bolivar  ; of  the  hero  of  South  America ; of  the  Napo- 
leon; of  the  Liberator;  and  of  the  father  of  the  republic  of 
Colombia. 

As  soon  as  Marino  arrived  at  Trinidad,  he  wrote  Bolivar  a 
letter  in  a very  submissive  and  supplicating  style,  in  which  he 
most  humbly  entreated  him  to  pardon  all  his  offences,  com- 
mitted without  his  fault  ; he  said  the  pernicious  counsel  and  ad- 
vice of  Piar  had  robbed  him  of  the  favor  and  affection  of  the 
supreme  chief ; that  he  would  hereafter  follow  Ins  guidance 
alone,  would  never  deviate  a hair  from  his  duty,  and  would  act 
directly  according  to  the  orders  of  the  supreme  chief,  &c.  &c. 

Bolivar,  gratified  and  exulting,  showed  this  letter  to  his  flat- 
terers, and  was  himself  the  first  to  laugh  at  and  ridicule  it. 
He  nevertheless  pardoned,  and  most  graciously  recalled  Mari- 
no to  his  former  rank  and  command,  rightly  judging  that  Mari- 
no without  Piar  would  never  impede  him  or  his  views,  whatever 
they  might  be.  Marino,  on  his  return,  issued  the  following 
proclamation  : 

“ San  Iago  Marino,  general-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  re- 
public, and  of  that  entrusted  with  the  operations  against  Cu- 
mana,  &z,c.  &lc.  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  composing  his  di- 
vision. Officers  and  privates  ! my  soul  is,  even  now,  filled  with 
the  most  appalling  sentiments,  when  I think,  that  but  yesterday, 


216 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


neither  you  or  myself  were  reckoned  a part  of  the  great  family, 
who,  under  the  direction  of  the  supreme  chief  of  the  republic, 
fight  for  liberty  and  independence  ! How  delightful  are  the 
sentiments  which  this  day  again  fill  my  heart — when  I see  that 
the  government  like  a good  father,  relying  upon  my  promises, 
and  forgetting  all  that  has  passed,  receives  us  again  under  .its 
protection,  and  directs  me  to  put  myself  again  at  your  head, 
and  to  command  the  whole  province.  (Cumana.) 

Officers  and  privates  ! if  by  a mischief  ever  to  be  regretted, 
we  have  until  now  been  considered  as  dissatisfied,  and  have 
under  this  character  attracted  public  attention  ; it  is  now,  and 
from  this  moment,  our  most  sacred  duty  to  become  a model  of 
submission  and  obedience  to  the  supreme  chief!  IMy  sincere 
wish  is,  that  the  whole  universe  may  be  convinced  of  the  sin- 
cerity of  our  intentions,  and  find  in  us  the  most  faithful  sup- 
porters of  our  government.  1 swear  by  the  ashes  of  so  many 
ol  our  famous  companions  in  arms,  I swear  upon  my  honor,  and 
upon  all  that  is  sacred  on  earth,  that  this  is  now  the  only  fe- 
licity to  which  I aspire.  From  you  who  have  always  given  me 
so  many  proofs  of  your  love  and  your  devotion,  I expect  a 
much  stronger  proof,  namely,  that  you  will  co-operate  to  exe- 
cute the  orders  of  the  supreme  chief.  Separated  nearly  a 
year  from  government,  from  the  father  of  the  people,  and  the 
armies,  and  but  just  now  reincorporated  into  the  large  and  free 
family  of  Venezuela,  our  hearts  beat  with  the  most  delightful 
sensations  for  such  unexpected  good  fortune.  Long  live  the 
Republic!  Long  live  the  Supreme  Chief!  Long  live  Gen- 
eral Bolivar ! 

Head-quarters  of  San  Francisco,  January  2Gth,  1 S 1 8. 

(Signed)  SAN  IAGO  MARINO.” 

Such  language  requires  no  comment.  It  displays  the  char- 
acter of  the  man  ; and  such  are  most  of  the  Colombian  chief- 
tains. This  being  the  fact,  the  reader  will  readily  discover 
how  much,  or  rather  how  little,  real  character  was  requisite  to 
enable  general  Bolivar  to  usurp  and  hold  the  supreme  power 
during  so  many  years.  He  will  also,  I think,  be  satisfied  as  to 
what  must  be  the  disposition  of  a leader,  who  can  not  only  suf- 
fer, but  encourage,  language  so  disgusting  to  men  of  delicacy" , 
good  sense  and  honor. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


217 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Campaign  of  1818 — Foreign  Legions — Conspiracy  against 

Bolivar's  power. 

In  the  beginning  of  ISIS,  the  situation  of  the  two  belligerent 
parties  had  entirely  changed,  in  favor  of  the  patriots,  owing 
chiefly  to  the  conquest  of  Guayana.  This  rich  province  alone 
afforded  more  resources  to  the  patriots,  than  the  seven  other 
provinces  of  Venezuela  taken  together.  The  friends  of  inde- 
pendence now  conceived  the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  seeing,  at 
last,  their  oppressors  driven  from  the  territory,  they  had  sullied 
by  their  cruelty  and  barbarity  during  these  last  years  of  war 
and  distress. 

I will  give  here  a short  sketch  of  the  situation  of  the  royal 
party,  that  the  reader  may  be  enabled  to  judge  whether  these 
hopes  were  well  founded,  and  might  have  been  realised,  under 
any  other  leader  of  common  talents  and  experience  in  the  act 
of  war.  Unfortunately  for  the  cause  of  freedom  and  indepen- 
dence, the  districts  of  Venezuela  were  in  the  hands  of  Bolivar. 
I say  unfortunately,  because  her  freedom  and  independence 
were,  by  that  means,  completely  lost.  The  history  of  this 
campaign  is  nearly  a repetition  of  that  of  Bolivar’s  dictatorship 
in  1813-14,  when,  as  now,  every  thing  depended  on  his  exer- 
tions, and  all  circumstances  concurred  most  favorably  to  pro- 
duce a happy  result.  Bolivar,  by  his  own  fault  alone,  irrepara- 
bly lost,  a second  time,  the  most  promising  occasion  of  driving 
the  enemy  out  of  Venezuela,  and  of  giving  its  miserable  and 
worn  out  people,  liberty  and  repose.  These  reflections  will  be 
justified  by  the  facts  related  in  this  chapter. 

By  the  disgraceful  expedition  of  Morillo  against  the  island  of 
Margarita,  he  lost  about  4000  of  his  best  troops.  The  folly 
and  cowardice  of  Miguel  de  La  Torre,  lost  the  rich  province 
of  Guayana,  the  heart  of  the  royal  family.  The  extensive 
plains,  and  two  thirds  of  the  provinces  of  Venezuela,  were  in 
the  hands  of  the  patriots,  who  marched  with  numerous  and  su- 
perior forces  against  the  Spaniards.  Industry,  commerce  and 
23  " 


218 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


agriculture,  were  ruined  by  taxes,  contributions  and  a continual 
change  of  masters.  Scarcity  of  hands,  and  an  utter  want  of 
security,  left  the  royalists  destitute  of  the  means  of  repairing 
their  immense  losses  they  had  lately  suffered.  The  public 
stores  and  treasury  were  empty.  The  general-in-chief  no 
longer  enjoyed  the  confidence  once  reposed  in  him.  His  own 
discouragement  deeply  affected  his  troops.  This,  together  with 
the  general  want  of  every  thing,  produced  daily  desertions. 
Many  times,  from  thirty  to  fifty  sailors  passed  over  to  the  patri- 
ots in  one  day. 

Notwithstanding  all  their  losses,  and  the  gloomy  prospects  of 
the  royal  cause  in  Venezuela,  such  is  the  obstinacy  of  the  Span- 
ish character,  that  they  still  determined  to  persist  in  their  cause, 
and  to  make  every  exertion  in  support  of  Morillo.  European 
Spaniards  of  the  Alain  had  become  averse  to  the  emancipation 
of  their  country ; not  because  they  did  not  like  freedom,  but 
because  they  saw  no  leaders  in  whom  they  could  confide,  to 
give  them  a fixed  and  good  government,  in  place  of  the  one 
under  which  they  then  existed.  We  have  seen  that  many  na- 
tive Spaniards  took  an  active  part  in  the  struggle  for  indepen- 
dence, and  supported  their  chieftains.  But  their  hatred  of 
Bolivar  had  now  become  great.  It  began  with  his  desertion 
from  Porto  Cabello  in  1812;  was  increaesd  by  his  cruel  de- 
cree of  February  1814,  by  which  he  ordered  to  be  put  to  death, 
not  only  those  of  their  countrymen  who  were  prisoners  of  war, 
but  peaceable  inhabitants,  many  of  whom  had  never  taken  any 
part  in  the  existing  struggle.  From  that  time  hatred  took  the 
place  of  that  admiration  which  had  been  excited  by  his  rapid 
and  early  success  in  1813.  Rich  and  poor,  therefore,  all  the 
Spanish  families  on  the  Main,  rivalled  each  other,  in  making 
the  utmost  sacrifices  to  put  Morillo  in  a condition  to  take  the 
field,  and  to  commence  with  renewed  vigor  the  offensive  opera- 
tions of  this  campaign.  It  is  to  be  lamented  that  these  almost 
superhuman  exertions  were  made  in  favor  of  such  a man  as 
Ferdinand  VII,  whose  name  includes  all  that  can  be  united  in 
the  persecution  of  all  men  of  feeling  and  character,  and  of  whom 
Morillo  was  a faithful  representative. 

In  consequence  of  this  resolution  to  resist  the  numerous 
patriot  armies  to  the  last  extremity,  a general  assembly  of  the 
civil  and  military  authorities  of  the  city  of  Caracas  wras  called 
together.  They  met  on  the  16th  of  January  in  the  capital,  and 
canvassed  the  miserable  situation  of  the  royal  cause.  They 
unanimously  resolved  upon  prompt  and  vigorous  measures. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


219 


They  determined  to  improve  the  condition  of  their  soldiers,  by 
giving  them  belter  rations,  better  pay,  and  if  not  the  whole  ar- 
reais  at  once,  enough  to  quell  their  dissatisfaction.  In  case  of 
desertion,  to  pay  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  where  the  de- 
serter had  been  enlisted,  the  value  of  his  uniform  and  accoutre- 
ments, and  compel  them  to  furnish  another  in  his  place  until 
he  should  be  found.  Any  young  man  who  should  arrest  a de- 
serter, was  declared  to  be  free  from  service.  The  cavalry  was 
reorganised.  All  possible  means  were  employed  to  re-establish 
confidence,  and  revive  the  public  spirit.  Their  exertions  were, 
in  general,  successful.  Large  voluntary  contributions  were 
made.  Many  ladies  gave  up  their  jewelry,  gold  chains,  &lc. 
Many  rich  possessors  of  land,  besides  money,  gave  their  har- 
vest, slaves,  horses,  mules,  cattle,  &lc.  Horses  kept  for  plea 
sure  or  show,  were  given  to  the  cavalry.  The  merchants  oi 
fered  money,  provisions,  fee.  &c.  Many  persons  who  were 
present,  have  assured  me  that,  during  several  days  and  nights, 
Caracas  and  Laguira  were  complete  pictures  of  besieged  cities, 
where  were  seen  vast  warlike  stores  carried  upon  mules  and 
horses. 

New  Grenada  afforded  no  better  prospects  for  the  royal  cause. 
The  viceroy  Semano,  residing  at  Bogota,  and  lately  appoint- 
ed to  this  office,  wrote  to  general  Montalvo  Torres,  governor  of 
Carthagena,  that  “ it  would  be  impossible  to  maintain  himself 
any  longer  in  this  capital  or  in  the  kingdom,  one  of  his  divisions 
having  been  defeated  in  the  plains  of  Casanare,  of  which  the 
commander  and  seventeen  others  only  returned  to  the  capital. 
That  a second  division  sent  by  him  to  the  same  plains  had  met 
with  the  same  fate.”  General  Urdaneta  gained  these  two 
victories  in  October  and  December  1817. 

The  tyranny  and  cruelties  committed  by  the  Spaniards  upon 
the  inhabitants  of  New  Grenada ; the  miserable  fate  of  many 
among  the  most  respectable  householders  in  Bogota,  who, 
during  the  stay  of  general  Morillo,  were  arrested  in  their  houses, 
and  shot  by  his  order,  without  even  a plausible  pretext,  had 
excited  such  detestation  of  the  Spanish  name,  that  the  fair  sex 
were  active  to  do  them  all  the  harm  in  their  power.  One  of 
them  procured  a detailed  list  of  the  Spanish  forces  in  the  capi- 
tal, and  had  the  courage  to  carry  it  to  the  patriots  at  Casanare. 
She  was  unfortunately  detected.  The  list  was  found  between 
her  stocking  and  shoe  ; and  she  was  publicly  executed.  She 
was  deeply  lamented  by  her  countrywomen,  whose  hatred  of 


220 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


the  Spaniards  was  greatly  increased  by  this  instance  of  their 
cruelty. 

The  garrison  of  Mompox,  400  men  strong,  was  suprised  in 
the  night,  and  all  put  to  death  by  the  patriotic  inhabitants, 
among  whom  were  many  women,  who  fought  bravely,  and  con- 
tributed much  to  the  success  of  the  enterprise. 

The  city  of  Carthagena,  then  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards, 
was  in  a kind  of  uproar.  As  soon  as  its  inhabitants  were  ap- 
prised of  general  Urdaneta’s  victory,  gained  on  the  6th  of  Octo- 
ber 1817,  over  the  Spaniards,  and  that  in  consequence  of  it, 
the  patriots  were  in  possession  of  the  province  of  Pamplona, 
the  garrison  and  its  cruel  and  cowardly  governor,  Montalvo 
Torres,  were  terribly  alarmed,  and  forced  the  inhabitants  to 
great  contributions,  for  obtaining  provisions  of  every  kind,  in 
case  of  being  besieged.  The  inhabitants  were,  moreover,  em- 
bittered against  the  tyranny  of  Montalvo,  and  that  of  the  presi- 
dent of  the  criminal  court,  Cano.  Placards  had  been  found 
on  the  church  doors,  and  in  the  walls  of  Carthagena,  which,  in 
bold  and  seditious  language,  proposed  killing  the  two  tyrants  of 
the  people.  In  spite  of  the  several  requisitions  and  great  re- 
wards offered,  the  authors  could  never  be  detected.  They 
were  supposed  to  have  been  posted  up  by  some  noncommis- 
sioned officers  or  privates,  who  were  dissatisfied  with  their 
wretched  condition.  Numerous  patriots  were  sent  day  and 
night  through  the  streets  of  Carthagena,  to  preserve  order  and 
quiet. 

Many  patriot  bands  of  guerillas  were  formed  in  the  provin- 
ces of  New  Grenada,  which  greatly  annoyed  and  distressed  the 
Spaniards.  In  Venezuela,  they  were  still  more  numerous  and 
formidable. 

Such  was  the  situation,  in  both  countries,  of  the  royal  cause, 
at  the  end  of  1817,  and  the  beginning  of  J 8 1 8,  when  Bolivar 
commenced  his  operations  against  Venezuela. 

After  having  given  to  his  various  divisions  the  necessary  or- 
ders to  inarch  towards  the  points  intended,  general  Bolivar  de- 
parted with  his  staff  and  a numerous  body  guard,  at  the  end  of 
December  1 S 1 7,  from  Angostura,  and  directed  his  march  to- 
wards the  rich  plains  of  Apure.  He  left  about  1 S00  men  to 
protect  the  province  of  Guayana,  and  united  his  forces  (about 
3000  men)  to  those  of  generals  Paez,  Monagas  and  Sedeno. 
He  arrived  the  12th  of  February  before  the  city  of  Calabozo, 
where  Morillo  had  fixed  his  head  quarters. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


221 


When  at  Sombrero,  he  published,  on  the  17th  of  February, 
the  following  proclamation : 

“ To  the  inhabitants  of  the  plains — Your  territory  is  free 
of  the  enemy.  The  armies  of  the  republic  have  gloriously  tri- 
umphed over  the  Spaniards,  from  the  middle  of  New  Grenada 
to  Maturin,  and  the  mouth  of  the  river  Orinoco.  The  armies 
of  Boves  and  Morillo,  which  before  were  very  numerous,  are 
now  buried  in  the  fields,  consecrated  to  liberty.  The  cities  of 
Calabozo  and  San  Fernando,  have  been  taken  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  republic,  and  the  remainder  of  the  armies  of:Mo- 
rillo,  routed  the  12th  and  16th  January,  (by  general  Paez,) 
flee  before  us,  to  seek  a shelter  in  Porto  Cabello  ; but  in  vain  ! 
soon  will  they  be  thrown  from  them  into  the  sea  ! It  is  impos- 
sible to  resist  an  army  of  freemen,  brave  and  victorious.  Fame 
will  guide  our  steps,  and  the  cruel  oppressors  of  Venezuela  be 
forced  to  surrender  or  die  1 

Inhabitants  of  the  plains — you  are  invincible  ; your  horses, 
lances,  and  your  deserts,  protect  you  against  your  enemies. 
You  must  absolutely  be  independent  in  spite  of  the  haughtiness 
of  Spain.  The  republican  government  guaranties  your  rights, 
your  prosperity,  and  your  lives.  Unite  yourselves  under  the 
banners  of  Venezuela,  which  is  your  victorious  country.  This 
campaign  will  end  with  the  surrender  of  the  capital.  You  will 
again  enjoy  peace,  industry,  and  the  blessing  to  be  free  and 
honest  men ; your  enemies  have  deprived  you  of  these  advan- 
tages. Be  grateful  to  providence  which  has  given  you  a wise 
government,  much  more  adapted  to  the  welfare  of  mankind. 

Head-quarters  at  Sombrero,  7th  of  February,  ISIS. 

(Signed)  BOLIVAR.” 

The  style  of  this  proclamation,  is  an  intended  imitation  of 
that  of  Napoleon.  The  truth  is  that  the  remainder  of  the 
armies  of  Morillo,  which  were  flying  before  his  victorious  troops , 
consisted  of  small  foraging  parties,  which  Morillo  detached 
from  his  head  quarters,  to  procure  pay  for  his  cavalry.  So  far 
was  Morillo  from  flying,  that,  as  is  notorious,  he  remained  qui- 
etly in  his  head  quarters  at  V enezuela.  That  the  cities  of  Cal- 
abozo and  San  Fernando  wrere  taken  under  the  protection 
of  the  republic,  is  one  of  the  mistakes  of  the  supreme  chief. 
On  the  7th  of  February,  the  first  was  in  quiet  possession  of 
Morillo,  who  had  established  his  head  quarters  there.  Gene- 
ral Bolivar  must  have  known  this  fact,  for  he  marched  against 
Calabozo,  and  arrived  before  this  little  city,  no  earlier  than  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


1 2\h,  jrom  whence  Morillo  had  not  moved  ! San  Fernando  was 
evacuated  by  order  of  Morillo,  to  concentrate  his  forces. 
Thus,  and  no  otherwise,  wras  the  place  under  the  protection  of 
the  republic. 

“ The  remainder  of  the  armies  of  Boves  and  Morillo  fly  be- 
fore us  to  seek  shelter  in  the  wralls  of  Porto-Cabello.  But  in 
vain  ; soon  will  they  be  thrown  into  the  sea.”  This  is  an  im- 
itation, though  a poor  one,  of  Napoleon’s  style.  In  the  most 
important  point  it  fails  entirely  ; for  Napoleon  generaly  kept  his 
word.  Whoever  places  any  reliance  upon  these  proclamations 
will  certainly  be  deceived.  The  style  of  them  would  be  a 
matter  of  little  consequence,  if  they  contained  the  truth  only  ; 
yet  surely  this  Kind  of  language  is  beneath  the  dignity  of  a true 
republican. 

The  first  Bulletin  published  by  the  liberating  army,  dated  op- 
posite the  city  of  Calabozo,  and  signed  Charles  Soublette,  says 
“ that  the  liberating  army  commanded  by  the  supreme  chief,  de- 
parted the  31st  of  Dec.  from  the  city  of  Angostura,  towards  the 
plains  of  Apure  and  was  joined  by  the  division  of  Gen.  Monagas, 
Sedeno,  and  Paez,  and  arrived  the  12th  of  February  in  sight  of 
Calabozo,  which  at  that  time,  was  the  head  quarteis  of  the  roy- 
al army  under  the  command  of  general  Morillo.  There  took 
place  an  engagement  in  which  the  Spanish  army,  composed  of 
the  regiments  of  hussars,  Ferdinandos,  half  of  the  infantry,  and 
all  their  light  troops  were  engaged  ; the  regiment  of  Castillo,  who 
fought  on  the  left  wing,  escaped  from  the  general  havoc  of  the 
enemies’  army,  being  close  by  the  city  of  Calabozo,  which  it 
entered.  The  general  Morillo,  surprised  in  the  midst  of  im- 
mense plains,  by  an  army  which  had  marched  300  leagues,  was 
completely  beaten,  the  first  time  he  drew  his  sword  in  South 
America,  without  ever  attempting  a general  battle,  or  waiting 
for  a single  discharge  from  our  infantry.  The  general  Morillo 
escaped  almosPalonc  from  the  field  of  battle,  after  having  been 
saved  twice,  by  two  hussars,  who  parried  the  strokes  directed 
against  him  by  two  of  our  lancers.  General  Morillo,  the  proud 
Pacificator  of  South  America,  was  besieged  in  the  centre  of 
Venezuela,  in  consequence  of  his  own  cowardice,  and  our  ex- 
traordinary promptness.  Such  is  the  interesting  picture  of  the 
action  of  Calabozo,  presented  to  the  military  world.  We  have 
lost  no  more  than  twenty  men.” 

I shall  not  consume  the  readers  time  in  pointing  out  the  fol- 
lies and  absurdities,  apparent  to  every  military  man  at  least, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


223 


upon  the  face  of  this  bulletin.  The  facts  are  these.  When 
the  cavalry  of  the  patriots  approached  near  Calabozo,  on  the 
12th  of  February,  they  met  with  a foraging  party  of  Seventy  or 
eighty  men,  who  had  sallied  from  Calabozo,  and  made  a halt 
before  a watering  place  to  water  their  horses.  They  had  dis- 
mounted, and  the  horses  were  without  saddle  or  bridle.  The 
men  had  on  their  short  jackets,  and  no  swords  or  other  arms, 
so  that  it  was  impossible  to  defend  themselves.  They  were  all 
killed  except  two,  who  jumped  upon  their  horses,  and  escaped 
into  Calabozo,  and  reported  the  news  to  their  general,  Morillo, 
at  his  head  quarters.  During  this  time  general  Bolivar  de- 
tached 400  men  to  surprise  the  grand  advanced  guard  of  the 
enemy,  which  were  defeated.  This  gave  time  to  the  troops 
of  Morillo  in  Calobozo,  to  form,  and  not  only  to  resist  the  patri- 
ots, but  to  force  them  to  retire.  The  Spaniards  were  not  1800 
men  strong,  whilst  the  united  force  under  general  Bolivar, 
amounted  to  upwards  of  8000  men. 

Morillo,  fearing  that  he  should  become  destitute  of  provis- 
ions and  forage,  if  he  remained  any  longer  in  Calabozo,  where 
the  enemy  could  easily  intercept  his  convoys,  resolved  to  evac- 
uate it.  He  took  his  sick,  baggage,  stores,  and  a good  many 
of  the  inhabitants,  who  chose  to  follow  him  ; and  placing  them 
in  the  centre  of  his  1800  men,  on  the  14th  of  February,  march- 
ed outjaf  the  city,  directing  his  course  towards  Sombrero,  in 
presence  of  the  patriots,  who  had  about  3000  cavalry.  He 
wras  obliged  to  march  through  sandy  and  arid  plains,  under  a 
burning  sun,  25  leagues,  until  he  arrived  at«Sombrero,  at  the  foot 
of  a strong  chain  of  mountains.  The  patriots  followed.  But 
notwithstanding,  this  great  superiority,  did  not  attempt  to  attack 
him.  This  cavalry,  far  more  numerous  than  his,  could  have 
acted  on  these  plains  with  vast  advantage.  At  Sombreo  they  at- 
tacked him  ; and  were  repelled  with  the  loss  of  several  hundred 
men.  They  pursued  no  farther  ; but  retired  towards  Calabo- 
zo, where  general  Bolivar  arrived  the  22d  February  ; wh'lst 
Morillo  directed  his  course  upon  Barbacoa,  Camatagua,  and 
arrived  in  March  at  Ortiz  near  Villa  deCura,  where  he  effected 
his  junction  with  Morales,  and  colonel  Lopez,  and  found  him- 
self at  the  head  of  4000  men  nearly  all  infantry.  Here  he  had 
lull  time  to  recruit  and  form  his  cavalry.  General  Calzada 
had  been  posted  at  Guardazenaga  with  1000  men,  to  observe 
the  movements  of  the  patriots. 

General  Bolivar,  who  united  with  general  Paez,  Monagas 
and  Sedeno,  had  above  8000  men  in  Calabozo,  took  posses- 


224 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


sion  of  San  Fernando  and  Apure,  and  gave  orders  to  occupy 
the  province  of  Barinas.  He  gave  the  command  of  these  op- 
erations to  general,  Paez;  while  he  himself,  remained  inactive 
at  Calahozo. 

Bolivar  left  his  head  quarters,  and  directed  his  march  to- 
wards Guadatinasus,  San  Jose  and  San  Francise  de  Pimados, 
and  joined,  tire  5th  of  March;  with  the  cavalry  of  general  Zarasa 
composed  in  a great  part  of  Llaneros.  On  the  7 th  the  patriots 
began  their  operations  against  the  capital,  Caracas,  and  on  the 
22d  the  valleys  of  Aragua  were  occupied  by  the  different  col- 
umns of  the  patriots,  whilst  their  advanced  posts  were  besiged 
in  Cabrera  and  in  Consejo. 

General  Morillo,  finding  that  the  city  of  Ortiz  could  no  lon- 
ger furnish  him  with  supplies,  departed  with  most  of  his  troops 
towards  Valencia.'  He  detached  de  La  Tora,  who  had  been 
advanced  to  the  rank  of  brigadier  general,  to  occupy  Villa  del 
Cura,  Vittoria,  and  Las  Cocuisas,  where  he  found  no  resistance, 
with  orders  to  maintain  himself  there,  until  further  advice. 
Calzada  with  his  troops,  1000  men,  occupied  San  Carlos,  and 
colonel  Lopez,  the  city  Del  Pao. 

General  Bolivar,  on  the  evening  of  commencing  his  decisive 
operations  against  Caracas,  received  the  unexpected  news  that 
genera]  Monagas  whom  he  had  detached  to  supply  the  fortifica- 
tions of  La  Cabrera,  had  been  forced  to  leave  this  postmot  far 
from  Caracas,  and  to  retire  towards  Cagua.  This  greatly  de- 
ranged his  plans. 

Meanwhile  general  Morillo  had  redoubled  his  activity,  and, 
supported  by  the  zeal  of  the  Spaniards  had  provided  himself 
with  many  useful  warlike  stores,  had  recruited,  remounted  his 
cavalry  and  united  as  many  forces  as  he  could  in  so  short  a time. 
He  now  thought  proper  to  begin  his  offensive  operations.  The 
12th  of  March,  he  detached  general  Morales  from  Valencia, 
with  3000  men  ; following  him,  on  the  13th  with  300  cavalry 
and  1000  infantry.  Morales  on  the  14th  between  Guarara  and 
San  Joaquin,  had  a little  skirmish  with  a small  detachment  of 
the  many  w ho  fled  towards  the  post  of  La  Cabrera,  wdiere  they 
sallied  with  the  forces  under  general  Monagas  1500  strong,  and 
took  a strong  position  at  Tapatapa.  Morales  attacked  and 
routed  them.  They  lost  300  men,  baggage,  &lc.  He  pur- 
sued and  attacked  them  again  at  Villa  del  Cura,  and  forced  them 
to  retreat  as  far  as  Boca  Chica,  two  leagues. 

When  general  Bolivar  heard  of  Monagas’  defeat,  he  imme- 
diately united  all  the  forces,  near  him,  and  arrived  on  the  15th 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


225 


with  about  3000  men  in  the  cagip  of  Monagas,  and  inarched 
with  his  troops  from  Boca  Cliica  towards  Semen,  where  they 
encamped.  The  Spaniards  attacked  them  at  two  o’clock  in 
the  morning,  but  were  repelled.  A second  attack  with  the 
bayonet,  divided  the  combat.  Bolivar  was  completely  routed, 
and  lost  more  than  1000  men,  his  artillery,  baggage  &c.  In 
attacking  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry,  Morillo  received  a slight 
wound,  and  gave  over  the  command  to  the  new  brigadier  deLa 
Torre,  instead  of  Morales,  who  was  mareschal  de  campo.  La 
Torre,  pursued  the  remainder  of  Bolivar’s  army,  attacked  him 
the  29th  March  at  Ortiz,  and  routed  him  with  the  loss  of  500 
men.  Here  .general  Morales  distinguished  himself  in  directing 
the  charge,  whilst  La  Torre,  as  I have  been  well  informed  re- 
mained at  a respectful  distance  behind.  On  the  6th  of  April  Bo- 
livar was  again  beaten  at  La  Puerta,  by  Calzada  and  Lopez, 
whom  de  La  Torre  had  detached  in  pursuit  of  him.  He  lost 
here  600  men  killed  and  wounded  ; twelve  hundred,  including 
the  wounded  were  taken  prisoners.  The  remainder  ofhis  ar- 
tillery (two  field  pieces,)  and  of  his  baggage  &c.  were  taken  ; 
and  Bolivar  escaped,  by  the  speed  of  his  horse*  with  a few 
officers.  Morillo  pured  of  his  wound,  soon  afterwards  joined 
the  army  and  resumed  the  command. 

After  these  defeats,  Bolivar  retired  to  El  Rincon  de  Los  To- 
ros, and  there  united  600  cavalry  and  300  infantry,  the  re- 
mainder of  his  forces.  Colonel  R.  Lopez  was  detached  against 
him,  surprised  his  out  posts,  and,  penetrated  into  the  midst  of 
his  camp,  at  two  o’clock  in  the  morning,  killed  400  men,  taking 
nearly  all  the  rest.  Bolivar  had  just  time  to  get  out  of  his 
hammock,  mount  his  horse,  and  escape  in  the  darkness  of  the 
night.  Colonel  Raphael  Lopez,  the  Spanish  commander,  was 
killed  ; so  was  the  patriot  colonel  Palacios  who  fought  brave- 
ly at  the  head  ofhis  battalion  ; which  gave  Bolivar  time  to  es- 
cape. To  complete  these  defeats  of  the  patriots,  colonel  Fran- 
cisco Ximens,  attacked  Marino,  at  Campano  on  the  12th  March, 
and  routed  him  completely. 

The  general  La  Torre  marched  May  the  2d  from  San  Car- 
los upon  the  city  of  Coxede,  where  he  expected  to  find  the 
enemy,  but  met  with  the  advanced  posts  of  general  Paez  near 
Camaruco,  who,  on  his  part  had  determined  to  attack  the 
Spaniards  at  San  Carlos.  La  Torre  after  having  defeated  the 
outposts  ol  Paez,  marched  against  him  and  routed  him,  not  far 
from  Coxede.  Morales,  on  die  other  side,  having  marched 


29 


226 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


against  Bolivar,  who  had  reinforced  himself  at  Calabozo,  attack- 
ed and  routed  him,  and  retook  possession  of  the  city. 

General  Bolivar  retired  towards  San  Fernando  and  Apure, 
and  recruited  from  the  plains  as  many  Llaneros  as  he  could  ; 
and  being  unmolested  during  the  whole  month  of  May,  he  had 
time  to  unite  again  a sufficient  number  of  chieftains  separated 
at  different  posts,  to  do  the  same.  Two  strong  detachments  of 
English  troops  under  colonel  Wilson  came  to  join  Bolivar  at  the 
end  of  May. 

A short  account  of  the  different  corps  that  came  over  from 
Great  Britain  to  the  Main,  may  perhaps  be  interesting.  They 
contributed  much  to  the  success  of  Bolivar’s  campaigns ; and 
were  rewarded  with  ill  treatment,  misery,  sickness,  and  death. 

The  supreme  chief,  seeing  the  behaviour  of  the  battalion  of 
Guiria,  composed  of  colored  men  from  Guadaloupe,  of  which 
I have  already  spoken,  remembered  what  Brion  and  I had  said 
to  him,  in  1S16  in  Carupano,  on  the  usefulness  of  foreign  le- 
gions ; and  thought,  at  last  that  it  would  be  well  to  have  some 
foreign  troops  with  him.  He  directed  his  agent  in  London  to 
have  an  understanding  with  the  English  houses  to  which  admi- 
ral Brion  and  others  had  written,  for  the  purpose  of  forwarding 
such  a plan.  He  directed  his  agent  to  send  as  many  such 
troops  as  could  be  procured.  The  character  of  Bolivar,  like 
that  of  all  Caraguins,  is,  that  the  moment  a project  is  adopted, 
they  are  impatient  and  restless  until  it  is  accomplished  ; and 
will  hazard  every  thing  for  that  purpose.  So  it  was  here  with 
Bolivar.  But,  having  no  money,  no  personal  credit,  no  pro- 
duce or  merchandise,  nothing  to  give  in  exchange,  he  could 
accomplish  nothing  but  by  the  great  exertions,  of  admiral  Brion, 
and  by  means  of  promises,  and  holding  out  prospects  of  great 
rewards  to  such  as  would  come  to  the  Main,  and  serve  a cause, 
which  indeed  had  in  itself  great  attractions.  Propositions  were 
therefore  made  to  lieutenant  colonel  Hippisley,  an  Englishman 
devoted  to  the  American  cause,  to  come  over  and  bring  with 
him  a number  of  his  countrymen.  No  money,  but  great 
promises  were  given  to  him,  and  such  as  he  should  bring  with 
him.  Colonel  Hippisley,  being  rich  and  in  good  credit,  with 
great  pains,  procured  300  men  who  were  armed,  clothed,  and 
equiped  in  England,  arrived  at  Angostura  a little  after  the 
departuie  of  general  Bolivar  for  the  army  at  the  end  of  1817. 
But  when  the  men  came  to  see  these  wretched  state  of  the  ser- 
vice, and  that  the  promises  made  them  in  England  could  never 
be  realised  ; they  found  the  condition  far  worse  than  in  their 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


227 


native  land  ; and  made  loud  and  just  reproaches  to  colonel  Hip- 
pisley,  for  having  seduced  them  into  this  service.  He  had  no 
intention  to  deceive  his  men  ; he  was  himself  deceived  proba- 
bly with  the  same  hopes  that  induced  his  men.  After  some 
months’  service,  he  took  his  leave,  greatly  disgusted  with  the 
military  services  in  Venezuela.  His  second  in  command  lieu- 
tenant colonel  English,  remained  in  England  to  procure  more 
men  ; and  sent,  in  detachments  of  from  100  to  200  each, 
1000  men,  to  the  island  of  Margarita,  and  after  them,  arrived 
there  himself.  But  before  his  arrival  these  troops  were  divi- 
ded into  three  companies  commanded  by  captains  Johnston, 
McIntosh,  and  Woodstock.  To  these  were  joined  about  50 
or  100  men  of  different  European  nations,  who  made  this  cam- 
paign with  general  Bolivar  ; who  committed  the  great  fault  of 
distrbuting  them  among  his  division,  and  those  of  Paez  and 
Monagas.  This  distribution  was  made  as  1 have  been  infor- 
med, for  fear  that  they  might,  if  left  together,  he  dangerous  to 
Bolivar  himself.  The  foreigners  were  greatly  displeased  and 
discouraged.  Thus  separated,  they  would  be  of  but  little 
use  ; whereas  1 00  such  men  or  even,  a less  number,  acting  to- 
gether against  the  troops  of  the  royalists,  might  have  been  of 
very  great  service  to  the  republic.  Many  of  them  left  the 
service  disgusted  with  this  and  other  ill  treatment.  The  re- 
mainder perished  miserably  for  want  of  food,  or  fell  victims  to 
the  climate. 

When  colonel  Hippisley  retired,  colonel  English  wTas  ap- 
pointed commander  of  a second  legion,  which  increased  to 
about  2500  men  ; among  whom  were  officers  of  distinguished 
merit.  Lieutenant  colonel  English  was  advanced,  successively, 
to  the  rank  of  colonel  and  brigadier  general.  He  arrived  in 
the  begining  of  the  year  IS  19,  at  Margarita,  where  admiral 
Brion  received  him  very  handsomely  in  the  port,  ofPampatar. 

Colonel  Wilson  brought  some  few  hundred  men,  who  ser- 
ved in  ISIS.  He  was  arrested  and  took  his  leave. 

The  third  legion  was  called  the  Irish  legion,  because  it  was 
composed  chiefly  of  Irishmen,  and  commanded  by  general 
Devereaux  a native  of  Ireland,  and  son  of  general  Devereaux 
to  whom  he  had  been  aid-de-camp.  His  father  died  and  left 
him  a hondsome  fortune.  Young  and  enthusiastic,  he  departed 
for  Buenos  Ayres,  where  he  offered  his  service  in  this  new 
republic.  Not  finding  uffiat  he  expected,  he  did  not  remain 
long,  but  came  in  ISIS,  and  offered  his  services  to  general 
Bolivar,  with  a certain  quantity  of  arms,  amunitions  and  war- 


228 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


like  stores,  upon  advantageous  conditions,  and  long  terms  of 
payment,  as  he  was  authorised  to  do  by  his  friends  in  Ireland 
and  England.  The  supreme  chief  accepted  his  offers,  and  this 
encouraged  Devereaux  to  go  farther  and  propose  the  ioimation 
of  a legion  in  his  native  country  to  be  brought  here  ; and  to 
serve  under  disorders.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to  please  the 
supreme  chief,  who  authorised  him  to  raise  such  a legion,  con- 
sisting of  5000  men. 

Bolivar  told  him  frankly  that  he  had  no  money  at  his  dispo- 
sal. I 'evereaux  replied,  “ that  he  wanted  only  an  ample  com- 
mission from  him  to  act  with  full  powers,  and  according  to  cir- 
cumstances for  the  benefit  of  Venezuela,  with  Bolivar’s  pro- 
mise to  approve  his  transactions  in  Great  Britain,  where  he 
could  obtain  what  he  desired.” 

Devereaux  arrived  in  Ireland  with  the  necessary  papers. 
Such  was  the  state  of  the  people,  that,  by  the  hope  of  greatly 
improving  their  condition,  and  by  means  of  his  splendid  repre- 
sentations and  promises,  numbers  of  his  countrymen  readily  con- 
sented to  take  service  in  Venezuela.  There  had  been  various 
statements  in  the  public  papers  relative  to  the  manner  in  which 
he  succeeded.  He  sent,  at  different  times,  about  5000  men 
to  Angostura  and  Margarita,  the  greater  part  of  whom  had 
served  beiore.  He  went  to  London  and  succeeded  there  also. 
Among  his  officers  were  many,  who,  being  apprised  by  their 
friends,  in  St.  Thomas  and  Jamaica,  of  the  miserable  condition 
of  the  service  on  the  Main,  refused  to  embark.  Their  number 
increased  daily,  and  it  has  been  reported  that  many  endeavor- 
ed to  give  up  their  commissions  and  get  back  the  money  they 
had  paid  for  them ; hut  that  Devereaux,  apprised  of  their  in- 
tentions, kept  out  of  their  way,  and  hastened  the  departure  of 
the  remainder. 

He  embarked  at  Liverpool  in  the  English  brig  Ariel,  with 
two  aid-de-camps,  one  colonel,  one  major,  one  surgeon,  one 
chaplain,  and  twenty  two  privates.  The  general  had  chartered 
this  brig,  under  a feigned  name,  to  transport  him  and  his  com- 
panions to  their  native  country,  he  being  a merchant  who  had 
been  shipwrecked. 

Afier  sailing  about  a fortnight,  having  taken  his  measures 
well,  beforehand,  he  informed  the  captain  and  crew,  that  he 
was  the  patriotic  general  Devereaux,  and  ordered  the  master 
to  take  him  to  Margarita.  On  arriving  there,  he  found  neither 
his  people  or  the  necessary  provisions.  Being  told  that  Brion 
and  Montilla  were  gone,  with  part  of  his  men,  to  Rio  Haclia, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


229 


he  determined  to  join  them.  On  arriving  before  this  port,  he 
saw  the  Spanish  colors  hoisted,  and  his  signals  were  not  an- 
swered. He  therefore  cruised  for  some  days,  and  not  learning 
where  admiral  Brion  was,  he  sailed  to  Jamaica  to  obtain  infor- 
mation. As  soon  as  the  brig  anchored  in  Port  Royal,  a guard 
of  marine  troops  came,  by  order  of  the  governor,  to  remain  on 
board  the  brig,  until  the  duke  of  Manchester  should  determine 
what  should  be  done  with  her.  General  Devereaux  asked 
leave  from  commodore  Huskinson  to  go  on  shore  with  one  of 
his  aids,  but  could  obtain  permission  only  for  himself.  During 
the  passage,  the  ship’s*  crew  had  revolted  three  times,  and  gen- 
erally had  behaved  very  ill. 

General  Devereaux  left  Port  Royal  in  July.  He  was  well 
received  at  Savanilla,  by  admiral  Brion,  but  very  coldly  by 
colonel  Montilla.  The  Caraguins  are  generally  of  a jealous 
temper,  particularly  with  regard  to  strangers.  Montilla’s  aver- 
sion to  them  is  notorious.  The  people  of  Carthagena  (where 
he  is  now,  by  Bolivar’s  appointment,  intendant  and  commander- 
in-chief  of  three  departments,)  generally  complain  of  his  harsh 
manners,  which,  I confess,  surprised  me,  when  I first  met  with 
him,  but  upon  further  acquaintance,  I found  him  attentive,  po- 
lite and  kind.  He  commanded  part  of  general  Devereaux’s 
division,  which  had  embarked  with  him  from  Margarita.  He 
feared,  that  by  the  superior  rank  of  the  general,  he  should  fall 
under  his  command,  and  particularly  refused  to  submit  to  his 
orders.  Some  provocation  passed  between  them,  but  no  duel 
was  fought. 

General  Devereaux  being  urgently  advised  by  his  friends  to 
take  no  step  against  Montilla,  but  to  absent  himself  for  a while, 
from  the  province  of  Carthagena  ; which  he  did,  and  they  never 
met  afterwards.  After  this  difference  with  Montilla,  general 
Devereaux  departed  for  congress,  which  then  set  at  Cacuta, 
and  of  which  general  Antonio  Nerino  was  vice-president. 
Though  Bolivar  conferred  upon  Devereaux  the  rank  of  briga- 
dier general,  before  his  departure  for  Great  Britain,  he  had 
never  served,  otherwise  than  as  aid-de-camp  to  his  lather,  and 
was  not  a military  man.  But  being  a handsome  and  fine  look- 
ing man,  of  great  address,  wit,  intrigue  and  discernment,  he 
easily  perceived  the  character  of  the  supreme  chief,  and  flat- 
tered him  so  adroitly  as  to  gain  his  full  confidence,  and  to  ob- 
tain from  him  full  power,  with  the  rank  of  brigadier  general. 
I have  been  assured  that  be  never  actually  commanded  his  le- 
gion, or  joined  it ; and  that  he  never  has  had  any  command 


230 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


since  he  has  been  in  the  service  of  Colombia.  He  remained 
at  Cucuta  as  a brigadier  general. 

After  the  death  of  general  English,  his  young  and  handsome 
widow  went  to  Cucuta,  to  receive  ftvm  congress  the  arrears  of 
pay  due  to  her  husband,  and  a pension  for  herself.  Some  evil 
minded  persons  spread  a report  that  she  was  not  the  lawful 
wife  of  the  general;  and  the  vice-president,  Narino,  called  on 
her,  with  witnesses  and  an  interpreter,  in  order  to  ascertain  the 
fact.  Mrs.  English  did  not  understand  Spanish,  nor  Marino  a 
word  of  English.  When  the  interpreter  had  explained  to  her 
the  motives  of  Narino’s  visit,  she  was  shocked,  and  spoke  to 
him  in  such  a manner  that  he  felt  deeply  ashamed  of  his  com- 
mission, which  he  certainly  ought  never  to  have  accepted. 
This  singular  visit  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Devereaux,  who, 
being  at  Cucuta,  immediately  wrote  a letter  to  Narino,  in  strong 
terms,  certifying  that  the  lady  had  been  married  to  general 
English.  Still  they  made  objections,  and  raised  difficulties. 
General  Devereaux,  informed  of  their  unjust  proceedings,  un- 
dertook her  defence,  and  sent  a formal  cartel  to  Narino.  The 
latter,  indignant  that  a stranger  should  dare  to  question  him,  a 
magistrate  of  high  rank,  immediately  sent  the  general  to  a dark 
wet  dungeon,  where  he  was  confined  as  a criminal.  He  found 
means  to  apply  to  congress,  and  complained  bitterly  of  this 
treatment,  demanding  a commission  of  inquiry  to  examine  his 
conduct.  This  was  granted  him,  and  after  he  had  remained 
six  weeks  in  the  dungeon,  without  air  or  light,  or  any  allowed 
communication  from  abroad,  he  was  sent,  under  a strong  guard, 
from  place  to  place,  until  he  reached  Caracas.  There  he  was 
tried  before  a court  martial  and  honorably  acquitted  in  Novem- 
ber 1821. 

The  base  treatment  received  by  general  Devereaux,  excited 
in  the  members  of  congress  so  much  resentment  against  the 
vice-president  Narino,  that  they  turned  him  out  of  his  office, 
and  put  in  his  place  Dr.  German  Roscio,  who  had  taken  great 
interest  in  general  Devereaux.  As  soon  as  president  Bolivar 
was  acquainted  with  the  injustice  done  to  Devereaux,  he  ap- 
pointed him  general  of  division,  or  major  general,  and  ordered 
the  widow  of  general  English  to  be  paid. 

We  return  to  general  Bolivar,  whom  we  left  at  San  Fernan- 
do de  Apure,  ready  to  recommence  his  offensive  operations 
against  Caracas.  He  took  possession  of  the  city  of  Calabozo 
in  June,  and  gave  orders  to  the  different  patriot  columns,  to 
march  again  upon  Caracas.  Their  advanced  party  reached 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


231 


effectively  to  Curayto,  five  leagues  from  the  capital,  where  the 
inhabitants  were  in  great  consternation.  But  Morillo,  who  had 
closely  observed  all  the  movements  of  the  patriots,  and  was 
much  better  served  by  his  spies,  than  Bolivar,  gave  orders 
suddenly  to  attack  these  separated  divisions  one  after  another. 
Bolivar  had  actually  neglected  to  combine  his  movements  with 
those  of  his  other  divisions.  The  patriot  divisions  were  separa- 
ted, routed,  deprived  of  their  brilliant  successes,  and  lost  all  the 
advantages  they  had  gained.  They  were  beaten  in  nine  differ- 
ent actions,  at  Sombrero,  Macaca,  La  Puerta,  El  Caymans, 
Ortiz,  El  Rincon  de  Los  Toros,  in  the  Savannas  of  Coxede, 
upon  the  mountains  of  Los  Patos  and  Nictiros.  They  lost  in 
seventy  days  more  than  5000  men  in  killed  and  prisoners. 
Many  thousand  stand  of  arms,  twelve  standards,  7 field  pieces, 
more  than  3000  horses  and  mules,  a quantity  of  cattle  that 
followed  the  troops,  their  amuaition,  baggage  c.  They  were 
compelled  again  to  leave  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards,  all  the 
cities,  places  on  the  plains,  and  the  provinces  which  lay  on  that 
side  of  the  river  Orinoco.  The  supreme  chief,  leaving  the  re- 
maining scattered  troops  to  the  command  of  general  Paez,  re- 
tired in  haste  to  the  fortress  of  Angostura. 

I will  give  an  extract  of  a letter  written  and  published  by 
colonel  M.  F.  P.  a native  of  Caracas,  who  was  in  the  service 
of  Venezuela,  hut  had  leave  of  absence,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
storing his  health,  in  the  island  of  St.  Thomas,  addressed  to 
Mr.  F.  a merchant  in  Caracas,  dated  St.  Thomas’  July  12th. 
This  colonel,  a man  of  talent,  knowledge,  and  military  skill,  was- 
so  disgusted  with  the  conduct  of  Bolivar,  that  he  realized  a great 
part  of  his  fortune  left  the  service,  and  went  to  live  in  London. 

“ I have  waited  patiently  the  result  of  the  last  campaign, 
which  began  at  Calabozo.  It  has  been  most  dreadful,  and  yet, 
such  as  might  have  been  expected  from  the  dispositions  of 
Bolivar.  After  having  approached  the  capital,  at  about  six 
leagues  distance,  he  constantly  kept  himself  in  such  a position, 
as  to  expose  his  forces  to  be  beaten  in  detail ; committing,  at 
every  step,  faults,  which  would  have  been  unpardonable  in  a 
corporal.  In  consequence  of  these  dispositions,  he  had  been 
forced  to  remain  on  the  right  side  of  the  Apure,  after  having 
sacrificed  the  strong  and  brave  army  which  the  several  generals 
had  placed  under  his  command.  The  last  news  received  from 
the  Orinoco  says,  that  the  people  begin  to  open  their  eyes  upon 
this  hero.  May  Heaven  grant,  that  it  may,  at  last,  be  in  our 
power  justly  to  appreciate  his  merit,  his  talents  and  his  worth. 


232 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


It  is  astonishing  that  we  should  not  have  been  able  to  expel 
a handful  of  Spaniards  from  our  country,  with  a force  of  more 
than  nine  thousand  men,  well  armed,  equiped,  and  amply 
furnished  with  all  the  necessaries  of  war  ! But  tnis  is  one  of 
the  consequences  of  the  confusion  and  the  disorder  which  di- 
rect our  operations.” 

Whilst  general  Bolivar  was  securing  his  person  at  Angostura, 
generals  Paez,  Bermudes  and  Marino  retired  to  their  respective 
plains.  Paez  again  took  possession  of  the  city  of  Auracia,  and 
made  himself  master  of  this  part  of  the  plains,  whence  he  re- 
cruited himself,  with  great  activity  and  success.  Marino  and 
Bermudes  blockaded  Cumana,  which  the  Spaniards  had  forti- 
fied, and  reduced  it  to  great  distress.  The  patriots  again  took 
possession  of  Guiria,  of  Carupano,  and  of  all  the  coasts  of  the 
gulph  of  Pari  a. 

As  soon  as  the  inhabitants  of  Guiria  were  acquainted  with 
the  results  of  this. campaign,  many  of  them  murmured  loudly 
against  the  supreme  chief,  f ive  of  the  most  influential  men, 
as  I have  been  well  informed,  held  a secret  consultation  on  the 
subject  of  turning  him  out  and  putting  general  Paez  in  his 
place.  All  were  strongly  enough  opposed  to  Bolivar  ; but  one 
of  the  five  was  quite  as  much  opposed  to  Paez,  whom  he  just- 
ly represented  as  illiterate,  arid  utterly  ignorant  of  civil  affairs. 
He  said  too,  that,  though  Bolivar  was  by  no  means  fit  ior  the 
place,  it  might  be  pernicious  to  displace  him  at  that  time,  and 
that  he  might  now,  after  so  much  loss,  probably  listen  to  good 
•advice  and  change  his  conduct.  After  warm  debates  which 
lasted  two  or  three  hours,  the  others  yielded  to  his  reasons ; 
and  Bolivar  remained  at  the  head  of  the  government.  This 
he  owed  to  a foreigner,  who  has  never  mentioned  these  par- 
ticulars. I have  them  from  turn  others  of  the  five,  one  of  whom 
is  dead,  the  other  is  still  living.  I am  acquainted  with  the 
name  of  this  foreigner,  and  know,  that  at  that  time,  he  held  a 
high  rank  in  Angostura.  My  informants  said  the  change  might 
easily  have  been  effected  at  that  time,  in  spite  of  Bolivar’s 
strong  body  guard  ; for  that  the  aversion  to  the  supreme  chief 
was  universal,  arising  partly  from  the  condemnation  of  Piar, 
(who  left  many  secret,  but  warm  friends,)  but  chiefly  from  his 
conduct  in  the  last  campaign.  But  the  dissatisfied  had  no 
leader,  and  they  knew  that  the  supreme  chief  had  numerous 
spies,  so  that  they  dared  not  to  communicate  their  sentiments  one 
to  another. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR, 


233 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Bolivar  and  Sanander — Council  of  Government  at  Angostura — 
Roscio  and  Torres — Situation  of  both  contending  parties — 
General  Urdaneta  and  English — Bolivar's  expedition  against 
New  Grenada — His  return  to  Venezuela — Events  at  An- 
gostura— Fundamental  law'of  the  Republic  of  Colombia. 
Years  1S18-I9. 

The  supreme  chief,  however  mortified,  appeared  with  his 
usual  retinue,  and  acted  as  if  nothing  adverse  had  happened. 
Through  his  emissaries  he  received  the  welcome  news,  that 
the  inhabitants  of  New  Grenada,  oppressed  and  vexed  by  their 
Spanish  tyrants,  waited  only  for  an  imposing  force,  to  declare 
their  independence,  take  arms,  and  join  the  patriots.  General 
Anander,  or,  as  he  now  signs,  Sanander,  the  vice-president  of 
Colombia,  and  known  to  be  the  greatest  opponent  of  Bolivar, 
was,  at  that  time,  in  Angostura.  He  is  a native  of  New  Gren- 
ada, where  he  had  many  friends,  who  urged  him  to  come  with 
whatever  forces,  arms,  ammunition,  &c.  he  could  bring  with 
him.  He  informed  the  supreme  chief,  that  the  Spaniards  were 
daily  harrassed,  not  only  by  the  victorious  divisions  of  general 
Urdaneta,  Valdes  and  others,  but  also  by  the  numerous  and 
strong  parties  of  Guerillas,  which  augmented  on  all  sides  in 
Grenada.  Sanander  urged  Bolivar  to  send  him  with  1000 
men,  3 or  4000  muskets,  ammunition  and  other  warlike  stores, 
to  New  Grenada,  and  to  give  him  the  command  of  the  expe- 
dition. But,  as  the  supreme  chief  had  conceived  the  idea  of 
going  himself,  sooner  or  later,  into  this  province,  and  as  he  was 
always  jealous  of  any  who  possessed  more  talent  and  character 
than  himself,  so  in  this  instance,  as  is  said,  he  feared  that  Sa- 
nander might  supplant  him,  or  at  least,  do  much  better  than  he 
could,  and  that  he  took  his  measures  accordingly.  The  opin- 
ion that  he  did  so,  is  supported  by  the  following  facts  : 

At  the  end  of  July  1818,  there  arrived  at  Angostura  a three 
masted  vessel,  from  London,  and  a brig  from  New  York,  with 
large  cargoes  of  muskets,  pistols,  gunpowder,  swords,  saddles, 
30 


234 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


and  every  description  of  warlike  stores,  sufficient  for  an  army. 
The  whole  was  offered,  on  good  terms,  to  general  Bolivar, 
who  purchased  them.  When  Sanander  heard  of  this,  he  press- 
ed the  supreme  chief  to  grant  him  20,000  stands  of  arms,  which 
were  needed  in  New  Grenada,  together  with  the  necessary 
ammunition,  See.  which  he  offered  to  have  transported  safely  to 
that  province.  But  Bolivar,  on  various  pretents,  (with  which 
he  is  always  ready,)  refused  his  request,  and  gave  him  only 
2000  stands  ; he  had  in  the  stores,  at  Angostura,  about  50,- 
000;  of  which,  afterwards,  at  the  the  time  of  his  marching  him- 
self into  that  province,  he  took  a quantity  with  him,  as  well  as 
of  other  warlike  stores.  By  this  conduct,  as  was  then  with 
good  reason  believed,  he  intende'd  to  convince  the  Grenadans, 
that  he  alone  was  able  to  afford  the  powerful  assistance  they 
were  in  so  great  need  of.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  mo- 
tive, by  refusing  to  furnish  Sanander  with  sufficient  means,  he 
certainly  delayed  the  emancipation  of  this  extensive  and  beauti- 
ful country  for  one  whole  year  at  least.  When  he  lost  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  independence  in  1 S 1 5,  he  was  evidently 
actuated  by  a spirit  of  vanity,  ambition  and  revenge.*  And  it 
was  neither  unnatural  or  unjust  to  suppose  that  he  was  now 
actuated  by  the  same  kind  of  spirit. 

General  Sanander  was  now  sent  to  New  Grenada  with  a very 
inadequate  supply  of  arms  and  warlike  stores,  far  less  than  the 
Grenadans  demanded,  and  than  might  have  been,  with  perfect 
convenience,  shared  from  the  vast  store  of  every  thing  at  An- 
gostura. Sanander  left  Angostura  for  New  Grenada,  with  his 
2000  muskets,  &c.  accompanied  by  the  son  of  general  Urdan- 
eta,  some  other  officers,  and  a small  escort  of  soldiers.  The 
object  of  his  commission  wTas  to  unite  the  numerous  bodies  of 
Guerillas  in  favor  of  the  patriots,  to  assemble  them  on  the  fine 
and  vast  plains  of  Casanare,  to  arm,  organise  and  fit  them  for 
action,  and  then  to  march  them,  united  with  general  Urdaneta’s 
strong  division,  against  the  capital,  Bogota,  and  to  drive  the 
Spaniards  out  of  Grenada,  and  intercept  the  communication  be- 
tween the  royalists  in  this  province  and  those  in  Venezuela. 
But  how  was  Sanander  to  do  all  this  without  the  necessary 
means  ? These  were  withheld  from  him  by  Bolivar.  He, 
however,  effected  more  with  his  limited  means,  than  Bolivar 


■*  See  chapter  VIII. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


235 


himself  had  done  in  his  campaign  of  1818,  with  powerful  forces. 
He  is  brave,  ambitious,  active  and  laborious,  and  speaks  and 
writes  with  facility.  He  possesses  a perfect  knowledge  of  the 
whole  face  of  his  native  country,  which  affords  great  advantages 
in  choosing  military  positions.  His  countrymen  placed  gi  eat  con- 
fidence in  him.  They  knew  that  he  had  been  accustomed 
to  hardships,  and  that  by  his  own  personal  merit  and  exertions, 
he  had  raised  himself  from  the  lower  class  in  which  he  was  born, 
to  the  rank  of  a general.  His  countrymen,  therefore,  preferred 
him  to  any  other  general,  particularly  to  Bolivar,  who  was  not 
liked  in  Grenada.  He  was  so  highly  thought  of,  that  his  name 
alone  terrified  and  discouraged  his  enemies.  He  gained  various 
battles,  and  fought  bravely ; but  stained  his  glory  by  his  cruelty. 
After  gaining  the  battle  of  Bogota,  he  ordered  28  generals  and 
other  officers,  who  had  surrendered  themselves  prisoners,  to  be 
shot.  And  thus  he  did,  after  this  practice  was  abolished  by 
agreement.  By  those  who  were  well  acquainted  with  the  cam- 
paigns of  1818-19,  the  emancipation  of  New  Grenada,  was  at- 
tributed principally  to  him.  Bolivar  only  finished  what  Sanan- 
der  began,  and  would  have  accomplisehd  a year  sooner,  had 
not  the  means  been  withheld  from  him  by  Bolivar. 

After  the  departure  of  Sanander  from  Angostura,  the  true 
friends  of  liberty  saw  nothing  in  the  established  patriot  govern- 
ment, upon  which  they  could  form  a reasonable  expectation  of 
stability  and  welfare.  Under  the  administration  of  the  supreme 
chief,  the  state  was  like  a ship  in  a stormy  sea,  without  a firm 
and  skilful  pilot.  They  looked  in  vain  for  energy,  activity  and 
talent.  They  saw  that  his  operations  were  the  result  of  mo- 
mentary impulse.  There  was  a mutability  in  his  actions,  which 
showed  them  that  he  acted  without  firmness,  skill  or  system. 

Before  his  departure  from  Angostura  in  1817,  general  Boli- 
var established  a council  of  government,  of  which  he  appointed 
Francisco  Antonio  Zea,  president.  Mr.  Zea  (who  afterwards 
died,  while  minister  at  London,)  was  undoubtedly  an  honest 
and  upright  man ; but  he  was  suffering  with  ill  health.  His 
malady  affected  his  mind,  and  prevented  his  acting  at  all,  or 
with  the  requisite  energy.  Blindly  submissive  to  the  will  of  the 
supreme  chief,  he  dared  to  do  nothing  without  his  express  con- 
sent. And  so  it  happened,  that  the  most  trifling  decisions  of 
this  council  of  government,  at  Angostura,  were  sent  to  the  su- 
preme chief,  “wherever  he  could  be  found,”  for  his  sanction, 
before  any  step  could  actually  be  taken.  General  Bolwar,  in 
his  continual  movements,  from  place  to  place,  often  left  large 


23G 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


packets  unopened,  some  were  decided  upon  after  a hasty 
glance,  and  sent  back  to  Angostura.  It  is  impossible  for  any 
human  being  to  do  every  thing ; but  Bolivar  appeared  not  to 
have  the  capacity  to  know  this,  although  lie  appeared  to  be 
actually  incapable  of  working  in  his  closet  more  than  three  hours 
at  a time.  Another  hindrance  to  business  was,  that  Mr.  Zea 
having  lived  in  Spain  above  twenty  years,  followed  strictly 
the  old  Spanish  principles,  habits  and  manners.  It  was 
impossible  that  two  such  men  should  govern  an  extensive 
country  agitated  by  passion,  civil  war,  and  troubles  of  every 
kind.  The  unexpected  result  of  the  last  campaign,  was  not  of 
a nature  to  inspire  confidence  in  the  general.  Disappointment 
enhanced  the  general  misery.  Every  branch  of  the  adminis- 
tration was  in  complete  disorder,  and  the  finances  exhausted. 

The  government  affording  no  security  for  a loan  from  abroad, 
Bolivar  had  no  way  left  to  raise  money,  but  by  extraordinary 
and  forced  contributions.  These  were  imposed,  and  in  a very 
arbitrary  manner  too,  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela.  But 
it  was  hard  to  procure  money  in  a country  where  industry  and 
commerce  were  ruined.  The  few  who  had  money  in  their 
power,  were  either  Spaniards  and  secretly  averse  to  the  gov- 
ernment, or  those  who  placed  no  reliance  upon  the  supreme 
chief;  so  that  these  forced  measures  increased  the  general  dis- 
satisfaction. Under  these  circumstances,  the  inhabitants  of  An- 
gostura saw,  with  a kind  of  abhorrence,  the  increasing  splendor 
of  the  household  of  their  supreme  chief,  his  luxury,  bis  man- 
ner of  rewarding  his  old  and  new  mistresses,  his  body  guard, 
and  the  numerous  officers  who  surrounded  him.  These  were 
his  flatterers  and  spies,  and  they  lived  in  high  style,  drawing 
hard  upon  the  few  and  scanty  resources  left  lor  public  use. 

The  greatest  part  of  these  officers  were  useless  to  the  army. 
Being  ignorant  themselves,  they  were  most  of  them  incapable 
of  drilling  or  affording  any  instruction  to  the  soldiers.  Gener- 
ally speaking,  they  gained  their  epaulettes  and  rank,  like  Soub- 
lette,  by  flattery  and  devotion  to  the  supreme  chief,  who  was 
the  only  source  of  recompense  and  honor.  As  he  had  no  in- 
struction in  military  matters  himself,  he  was  jealous  of  every 
foreigner  who  had  the  reputation  of  being  well  instructed  in 
them.  Thus  it  happened,  that,  at  the  court  of  Bolivar,  syco- 
phants held  the  places  of  the  brave,  and  flatterers,  of  men  of 
skill  and  talent.  The  luxury  of  these  officers  of  the  household, 
excited  great  dissatisfaction  among  the  other  officers  of  the 
army,  and  the  more  so,  because  the  cowardice  of  several  of 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


237 


them  had  been  displayed,  as  was  Soublette’s  at  Ortiz,  and  on 
other  occasions.  The  Irish  colonel  T.  who  was  present,  as- 
sured me,  that  he  had  never,  in  his  life,  seen  so  much  cow- 
ardice in  epaulettes,  as  Charles  Soublette  showed  at  the  battle  of 
Ortiz.  He  was  so  often  insulted,  and  had  become  so  contempti- 
ble at  Angostura,  that  the  supreme  chief  was  obliged  to  inter- 
pose his  own  authority  for  the  protection  of  this  worthy  friend. 
The  republic  of  Venezuela  was,  in  fact,  a despotic  military  an- 
archy, like  that  of  1813-14,  so  that  the  supreme  chief,  had  he 
possessed  talent,  would  have  been  puzzled  to  know  where  his 
attention  was  most  requisite.  He  daily  received  news  of  de- 
fections, and  reports  that  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  people  was 
increasing,  and  was  kept  from  breaking  out,  only  by  their  fear 
of  the  bayonet.  At  this  embarrassing  and  critical  time,  unex- 
pectedly arrived  a man  of  sense,  talents  and  character,  who 
saved  this  miserable  government  and  his  country  from  total 
ruin.  This  man  was  Dr.  German  Roscio. 

In  order  to  be  understood,  I must  give  here  some  interesting 
particulars,  but  very  little  known. 

The  Dr.  was  a native  of  Venezuela  and  had  been  a distin- 
guished member  of  the  first  congress  of  V enezuela,  assembled 
at  Caracas  in  181 1.  He  was  like  many  others,  arrested  in  July 
1812  at  Laguaira,  and  sent  to  Cadiz  with  general  Miranda. 
He  was  put  into  a dungeon  at  La  Caraca,  not  far  from  Cadiz. 
He  had  friends  there  by  whose  assistance,  he  effected  his  es- 
cape to  Gibraltar.  From  there  he  went  to  London;  and 
thence  to  the  United  States  of  America  ; where  he  met  Mr. 
Manuel  Jones,  another  Caraguin  who  lived  at  Philadelphia,  as 
an  emigrant  from  the  Main,  in  a private  and  retired  manner. 
They  soon  became  intimate  friends.  Mr.  Jones  died  a few 
miles  from  Philadelphia  in  1822  in  miserable  circumstances; 
being  however  at  the  time,  the  accredited  charge  des  affaires  of 
Colombia.  He  was  sick  in  his  bed  during  the  last  three  or 
four  months  of  his  life,  and  would  have  perished  with  his  fami- 
ly, if  the  necessaries  of  life  had  not  been  furnished  to  them  by 
a number  of  respectable  citizens  to  whom  he  was  known, 
and  who  will  attest  the  facts  here  related.  His  small  salary 
was  not  paid  to  him  by  his  government. 

Both  Dr.  Roscio  and  Mr.  Jones  were  firm  patriots,  men  of 
superior  talents,  and  of  sound  knowledge  in  every  branch  of 
civil  administration,  particularly  in  the  department  of  finance. 
They  were  competent  to  form  a constitution  of  government 
adapted  to  the  condition,  character,  and  genius  of  their  country- 


238 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


men.  Both  were  honest,  and  their  dearest  interest  was  the 
welfare  of  their  country.  They  saw  with  deep  regret  the  in- 
auspicious turn  which  the  revolution  of  Caracas  had  taken. 
They  lamented  the  fate  of  Miranda,  and  justly  venerated  his 
character  and  memory.  They  loudly  censured  the  memory 
of  general  Bolivar,  who  had  usurped  the  dictatorial  power ; 
and  seemed  determined  to  retain  it,  though  he  possessed 
neither  talent,  firmness  of  character,  nor  dignity,  sufficient  to 
qualify  him  for  such  an  office.  Notwithstanding  their  private 
opinion  of  general  Bolivar,  they  determined  to  use  their  utmost 
exertions  to  save  their  country.  They  were  resolved  to  con- 
vince him,  if  possible,  of  his  errors,  and  bring  him  into  meas- 
ures conducive  to  the  welfare  of  their  countrymen. 

Mr.  Jones  being  of  a feeble  constitution,  chose  to  remain  in 
Philadelphia,  where  he  could  be  free  and  independent ; and, 
being  out  of  the  power  of  the  supreme  chief,  could  speak  to 
him  in  plainer,  and  stronger  language,  than  he  would  be  per- 
mitted to  use,  whilst  under  his  immediate  control.  He,  there- 
fore, determined  to  commence  a correspondence  with  general 
Bolivar. 

Dr.  Roscio  departed  alone,  and  arrived  at  Angostura  in  the 
beginning  of  1 S 1 8,  soon  after  Bolivar  marched  against  Caracas. 
He  was  the  bearer  of  many  letters  and  papers  very  interesting 
and  important  to  Venezuela,  but  particularly  of  a very  long  let- 
ter from  his  friend  Jones  to  the  supreme  chief ; flattering  the 
vanity  of  Bolivar,  and  paying  him  many  compliments  upon  his 
good  intentions,  his  perseverence,  &c.  &c.  But  he  frankly 
told  the  supreme  chief  that  the  government,  which  he  had  es- 
tablished in  Venezuela,  was  not  at  all  suited  to  the  character  of 
its  inhabitants,  nor  to  the  complicated  interests  of  so  extensive 
a republic  ; that,  moreover,  a military  government  would  lead 
to  anarchy,  which  would  bring  along  with  it  the  ruin  of  the 
country,  and  the  certain  destruction  of  the  man,  whoever  he 
might  be,  that  should  attempt  to  support  such  a government. 

I have  already  said  that  Bolivar  abhorred  the  despotic  Span- 
ish government,  and  that  he  could  listen  to  the  advice  of  en- 
lightened men,  and  approve  of  their  plans,  but  that  unfortunately 
for  himself  and  the  country,  he  was  surrounded  by  vile  and  ig- 
norant flatterers,  to  whom  he  listened,  and  for  whom  his  affec- 
tion was  so  great,  that  he  often  acted  in  compliance  with  their 
wishes  against  his  own  conviction.*  If  Bolivar  had  acted  ac- 


* Ses  chapter  XIII. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


239 


cording  to  his  own  judgment,  even  the  interest  of  his  country 
would  probably  in  many  instances  have  been  promoted. 

In  the  absence  of  general  Bolivar,  Dr.  Roscio  was  received 
by  the  president  of  the  council  of  government,  Zea,  in  the  man- 
ner he  deserved.  During  his  stay  he  made  many  friends  ; he 
appears  to  be  one  of  the  editors  of,  or  writers  for,  the  Courier 
of  Angostura,  a Gazette  which  was  protected  by  Zea,  and  for 
which  he  sometimes  furnished  articles  himself.  This  concur- 
rence excited  a kind  of  rivalship  between  these  distinguished 
men.  As  the  Dr.  announced  his  principles  strongly  and  clear- 
ly, and  wrote  in  a superior  style,  Zea  began  to  grow  jealous  of 
him,  and  to  receive  him  coolly,  and  to  be  .reserved  in  their 
conversations.  Every  one  was  anxious  to  be  introduced  to 
Dr.  Roscio,  while  the  house  of  Mr.  Zea  became  less  fre- 
quented. Bolivar,  on  his  arrival,  received  him  as  an  old  ac- 
quaintance, having  known  him  at  Caracas  in  1811-12.  The 
Dr.  presented  Mr.  Jones’s  letter,  which  made  the  desired  im- 
pression upon  the  supreme  chief.  Possessed  of  an  agreeable 
and  persuasive  eloquence  ; and  supported  by  an  unsullied  re- 
putation, Roscio,  in  various  private  conversations  with  Boli- 
var, spoke  with  the  warmth  of  a feeling  heart,  in  favor  of  the 
principles  advanced  in  the  letter  of  his  friend  Jones.  He  was 
strongly  seconded  by  the  doctor,  Romon  Cadix,  and  Palacio 
Faxar,  men  of  talents,  and  respected  by  the  supreme  chief. 
The  result  of  these  exertions  was,  that  general  Bolivar  consent- 
ed to  convene  a Congress.  He  appeared  to  he  satisfied  of 
the  necessity  of  changing  his  measures.  But  when  he  came 
to  act,  he  allowed  the  congress  very  limited  powers  only  ; still 
reserving  to  himself  the  supreme  authority.  Whether  he  did 
this  in  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  his  flatterers,  or  was  di- 
rected by  his  own  ambition  is  uncertain.  These  probably 
coincided.  His  new  plan,  however,  evinced  a total  ignorance 
of  the  principles  of  modern  republican  free  governments,  and 
of  the  excellent  treatises  extant  upon  the  subject.  It  was  of 
course  unsatisfactory  to  the  enlightened  patriots.  He  had 
drawn  out  with  his  own  hand,  a pretty  extensive  project  of  a 
constitution,  which  he  proposed  to  introduce  into  Venezuela. 
In  this  project  he  proposed  to  institute  a house  of  Lords,  and  a 
house  of  Representatives.  The  members  of  the  Senate  or 
house  oi  Lords,  were  to  have  the  title  of  Baron,  Count,  Mar- 
quis, or  Duke  &lc.  These  offices  to  be  held  for  life,  and  titles 
to  be  hereditary.  From  this  plan,  obviously  in  imitation  of  the 


240 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


British  constitution  ; it  is  plain  that  he  wished  to  establish  a 
permanent  aristocracy. 

Bolivar  was  so  enchanted  w ith  his  plan,  that  he  privately 
communicated  the  project  to  the  council  of  government,  and  I 
regret  to  say,  the  presidant  Zea  highly  approved  of  it.  But 
Dr.  Roscio,  being  informed  of  the  project,  consulted  with  his 
friends  Cadix  and  Faxav,  and  they  united  in  such  representa- 
tions to  the  supreme  chief,  as  brought  him,  at  first  to  hesitate, 
and  then  to  suspend  the  execution  of  his  plan.  The  Dr.  im- 
mediately wrote  to  Jones,  stating  the  plan  to  him,  and  he,  by 
an  eloquent  and  persuasive  letter  directed  to  the  supreme 
chief,  prevailed  with  him  to  reject  the  aristocratical  part  of  his 
project. 

It  was  resolved  to  convene  a congress,  and  Bolivar,  a 
second  time,  had  the  merit  of  subjecting  his  own  ardent  de- 
sire to  the  superior  wisdom  of  his  friends.  These  two  instan- 
ces, heretofore  known  to  but  few  persons,  render  it  probable, 
that  if  Bolivar  had  chosen  for  his  friends,  men  of  information 
and  integrity,  istead  of  surrounding  himself  with  vile  flatterers 
and  ignorant  and  selfish  advisers,  he  would  have  been  a very 
different  character. 

Dr.  Roscio  and  others  of  his  ablest  and  best  friends,  are 
dead.  He  appears  now  to  be  left  to  flatterers  and  ignorant 
and  selfish  advisers;  and,  if  he  continues  to  be  so,  much  longer, 
will  destroy  himself,  or  his  country. 

Upon  the  assembling  of  the  deputies  of  congress  the  instala- 
tion  of  this  assembly  took  place,  the  15th  February,  under  the 
most  solemn  and  imposing  ceremonies,  which  it  would  be 
useless  to  detail  here.  Franc.  Ant.  Zea  was  elected  president, 
and  general  Bolivar  entrusted  with  the  executive  power. 

The  appointment  of  this  congress  changed  the  form,  but  did 
not  affect  the  substance  of  Bolivar’s  government.  Zea,  an 
honest  and  virtuous  man,  was  nevertheless  weak  and  entirely 
devoted,  even  yet,  to  the  general,  who  by  private  intrigue  pro- 
cured him  to  be  named  president  of  the  new  congress.  Bol- 
ivar knew  that  Zea  was  altogether  unable  to  command  the  ar- 
my, and  that  he  had  not  friends  and  adherents  enough  to  pre- 
tend to  govern  the  republic.  The  election  was  made  by  call- 
ing on  the  members  by  name  and  not  by  secret  balloting  ; the 
supreme  chief  was  present.  Some  10  or  12  deputies  propos- 
ed Mr.  Zea,  others  dared  not  to  oppose  the  nomination  ; and 
so  Mr.  Zea  was  unanimously  elected  against  the  secret  wish- 
es of  many,  probably  a majority  of  them. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


241 


On  this  occasion  general  Bolivar  gave  a new  proof  of  his 
love  of  power  and  distinction.  In  his  proclamation,  dated  An- 
gostura, February  20th,  he  said;  “ The  general  congress  of 
Venezuela  has  taken  the  supreme  power,  which,  until  this  day, 
you  had  confided  tome  ; I have  returned  it  to  the  people,  by 
rendering  it  into  the  hands  of  their  legitimate  representatives. 
The  national  sovereignty  has  honored  me  by  putting  into  my 
hands  the  executive  power,  with  the  title  of  Provisional  Presi- 
dent of  Venezuela.  Venezuelans  ! I feel  myself  unable  to 
govern  you  : 1 have  often  said  so  to  your  representatives,  who 
in  spite  of  my  well  grounded  refusal,  have  forced  me  to  com- 
mand you. 

Soldiers  of  the  liberating  army  ! my  only  ambition  has  al- 
ways been  to  partake  with  you  the  dangers  which  you  incur 
in  defence  of  the  republic.” 

The  name  of  Congress  made  a favorable  impression  upon 
public  opinion  ; and  the  new  organised  government  wras  power- 
fully supported  by  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela  : so  that  gene- 
ral Bolivar  succeeded  in  collecting  an  army  of  from  13  to 
14000  men,  which  enabled  him  to  act  on  the  offensive. 

He  received  from  England,  besides  the  legion  of  which  I 
have  spoken,  large  cargoes  of  arms,  ammunition,  warlike  stores 
&tc.  Numbers  of  French,  German,  Polish,  and  other  officers 
came  to  Angostura  and  Margarita,  to  offer  their  services,  with 
sanguine  hopes  of  advancement  and  fortune  and  of  enjoying  the 
honor  of  being  admitted  into  the  ranks  of  those  who  fought  for 
the  sacred  cause  of  liberty  and  independence  ! General  Bolivar 
received  them  well.  His  polite  and  easy  manners,  when  in 
good  humor,  have  fascinated  thousands,  who  were  unacquainted 
with  his  profound  dissimulation,  and  his  concealed  jealousy  of 
strangers.  But  when  these  foreigners  found  that  they  received 
neither  pay  nor  good  rations,  and  were  looked  upon  by  the  na- 
tive troops,  among  whom  they  served,  with  a jealous  eye,  while 
they  wrere  obliged  to  traverse  marshy  or  arid  plains ; their 
zeal  changed  to  disappointment  and  dejection.  Many  retired 
in  a pitiable  condition,  as  the  inhabitants  of  Jamaica,  St.  Thom- 
as’, Curacao  &tc.  can  testify,  from  1819  to  the  present  time. 

The  great  exertions  of  the  patriot  commanders,  and  the  re- 
viving spirit  of  the  people,  excited  sanguine  hopes  that  the  cam- 
paign of  this  year  would  be  the  last,  and  that  the  Spaniar  Is 
could  now  be  driven  from  the  country ; and  an  end  be  put  to 
this  distressing  war. 


31 


2-12 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


General  Bolivar,  anxious  to  efface  the  unffortunate  cam- 
paign of  ISIS,  conceived  for  this  year  an  excellent  plan, 
which  in  good  hands  must  have  succeeded.  He  made  a dis- 
play of  an  intention  to  attack  Caracas,  and  free  Venezuela 
from  the  Spanish  yoke.  By  this  he  induced  Morillo  to  weaken 
New  Grenada  and  concentrate  his  forces  upon  this  point ; 
whilst  Bolivar  turning  suddenly,  united  his  forces  with  the  nu- 
merous Guerillas,  and  marched,  in  different  columns,  against 
Bogota. 

He  had  sent  general  Sanander  forward  to  prepare  every 
thing,  as  I have  mentioned  ; he  had  revived  the  public  spirit 
by  gaining  advantages  over  the  enemy  ; so  that  he  might  easily 
have  raised  the  inhabitants  of  these  22  prov  inces  against  their 
oppressors,  whom  they  hated. 

Bolivar,  sure  of  retaining  his  supreme  power,  named  Zea  as 
vice  president  of  the  government  during  his  absence,  sent  gen- 
eral Urdaneta  and  Valdes  with  about  20  officers,  to  the.  island 
of  Margarita,  to  organise  the  troops  which  were  there,  and  de- 
parted February  the  27th,  for  the  army.  He  had  with  him  a 
numerous  and  brilliant  staff,  and  2000  men  ! He  directed  his 
march  towards  the  left  shores  of  the  river  Araura,  to  join  gen- 
eral Paez,  who  had  about  3000  Llaneros,  all  mounted. 

General  Bolivar  named  San  Iago  Marino  commander-in- 
chief of  the  corps  under  Bermudes,  Monagas,  Zarasa,  Roxas, 
and  Montes,  about  6000  men  strong,  and  ordered  him  to  march 
against  Barcelona  and  Cumana  ; and,  if  they  should  refuse  to 
surrender  to  take  them  by  assault.  These  corps  marched  in 
February. 

Besides  these  forces,  the  patriots  had  in  the  seaports  of 
Pompatar  and  Juan  Griego,  in  the  island  of  Margarita,  12  arm- 
ed vessels,  and  among  them  1 corvette,  4 brigs,  and  3 her- 
maphrodite brigs  ; the  rest  were  schooners  manned  with  Eng- 
lishmen  and  Americans.  On  the  Orinoco,  eight  vessels  were 
constructed,  consisting  chiefly  of  gun  boats,  well  manned  and 
armed. 

Against  these  forces  which  threatened  his  total  destruction, 
the  Spanish  general  Morillo,  had  neglected  nothing  to  put  him- 
self in  a good  state  of  defence.  In  January,  he  departed  from 
Valencia  at  the  head  of  5C(J0  men,  and  ordered  San  Fernan- 
do de  Apure,  whete  La  Torre  commanded,  and  where  Moril- 
lo established  his  head  quarters,  to  be  fortified.  Soon  after- 
wards, general  Paez  having  evacuated  the  city,  retired  towards 
the  river  Araura,  to  effect  his  junction  with  general  Bolivar. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


243 


Morillo  moved  forward,  and  established  his  camp  before  the 
borough  of  Caujacal. 

General  Morillo  hearing  that  many  English  troops  had  al- 
ready  joined  the  patriots,  became  apprehensive  that  their  num- 
bers would  become  so  great,  that  it  would  be  impossible  for 
him  to  resist  them.  He,  therefore,  issued  a proclamation  direc- 
ted “to  the  chiefs,  officers,  and  privates  of  his  Britanic  Majesty 
actually  serving  with  the  insurgents,”  to  induce  them  to  desert  to 
the  Spanish  army.  Among  other  things  he  said,  “the  government 
of  his  Catholic  Majesty,  and  I,  particularly,  have  been  informed 
of  the  manner  in  which  many  subjects  of  his  Britanic  Majes- 
ty, have  been  seduced  in  England  by  Mendes  and  other  trai- 
tors, to  unite  their  fortune  with  those  who  styled  themselves  In- 
dependents of  South  America.  The  revolutionary  agents  have 
represented  to  them  that  there  existed  a republican  government, 
well  established  laws,  armies,  and  inhabitants  who  have  vol- 
untarily  submitted  to  such  a republic.  By  such  illusions  many 
have  been  seduced  to  leave  their  country  with  the  intention  of 
establishing  themselves  there  and,  obtaining  as  a recompense 
for  their  services,  property,  fortune  and  honor  ! But  how  cru- 
elly have  they  been  deceived. 

Englishmen  ! It  is  to  you  that  I address  myself ; to  you 
who  already  know  this  famous  personage  (Simon  Bolivar) 
whom  you  compare  in  England  with  a Washington  ; but  now 
that  you  have  seen  this  hero  of  this  miserable  republic,  his 
troops,  his  generals,  and  the  crazy  fools  which  compose  its  gov- 
ernment, yo  i know  you  have  been  grossly  deceived.  You  serve 
under  the  orders  of  a man  who  is  in  ever)'  respect  very  insig- 
nificant and  you  have  united  yourselves  with  a horde  of  banditti, 
who  are  known  by  their  cruel  deeds.  I know  there  are  many 
Englishmen  and  otlies  Foreigners  who  have  been  deceived, 
who  cannot  separate  themselves  from  this  unjust  cause,  for 
want  of  means  : I offer  and  promise,  therefore,  to  those  who 
voluntarily  present  themselves  to  the  army  under  my  command, 
perfect  security  for  their  persons,  whether  they  may  choose  to 
be  admitted  into  the  service  of  his  Catholic  Majesty  or  to  retire 
to  any  other  country.  In  either  case  they  shall  be  in  safety. 

General  Head-quarters  at  Achaguas,  March  26th,  ISIS. 

(Signed)  " PABLO  MORILLO.” 

A decree  of  Ferdinand  VII,  dated  Madrid,  January  14th, 
1S19,  and  addressed  to  the  minister  of  foreign  relations,  differs 
pretty  widely  from  this  proclamation  of  his  representative  on  the 


244 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Main.  His  catholic  majesty,  the  protector  of  liberal  opinions, 
and  the  benefactor  of  humanity,  says,  in  his  decree,  “ That  all 
strangers  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands,  and  serving  in  the 
cause  of  the  insurgents,  within  his  possessions,  and  all  who  have 
furnished  arms  for  t[iem,  shall  be  condemned  to  death,  and 
their  property,  being  within  the  jurisdiction  of  his  Catholic  ma- 
jesty, shall  he  confiscated.” 

On  the  20th  of  March,  general  Bolivar  united  his  forces  with 
those  of  general  Paez,  who  he  made  acquainted  with  his  new 
plan  of  operations  against  new  Grenada,  requesting  the  support 
of  his  cavalry  of  Llaneros.  Paez  told  him,  that  he  was  ready 
to  follow  him,  but  that  he  doubted  whether  his  Llaneros  could 
he  prevailed  upon  to  do  so.  It  is  notorious  that  these  Indians 
dislike  to  fight  at  a distance  from  their  plains;  and  in  spite  of 
the  urgent  entreaties,  both  of  Bolivar  and  Paez,  they  refused, 
and  declared  that  if  force  were  used  to  compel  them,  they  would 
desert,  and  return  to  their  native  plains  where  they  were  used 
to  fight. 

The  two  generals  were  obliged  to  yield  to  their  refusal,  and 
appeased  them  not  without  difficulty.  This  act  of  insubordina- 
tion, and  the  consequent  total  want  of  cavalry,  greatly  dispirited 
the  troops  of  general  Bolivar. 

Before  his  departure,  he  and  Paez  were  attacked  by  a Span- 
ish column,  under  colonel  Paeira,  to  whose  support  the  forces 
under  Morillo  came  soon  after  ; and  on  the  27th  of  March,  an 
action  took  place,  a little  way  from  Trapiche  de  La  Gamaua, 
where  the  patriots  were  beaten.  In  their  retreat  they  were 
greatly  harrassed,  the  Spaniards  followins:  them  along  the  right 
bank  of  the  river  Araura,  during  the  29th  and  31st  of  March, 
and  the  1st  and  2d  of  April.  General  Morillo,  in  his  official 
report,  ridiculed  the  disposition  of  general  Bolivar.  He  said 
“the  want  of  boats,  which  were  unluckily  destroyed  in  the 
river  Apure,  hindered  me  from  crossing  the  Araura,  in  order 
to  finish  the  destruction  of  the  forces  under  Bolivar  and  Paez, 
who  were  advancing,  as  they  said,  to  take  the  capital  in  two 
days,  a rumor  spread  by  Bolivar,  when  he  departed  from 
Guayana  with  his  famous  reinforcement  of  Englishmen,  &tc.” 

But  Morillo’s  triumph  lasted  not  long.  Bolivar  and  Paez 
obtained  more  troops,  and  marched  against  Morillo,  whose 
head  quarters  were  at  Achaguas.  They  attacked  him  on  the 
15th  of  April,  and  after  a warm  combat,  Morillo  was  totally 
routed,  with  the  loss  of  about  1200  men,  and  was  compelled  to 
retreat,  with  the  remainder  of  his  troops,  to  Calahozo.  The 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


245 


colonel  Donato  Paez,  brother  of  the  general,  destroyed  36 
Spanish  gun  boats,  and  took  18  pieces  of  cannon  of  large 
calibre. 

The  troops  under  the  Spanish  general  La  Torre,  were  also 
routed,  and  compelled  to  make  their  retreat  along  the  plains  of 
Aragua,  and  joined  their  general-in-chief  in  Calabozo.  The 
consequence  of  these  two  victories  was  the  occupation  of  Ba- 
rinas  by  the  patriots,  which  opened  to  them  the  way  into  New 
Grenada. 

Morillo  again  united  a force,  of  6000  men,  and  attempted  to 
invade  the  plains  of  Apure,  and  to  avail  himself  of  the  absence 
of  Bolivar,  who  had  been  in  the  province  of  Barinas  to  recruit, 
and  to  unite  with  the  English  troops,  which  had  directed  their 
march  towards  this  point.  General  Paez  cautiously  endeavor- 
ed to  avoid  a battle,  and  to  draw  the  enemy  into  the  interior  of 
the  plains,  that  he  might  afterwards  cut  off  their  retreat.  In 
this  short  campaign,  Paez  manoeuvred  with  such  skill  and  suc- 
cess, that  he  harrassed  and  even  beat  various  detachments  of 
the  enemy,  took  and  killed  more  than  1500  of  them,,  and  cut 
off  the  convoys,  provisions,  and  other  aids  intended  for  the  ar- 
my of  Morillo,  who  was  at  last  compelled  to  retreat  to  the  island 
of  Achaguas. 

General  Bolivar  arrived  in  May,  with  his  troops  of  foreign- 
ers, at  Nutrias,  where  he  allowed  them  some  rest.  Paez,  with 
about  2000  cavalry  and  800  English  infantry,  observed,  and 
besieged  Morillo  in  Achaguas.  He  even  sent  strong  parties 
towards  Calabozo  and  San  Carlos,  to  observe  what  was  trans- 
acting in  this  part  of  the  country. 

If  Bolivar  had  possessed  ordinary  knowledge  of  the  military 
art — if  he  had  united  his  and  Paez’s  troops  with  those  of  Ma- 
rino, he  could  have  destroyed  Morillo’s  forces  at  a blow.  He 
could  have  cut  him  off  from  all  means  of  supply,  and  forced 
him  to  hazard  an  attack,  or  to  perish  by  famine,  or  capitulate. 
Instead  of  this,  he  only  observed  the  Spaniards  in  Actiagua, 
without  making  any  attempt  against  them.  When  Morillo  saw 
this,  he  united  his  forces,  plhced  himself  at  their  head,  and 
opening  his  way  through  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  arrived  with- 
out any  considerable  loss,  in  June,  at  Caracas,  whence  he  im- 
mediately detached  two  battalions,  to  reinforce  the  places  of 
Cum  aria  and  Barcelona. 

Meanwhile,  general  Marino  reinforced  himself  daily  at  the 
Pao  of  Barcelona,  preparing  to  attack  the  Spanish  colonel  Al- 
darna.  Bermudes  closely  besieged  Cumana,  and  Urdaneta 


246 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


was  destined  to  act  in  unison  with  general  English,  and  the 
English  tioops  arrived  with  him  at  Margarita,  upon  one  of  the 
points  on  the  eastern  coast  of  V enezuela. 

This  expedition,  called  the  expedition  of  the  foreigners,  de- 
parted the  13th  ol  July,  from  Margarita,  in  25  armed  and  trans- 
port vessels.  On  board  the  squadron  were  1400  English  and 
Hanoverian  troops,  and  about  1000  sailors  commanded,  in 
chief,  by  general  Urdaneta.  They  debarked  on  the  coast  near 
Barcelona,  and  after  effecting  their  debarkation  the  squadron 
was  directed  towards  Cumana,  in  order  more  closely  to  block- 
ade the  place.  Marino  after  having  routed  colonel  Aldama,  on 
the  12th  June,  near  Mechispeco,  joined  the  forces  of  Sedeno, 
Zarasa,  Monagas,  Rosas,  Bermudes  and  Thomas  Montilla, 
uniting  his  own  forces  with  theirs  in  one  encampment  near  San 
Diego  of  Caburtica,  where  the  English  troops,  under  Urdan- 
eta, were  daily  expected.  From  that  time,  every  one  was  satis- 
fied that  such  an  imposing  force,  ol  more  than  13,000  men 
strong,  would  be  more  than  sufficient  to  conquer  Cumana,  Bar- 
celona, Caracas,  and  the  whole  country  of  Venezuela.  The 
patriot  chieftains  were  so  certain  of  success  that  they  detached 
2000  men  towards  Cucuta,  in  New  Grenada,  to  reinforce  gen- 
eral Sanander,  (who,  at  various  times,  had  obtained  some  troops, 
and  more  arms,)  in  order  to  strengthen  and  encourage  the  pat- 
riots, who,  since  his  arrival,  had  not  ceased  to  join  him,  and  he 
had  already  penetrated  as  far  as  Sagamosa,  not  tar  from  the  capi- 
tal of  Bogota. 

The  English  troops,  under  Urdaneta,  instead  of  uniting  with 
the  forces  of  San  lago  Marino,  near  Cumana,  debarked,  as  I 
have  stated,  not  far  from  Barcelona.  It  has  beep  said,  that  this 
evil  course  was  ordered  by  general  Rafael  Urdaneta,  to  avoid 
acting  under  general  Marino,  whom  he  despised,  and  from  act- 
ing under  whose  orders,  he  had  ever  been  solicitous  to  keep 
himself.  Urdaneta,  too,  was  jealous  of  general  English,  on  ac- 
count of  his  great  authority  and  influence  over  the  English 
troops,  who,  very  naturally,  came  more  ready  to  obey  him  than 
Urdaneta.  He,  therefore,  did  eifery  thing  to  counteract  him. 
As  soon  as  their  debarkation  was  effected,  a strong  Spanish 
column  opposed  their  advance  into  the  interior  of  the  province, 
and  having  no  provisions,  they  embarked  again  on  board  the 
Spanish  squadron,  the  3d  of  August.  They  sailed  towards  Cu- 
mana, and  debarked  near  it,  at  Rordones,  which  the  Spaniards 
had  fortified.  General  Urdaneta,  without  waiting  for  the  forces 
under  Marino,  ordered  an  attack  upon  Cumana,  where  he 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


247 


was  repulsed  by  the  garrison.  On  the  8th  of  August  the  Eng- 
lish troops  attacked  with  the  bayonet,  and  in  four  different 
charges,  which  they  made  with  the  utmost  bravery,  were  again 
repulsed  with  great  loss.  The  greatest  part  of  these  heroic 
troops  perished  afterwards,'  before  a small  battery  called  Agua 
Santa.  Part  of  them  fell  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  some  at 
Maturin,  where  they  retired  after  their  defeat.  As  this  city 
was  entirely  ruined,  they  found  but  scanty  means  of  subsistence, 
and  perished  miserably  for  want  of  food,  the  effects  of  fatigue 
and  the  climate.  General  English  retired  to  the  island  of  Mar- 
garita disgusted  with  such  a service,  and  particularly  with  the 
behaviour  of  Urdaneta  towards  him  and  his  troops.  The  squad- 
ron directed  its  course  towards  the  same  island. 

Thus  ended  this  expedition,  from  which  the  patriots  justly 
expected  great  success,  and  in  which  the  English  troops  were 
uselessly  sacrificed,  as  there  is  good  reason  to  believe,  by  the 
ignorance  and  jealousy  of  general  Urdaneta. 

Among  the  foreigners  who  came  with  general  English,  was  a 
major,  named  Guillemore,  an  engineer,  and  an  officer  of  dis- 
tinguished merit.  He  directed  the  fortifications  of  Santa  Rosa, 
a fort  which  protected  the  small  port  of  Juan  Griego,  on  the 
island  of  Margarita,  which  Morilla  could  never  take,  and  which 
caused  his  entire  defeat  in  this  island,  as  I have  already  related. 
Major  Guillemore  was  entirely  opposed  to  an  attack  upon  Cu- 
mana,  and  spoke  with  warmth  and  eloquence,  to  show  that  the 
attack  must  prove  unsuccessful.  Urdaneta  treated  him  harshly, 
and,  though  he  was  supported  by  the  most  reasonable  repre- 
sentations of  general  English  himself,  Urdaneta  obstinately  per- 
sisted in  ordering  the  attack.  The  consequences  were  as  I 
have  related.  When  the  result  was  known,  Urdaneta,  Bermu- 
des,  Marino,  and  some  other  native  chieftains,  had  the  baseness 
to  exclaim  loudly  against  these  foreigners,  and  to  call  them  cow- 
ards. They  most  impudently  imputed  to  general  English  the 
mischievous  consequences  of  the  ignorance  and  obstinacy  of 
general  Urdaneta. 

General  English  was  an  enthusiast  in  the  cause  of  civil  liberty, 
and  was  a brave  officer.  He  died  of  a broken  heart,  in  con- 
sequence ol  the  treatment  he  received  from  Urdaneta,  and  of 
the  loss  of  so  many  ol  his  brave  companions,  by  the  jealousy 
and  meanness  of  the  Spaniards.  He  died  at  Margarita,  desti- 
tute ol  almost  every  thing,  and  lamenting  his  engagement  in 
such  a service.  Major  Guillemore  retired,  with  the  same  opin- 
ion of  the  service. 


248 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


The  patriots  succeeded  at  last  in  getting  possession  of  Bar- 
celona, on  the  5th  August.  General  Urdaneta  found  no  more 
than  forty  men  acting  in  the  fortified  charity  house.  Urdaneta 
and  Bermudes,  with  their  united  forces  of  more  than  2000 
men,  were  engaged  about  two  months,  in  getting  possession  of 
an  ill  fortified  Spanish  garrison,  posted  at  a single  house  rather 
than  a fortification,  and  consisting  of  less  than  an  hundred  men, 
and  these  became  destitute  of  food  and  munitions  of  war. 
This  fact  may  afford  a pretty  just  notion  of  the  military  skill  of 
Urdaneta  and  Paez. 

Urdaneta  ordered  the  forty  Spaniards,  found  acting  in  the 
charity  house,  to  be  shot,  by  way  of  retaliation,  for  the  following 
Soanish  cruelty.  When  the  patriots  approached  Barcelona, 
lieutenant-colonel  Gorin,  who  commanded  the  Spaniards  in  the 
city,  sent  a detachment  of  thirty  cavalry,  to  reconnoitre  the  ene- 
my, who  marched  towards  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  without  en- 
countering any  opposition.  In  the  night,  this  detachment  sur- 
prised an  advanced  guard  of  six  men,  commanded  by  a ser- 
geant, and  put  them  to  the  sword  before  they  could  give  the 
alarm.  They  advanced  rapidly  towards  the  house  where  gen- 
eral Urdaneta  was  sleeping.  They  surprised  his  guard,  com- 
manded by  an  English  officer,  a lieutenant,  and  killed  them, 
but  spared  the  officer,  whom  they  disarmed  and  threatened  to 
cut  in  pieces,  if  he  were  not  still.  They  then  stuffed  a hand- 
kerchief into  his  mouth,  and  two  Spaniards  fastened  him  to  the 
tails  of  their  horses.  Urdaneta  was  awakened  by  the  noise, 
escaped  through  a back  door  of  the  house,  and  gave  the  alarm 
to  his  troops.  The  Spaniards  were  obliged  to  retire,  and  de- 
parted at  full  gallop,  so  that  their  ptisoner  was  literally  torn 
to  pieces  alive  ! 

In  June,  general  Bolivar  left  general  Paez  for  the  purpose 
of  penetrating  into  the  heart  of  New  Grenada  with  a very  strong 
column.  He  rejoined  the  latter,  arid  endeavored  to  make  him- 
self master  of  the  province  of  Barinas,  in  order  to  cover  himself 
on  this  side.  Bolivar  found  the  enemy  in  the  valley  of  Sama- 
goso,  in  the  province  of  Tunja.  He  had  2000  infantry,  of 
which  the  greater  part  were  European  troops,  and  500  cavalry. 
The  Spanish  general  Barasino  had  about  the  same  number. 
The  battle,  fought  the  1st  of  July,  was  warm  and  obstinate. 
The  English,  at  last,  decided  the  combat,  by  a vigorous 
charge,  which  forced  the  enemy  to  retire  in  great  disorder. 
Barasino  soon  reinforced  himself,  and,  on  the  23d  of  the  same 
month,  attacked  general  Bolivar  at  Patuno  de  Berg,  near  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


249 


capital  of  the  province  of  Tunja.  He  was  defeated  a second 
time,  with  the  loss  of  his  artillery,  baggage,  and  many  of  his 
troops,  among  whom  were  his  staff  officers.  A considerable 
number  of  deserters,  principally  cavalry,  came  over  to  the  pat- 
riots. 

General  Bolivar  proclaimed  martial  law,  in  virtue  of  which 
all  the  inhabitants  of  New  Grenada  capable  of  serving  were 
compelled  to  bear  arms  and  join  his  troops,  under  the  penalty 
of  capital  punishment.  His  army  soon  increased  to  3900  in- 
fantry and  1000  cavalry.  With  these  he  marched  towards  the 
capital,  Bogota.  He  found  general  Bacasino  at  a large  farm 
called  the  Venta  Guernada,  sixty  miles  from  the  capital.  As 
the  ground  was  hilly,  and  covered  with  bushes,  some  of  the 
English  officers  advised  general  Bolivar  to  use  stratagem, 
which  he  did  successfully.  He  placed  most  of  his  infantry  in 
ambush,  and  ordered  his  cavalry  to  gain,  unseen,  the  rear  of 
the  enemy,  so  that  his  battle  line  presented  a front  of  small  ex- 
tent. The  enemy  made  the  attack  with  great  bravery ; but  at 
this  moment  the  infantry  in  ambush,  and  the  cavalry,  rushed 
forward  and  attacked  his  flank  and  rear.  The  Spaniards  were 
routed  with  a loss  of  more  than  1000  men,  and  were  not  ral- 
lied until  they  reached  Mompox.  This  battle,  of  the  7th  Au- 
gust, decreed*  the  fate  of  New  Grenada,  and  was  attributed  to 
the  European  troops. 

The  viceroy,  Samana,  received  intelligence  of  this  battle  in 
the  night  of  the  Sth  ; a'nd  Bogota  being  an  open  and  defence- 
less city,  he  gave  orders  to  evacuate  it  immediately.  In  the 
morning  of  the  9th,  he,  with  some  hundred  persons,  left  the 
capital. 

His  retreat  was  so  rapid,  that  he  arrived  at  Honda  in  thirty 
hours  ; a journey  which  usually  occupies  three  days.  He  left 
at  Bogota  half  a million  of  dollars,  in  silver  money.  Bolivar 
made  his  triumphal  entry  the  12th  of  August,  and  ordered  the 
city  ofOcana  to  be  taken  possession  of  on  the  17th. 

On  the  28th,  the  viceroy  arrived  atTambura;,  and  sent  ex- 
presses to  Morillo  to  inform  him  what  had  happened.  He 
also  sent  general  La  Torre  (the  same  who  behaved  so  ill  at  the 
battle  of  San  Felipe,  and  lost  Guayana)  with  various  Spanish 
troops  to  New  Grenada,  to  take  command  of  the  royal  forces 
in  that  province.  The  Spaniards  arriving  at  Mompox,  worked 
day  and  night  to  entrench  themselves. 

In  Venezuela  the  scene  of  war  was  too  frequently  changed 
lo  afford  any  thing  interesting  to  the  reader.  Bloody  struggles 
32 


250 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


resulted  in  nothing.  The  Spaniards  driven  from  one  place,  oc- 
cupied another.  They  were  routed,  and  recruited  again.  The 
case  was  the  same  with  the  patriots.  War  raged  in  every  cor- 
ner oi  Venezuela,  without  producing  any  effect,  important  to 
either  party. 

I will  now  proceed  to  events  which  took  place  in  the  con- 
gress at  Angostura,  during  the  absence  of  general  Bolivar. 
There  was  in  congress  a strong  party  of  true  patriots  and  repub- 
licans. These  men  were  disquieted  by  the  devotion  of  then- 
president  to  the  will  of  Bolivar.  This,  together  with  the  de- 
cline of  his  health,  led  him  to  refer  every  measure  to  head- 
quarters. Much  business  was  left  wholly  undone.  More  was 
delayed.  The  general  dissatisfaction  had  risen  already  to  a 
high  pitch.  Some  members  told  him  frankly,  that  if  he  did  not 
change  his  course  they  must  consider  it  their  duty  to  procure 
his  removal  and  to  put  another  into  his  place.  Some  reproach- 
ed him  with  vile  submission  to  Bolivar.  He  was  just  then  en- 
gaged in  framing  a code  of  laws  for  the  republic,  and  was  un- 
usually regardless  of  the  executive  business.  He  was  compell- 
ed to  resign,  and  general  Arismendy  was  elected  in  his  place, 
as  vice  president  of  congress,  and  president  of  the  republic,  in 
the  absence  of  general  Bolivar.  This  happened  in  the  month 
of  October. 

As  soon  as  Arismendy  was  in  power,  he  procured  a decree, 
that  admiral  Brion  no  longer  deserved  the  confidence  of  the 
republic  : that  he  was,  therefore,  dismissed,  and  that,  in  his 
stead  his  brother  in  law,  commodore  Toly  wfas  appointed  Admi- 
ral. Arismendy  ordered  Brion  before  congress  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  his  conduct : and  sent  to  Toly,  the  ribbon  of  the  order 
of  the  Libertadores. 

Meanwhile  Bolivar  succeeded  in  freeing  New  Grenada. 
And  all  the  provinces  having  risen  in  favor  of  independence, 
the  Spaniards  were  obliged  to  retreat  and  shut  themselves  up 
in  Mompox,  which,  as  well  as  Sant^.^Martha,  and  Carthagena, 
they  had  fortified. 

Bolivar,  who  never  lost  sight  of  Caracas,  in  his  usual  hasty 
manner,  which  he  mistakes  for  despatch,  settled  all  business  in 
Bogota.  He  ordained  a kind  of  congress  of  which  he  was 
the  regulator.  He  left  general  Sanander,  commander-in-chief, 
and  general  Anzoatigui,  one  of  his  most  devoted  flatterers,  as 


a second  in  command,  and  directed  his  march  towards  Pamplo- 


na, where  he  arrived  the  20th  of  September,  and  remained 
about  two  months,  occupied  in  festivals  and  balls. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


251 


He  departed  at  last  with  about  two  thousand  men,  for  Gua- 
dalita.  About  800  of  these  deserted.  They  had  been  taken 
by  force  from  their  families,  and  were,  besides,  greatly  disgust- 
ed with  the  imperious  manner  of  this  Caraguin  General , as 
they  called  Bolivar. 

The  general  arrived  the  3d  November  at  Montical  in  Vene- 
zuela, where  he  had  directed  the  patriot  chieftains  of  that  pro- 
vince to  assemble  with  their  troops.  He  had  with  him  about 
three  millions  of  dollars,  which  had  been  collected  from  the 
inhabitants  of  New  Grenada,  in  taxes,  and  by  forced  contribu- 
tions. He  is  said  to  have  extorted  a formal  promise  from  the 
different  authorities  in  the  province,  to  send  him  regularly  every 
month,  a million  of  dollars. 

The  troops,  however,  were  never  regularly  paid,  and  the  fo- 
reigners became  the  more  dissatisfied  when  they  found,  that 
instead  of  being  paid  to  them  and  others,  who  had  dearly  earn- 
ed it,  it  disappeared,  by  going  into  the  hands  of  flatterers,  and 
the  officers  who  more  immediately  surrounded  the  general. 
These  fared  sumptuously,  whilst  the  army  was  straightened  for 
want  of  pay,  food,  and  clothing.  Many  hundred  ot  these  for- 
eigners were  worn  down  in  this  march  by  heat,  fatigue,  and 
want  of  food.  These  were  neither  carried  on,  nor  left  provi- 
ded for,  and,  of  course,  perished  miserably. 

As  soon  asMorillo  heard  of  this  numerous  collection  of  troops, 
he  gave  orders  to  evacuate  San  Fernando  de  Apure,  united  his 
different  detachments,  and  concentrated  his  forces  at  San  Car- 
los. The  Spaniards  again  lost  the  province  of  Venezuela,  and 
various  families  left  the  country,  and  embarked  at  Laguaira 
and  Porto  Cabello  for  the  West  Indies  and  the  United  States. 

The  patriots  had  again,  in  Venezuela,  a force  of  about  9000 
men.  Among  them  were  3000  English,  Irish,  and  Hanoveri- 
an troops,  of  which  many  had  lately  arrived  at  Angostura  and 
Margarita.  They  now  marched  towards  the  plains  of  Calabo- 
zo,  so  that  the  head  quarters  of  both  were  about  two  days 
march  asunder.  Every  one  was  now  again  certain  that  the 
Spaniards,  who  had  not  above  4500  men,  and  of  those,  two 
thirds  natives,  would  at  last  be  driven  forever  out  of  the  terri- 
tory of  Venezuela. 

The  patriots  had  nothing  more  to  do  than  to  advance  and 
act,  and  they  were  sure  of  success.  They  knew  that  the 
Spaniards  had  lost  much  of  their  confidence,  that  the  native 
troops  were  kept  from  passing  to  the  other  side,  only  by  their 
Spanish  officers.  But  all  these  advantages,  the  benefit  of  the 


252 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


country,  and  the  course  which  general  Bolivar  pretended  to  de- 
fend, were  overlooked  in  the  sad  tidings  of  the  change  that  had 
taken  place  at  the  seat  of  government.  On  receiving  these  des- 
patches Bolivar  was  thunderstruck.  His  own  personal  welfare, 
and  the  gratification  of  his  personal  feelings,  had  always  and 
every  where  been  preeminent  with  him.  The  cause  of  free- 
dom was  but  his  tool.  Instead  of  attacking  the  enemy  with 
his  3000  well  disciplined  European  troops,  which  were  dread- 
ed by  the  Spaniards  on  the  Main,  he  suffered  himself  to  be 
overcome  with  the  news  of  Arismendy’s  advancement ; and 
in  consequence  of  it,  at  last,  took  a resolution,  the  result  of 
which  was  that  the  war  was  protracted  for  five  years,  and  the 
lit  res  of  thousands  sacrificed  to  his  love  of  power. 

With  these  3000  troops,  among  whom  were  his  body  guard, 
he  marched  towards  Angostura,  or  rather,  against  Arismendy. 
He  knew  that  Arismendy,  after  all  that  had  passed  between 
them,  would  not  be  his  friend  ; and  there  was  no  prospect  of 
his  being  able  to  bring  Arismendy  to  be,  as  Zea  had  been,  his 
devoted  minister.  He  knew  too,  that  Arismendy  was  a de- 
cided republican,  and  would  probably  use  ail  his  power  to  es- 
tablish the  authority  of  congress,  and  to  limit  the  power  of  the 
supreme  chief.  He  knew  also,  that  Arismendy  was  a far  more 
able  military  man  than  himself,  and  that  this  was  manifested  to 
the  countrj , by  bis  wonderful  defence  of  the  island  of  Marga- 
rita. He  knew  that  Arismendy  was  a brave,  enterprising  and 
ambitious  chieftain  ; and  it  was  pei  fectly  natural  for  Bolivar  to 
suspect  him  of  a design  to  obtain  the  first  office  in  the  republic. 
Arismendy’s  conduct  and  services  had  made  him  many  adher- 
ents, while  Bolivar’s  cowardice  and  misconduct  left  him,  as 
support,  only  his  immediate  dependents  and  flatterers.  In  this 
condition,  he  felt  more  anxiety  than  he  had  ever  appeared  to 
feel,  at  any  time  before.  Various  persons  have  assurred  me, 
that  for  24  hours  he  appeared  like  a madman ; speaking  to 
none;  looking  dejected;  lying  in  his  hammock  ; then  jumping 
out  of  it,  and  pacing  his  room. 

At  last,  he  decided  to  leave  the  command  of  his  remaining 
forces  to  general  Paez,  and  to  march  himself,  with  his  best 
troops,  towards  Angostura. 

General  Bolivar,  with  his  3000  chosen  men,  fully  devoted 
to  him,  arrived,  the  14th  of  November,  unexpectedly,  at  the 
seat  of  government,  at  Angostura,  in  the  province  of  Guayana. 
Arismendy,  having  only  about  600  men,  and  these  poorly  clad, 
armed  and  disciplined  was  obliged,  of  course,  to  submit  to  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


353 


imposing  force  of  Bolivar.  He  was  exiled  from  Guayana  and 
ordered  to  retire  to  his  native  island,  Margarita.  Previous  to 
his  formal  dismission  from  the  service,  he  was  condemned  to 
lead  a private  life,  and  to  come  no  more  upon  the  Main. 

It  was  not  that  Arismendy  was  less  dangerous,  in  the  view 
of  Bolivar,  than  Piar  had  been,  that  his  life  was  spared.  But 
he  knew  that  Arismendy  had  many  friends  in  congress  and  in 
the  army,  and  that  the  brave  spirited  inhabitants  of  Margarita, 
would  rise  in  his  defence ; and  that  the  greater  part  of  the 
Llaneros  were  his  friends,  as  they  were  the  friends  of  republi- 
can government.  Bolivar,  therefore,  listened  to  the  advice  of 
Dr.  Roscio,  and  ventured  not  to  take  the  life  of  Arismendy. 

Mr.  Zea  was  reinstalled  President  of  Congress,  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  Republic. 

Dr.  Roscio,  and  various  other  true  friends  of  a free  republi- 
can government,  now  united,  in  representing  to  general  Boli- 
var, the  instability  of  the  government  he  had  established  ; and, 
after  long,  earnest  and  eloquent  discussions,  at  last  prevailed 
upon  him  to  consent  to  the  establishment  of  a congress,  upon  a 
new  and  more  extensive  plan. 

The  conquest  of  New  Grenada,  except  Santa  Martha,  Car- 
thagena  and  Mompox,  required  a national  representation.  Those 
provinces  of  Y enezuela,  which  were  in  the  power  of  the  patri- 
ots, were  in  the  same  situation.  The  inhabitants  of  both  were 
anxious  to  have  a congress,  and  a republican  government.  It 
was  therefore  urged  to  Bolivar  to  unite  these  two  great  provin- 
ces under  one  congress,  and  to  call  the  new  government,  “The 
Republic  of  Colombia.”  This  memorable  act  is  generally  at- 
tributed to  the  enlightened  mind  of  the  deceased  Dr.  German 
Roscio,  of  whom  I have  already  spoken.  It  is  entitled,  “ Fun- 
damental Law  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia.” 


loA. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR, 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Events  from  the  Proclamation  of  the  Fundamental  Law  of  the 

Republic  of  Colopibia , December  1819,  until  the  Armistice 

between  General  Bolivar  and  Morillo,  November  1S20. 

After  having  reinstalled  Mr.  Zea,  general  Bolivar,  on  the 
25th  December,  1819,  left  Angostura,  with  a numerous  corps 
of  troops,  and  directed  his  march  toward  the  plains  of  Apure. 
He  arrived,  the  20th  ol  January,  at  San  Fernando  de  Apure, 
its  capital,  where  he  learned  that  the  cause  of  independence 
was  declining  in  New  Grenada.  I have  stated,  that  before  his 
departure  from  Santa  de  La  Bogota,  general  Bolivar  settled 
the  pending  business  in  his  hasty  manner.  His  manner  has, 
from  1813  to  the  present  day,  consisted  in  pretending  to  do 
every  thing  by  himself ; to  be  soldier,  legislator,  and  adminis- 
trator. He  seems  to  be  unable  to  understand  how  his  supre- 
macy can  be  retained  in  any  other  way.  With  his  very  limit- 
ed talents,  and  constitutional  aversion  to  serious  business,  his 
way  has  kept  every  thing  in  confusion,  in  every  department, 
particularly  that  of  the  finances.  Agriculture,  commerce  and 
every  branch  of  industry,  have  been  kept  down  and  destroyed  by 
heavy  taxes,  charges  at  the  custom  house,  forced  contributions, 
and  the  like.  No  officer,  civil  or  military,  of  whatever  grade, 
could  count  upon  receiving  his  regular  salary,  or  pay..  These 
men,  of  course,  let  slip  no  opportunity  of  defrauding  the  pub- 
lic, or  of  taking  bribes.  Governors  of  provinces,  and  all  the 
military  men,  who  had  it  in  their  power,  extorted  from  the  peo- 
ple, besides  their  taxes,  a proportional  sum  for  the  support  of 
their  persons,  their  troops  and  retinue.  What  the  people  were 
unwilling  to  give,  was,  very  often,  taken  from  them  by  force. 
The  capricious  decisions  of  an  individual,  united  with  the  vexa- 
tions inflicted  by  civil  and  military  officers  upon  the  Grenadans, 
who  had  done  so  much  for  Bolivar,  and  who  were  entitled  to 
better  treatment,  fell  so  heavily  upon  them,  that  they  compared 
their  present  distressed  condition,  with  what  it  had  been  under 
the  Spanish  government.  Many  of  them  preferred  the  latter, 
and  deserted,  and  joined  the  Spaniards,  under  La  Torre  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


255 

Calza'dn.  Calzada  seeing  his  forces  suddenly  increased  by 
these  desertions,  again  took  the  offensive,  and  was  preparing  to 
march  against  the  capital  of  Bogota.  La  Torre,  hearing  that 
the  patriots  had  retiredJn  haste,  from  Los  Publicos,  advanced 
towards  the  plains  of  Gmarta,  to  support  the  movements  of  Cal- 
zada, and  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  who  were  in  these 
plains.  The  rapid  progress  of  the  Spaniards  in  Grenada,  caused 
great  alarm  among  the  members  of  the  provisional  government 
established  by  Bolivar,  and  preparations  were  made  for  retreat- 
ing- . S 

General  Bolivar  heard  these  tidings  while  he  was  in  San 
Fernando  de  Apure.  He  determined  to  march  again,  at  the 
head  of  4000  men,  against  the  enemy  in  that  province.  He 
left  his  head  quarters  the  26th  »of,  January,  and  directed  his 
march  towards  Cucuta.  General  Morillo,  fearing  to  be  attack- 
ed at  San  Carlos,  had  retired  towards  Valencia,  intending  to 
get  into  the  strong  hold  of  Porto  Cabello,  in  case  of  any  loss, 
or  sudden  attack.  The  departure  of  Bolivar,  with  his  4000 
troops,  gave  him  a second  opportunity  to  reinforce  himself. 

Meanwhile,  general  Bolivar  was  inarching . towards  Cucuta, 
in  Grenada.  General  Paez,  entrusted  with  the  chief  command 
of  the  army  in  Venezuela,  established  his  head  quarters  at  Ma- 
turin,  where  he  collected  an  army  of  12,000  men,  in  which  were 
3000  Europeans,  chiefly  of  the  Irish  legion  of  Devereaux. 
Contrary  to  all  expectation,  general  Paez  remained  at  Maturin, 
without  attempting  to  attack  Morillo,  or  even  moving  against 
him.  Morillo,  therefore,  returned  again  to  San  Carlos,  where 
he  recruited  considerable,  as  h'e  had  done  before  at  Valencia. 
The  spirit  of  the  Spaniards  was  raised,  by  tidings  of  a formida- 
ble expedition,  fitted  out  by  order  of  the  king,  at  Cadiz,  under 
the  command  of  general  Henry  O’Donnell,  (count  ©f  Abisbal.) 
This  expedition  had  been  ordered,  in  consequence  of  the  ur- 
gent representations  of  general  Morillo,  who  had  sent  pressing 
letters  to  the  king,  in  which  he  strongly  and  truly  stated  the 
precarious  situation  of  the  royal  cause  in  Spanish  America. 
General  Morillo  had  received  great  assistance  from  the  com- 
merce of  Barcelona,  Cadiz,  Malaga,  Alicante,  See.,  which  suf- 
fered exceedingly  from  the  war  in  the  colonies.  The  richest 
merchants  of  these  places,  offered  the  king  large  sums  of  mo- 
ney, and  support  ol  every  kind,  if  he  would  send  a force  suffi- 
cient to  put  an  end  to  the  war  at  once.  This  was  accepted  ; 
and,  since  March  1319,  die  greatest  preparations  were  making 
in  Spain  to  that  effect.  A force  of  25,000  men  was  collected, 


256 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


to  lie  divided  into  two  army  corps,  under  the  command  of 
O’Donnell,  one  of  which  was  destined  to  act  against  Peru  ; 
the  other  against  the  Main.  ' 

The  royalists  in  Venezuela,  who  had  seen  how  Morillo,  in 
1818,  with  far  less  forces,  destroyed  those  of  Bolivar,  on  hear- 
ing this  news,  doubted  not  the  success  of  their  cause.  The 
patriots  were  indebted  to  colonel  Guiroja’s  revolution  in  Spain, 
which  happened  a little  after  this  time,  for  the  destruction  of  an 
expedition  which  was  destined  to  forge  new  chains  for  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Spanish  colonies. 

General  Bolivar,  pressed  on  all  sides  for  money,  was  advised 
to  send  an  agent  to  London,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  a 
loan  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  prosecute  the  war  with  more 
vigor.  He  chose  the  ex-vic, e-president  Zea,  (whose  place  was 
supplied  by  Dr.  Roscio,)  and  gave  him  full  and  ample  forces. 
He  departed  in  March  1820,  lor  St.  Thomas’s,  w’hence  he  em- 
barked for  London. 

Until  the  latter  end  of  March  1S20,  the  positions  of  the  two 
armies  in  Venezuela,  afforded  nothing  important.  The  opera- 
tions of  the  patriots,  however,  afford  satisfactory  proof  of  the 
narrow  capacities  of  their  leaders.  At  Achaguas,  general  Paez 
had  about  4000  men.  After  Morillo’s  evacuation  of  San  Car- 
los, Urdaneta  had,  at  this  place,  3500  men.  Bermudes  had, 
at  Maturin,  1600  men.  Zarasa  and  Sedeno  had  800  men  at 
Guebrada  Stonda.  Monagas  and  Diego  had  1000  men  in  the 
province  of  Barcelona,  without  mentioning  the  numerous  guer- 
illas and  smaller  parties  of  armed  patriots,  which  had  no  fixed 
camps.  In  the  island  of  Margarita,  there  were  1200  Irish 
troops,  and  with  Bolivar  4000  chosen  men.  With  all  these 
mighty  means,  they  were  not  able  to  expel  Morillo  and  his  far 
inferior  force,  from  the  country  at  once ; even  though  he  wras 
so  hated,  and  the  Spanish  name  so  generally  detested.  It  is 
a fact  well  known,  that  Morillo  had  not  at  that  time,  2000  Eu- 
ropean Spaniards  at  his  disposal,  that  were  able  to  take  the 
field.  All  the  rest  of  his  tioops  were  natives,  and  he  could 
place  but  little  reliance  upon  them.  He  knew  they  would  de- 
sert him  upon  the  first  defeat.  From  this  diminutive  force 
a deduction  must  still  be  made  of  as  many  as  were  necessary 
to  the  several  places  held  by  the  Spaniards.  In  addition  to  these 
disadvantages,  the  Spanish  colonial  finances  were  deranged, 
the  army  were  in  want  of  every  thing,  and  discouraged  by  the 
failure  of  O’Donnell’s  expedition.  All  these  circumstances 
united,  would  have  ensured  the  success  of  the  patriots  under 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


257 


leaders  of  ordinary  skill  and  talent.  Instead  of  attacking  the 
Spaniards  vigorously  and  at  once,  they  wearied  and  dis- 
couraged their  own  troops  by  marches  and  countermarches, 
until  desertions  into  the  interior  became  frequent  and  their  troops 
greatly  diminished. 

In  this  campaign  general  Bolivar  committed  his  usual  fault ; 
that  of  scattering  his  lorces.  While  he  marched  with  four 
thousand  men  towards  Cucuta,  and  ordered  general  Paez  to 
attack  Morillo,  and  get  possession  of  the  capital,  Caracas,  he 
directed  a third  expedition  against  Santa  Martha,  and  accom- 
plished nothing.  Some  circumstances  of  this  third  expedition 
are  worthy  of  remark. 

Ever  since  the  year  1S13,  colonel  Marino  Montillahad  been 
one  of  the  greatest  enemies  of  general  Bolivar.  He  served 
against  Bolivar  in  Carthagena,  and  challenged  him  to  a duel  in 
1816,  at  Aux  Cayes,  as  I have  related.  He  had  engaged  to 
go  with  general  Mina,  in  his  expedition  against  the  Spaniards 
in  Mexico,  and  was  prevented  only  by  sickness.  He  came  to 
Baltimore,  and  hearing  there  of  the  success  of  the  cause,  and  that 
Bolivar  was  at  the  head  of  the  government,  he  desired  several 
of  his  friends,  who  were  going  to  the  Main,  to  exert  themselves 
to  effect  a reconciliation  between  him  and  the  supreme  chief. 
He  wrote  for  the  same  purpose  to  his  intimate  friend,  admiral 
Brion,  who  was  much  attached  to  him.  Montilla,  at  length 
succeeded,  and  came  over  to  Angostura,  where  he  had  a long, 
and,  to  him,  very  satisfactory  interview  with  the  supreme  chief, 
who  advanced  him  to  the  rank  of  colonel.  He  was  sent,  soon 
after,  to  the  island  of  Margarita  with  80,000  dollars,  to  accel- 
erate the  sailing  of  the  squadron,  and  pay  arrears.  He  was 
directed  to  have  an  understanding  with  admiral  Brion  at  Pom- 
patar ; and  with  general  Urdaneta,  who  was  destined  to  com- 
mand, in  chief,  the  expedition  against  Santa  Martha.  From 
that  time,  Marino  Montilla  was  entirely  devoted  to  general 
Bolivar. 

General  Urdaneta  marched,  at  the  head  of  4000  men,  from 
San  Carlos  towards  the  province  of  Maracaybo,  to  act  in  unison 
with  the  troops  expected  from  Margarita.  The  squadron  de- 
parted from  Pompatar,  a seaport  of  the  latter  island,  in  the 
beginning  of  March,  having  on  board  about  1200  men,  chiefly 
European  troops.  They  arrived  at  Rio  Hacha  the  12th  of 
March,  and  took  possession  of  the  place  without  resistance.  It 
is  a small  and  poor  place,  affording  no  resources  whatever.  It 
has  a small  fort,  and  is  an  open  seaport,  not  far  from  Santa 
S3 


258 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Martha.  Montilla,  who  commanded  these  troops,  expected  to 
be  joined  by  some  Indians  from  the  interior,  who  had  promised 
to  go  with  him  against  Santa  Martha. 

Colonel  Montilla  departed  from  Rio  Hacha,  in  April,  and 
directed  his  march  towards  the  valley  Dupart,  where  he  ar- 
rived on  the  dth,  with  1000  English,  and  500  Creole  troops, 
which  had  joined  him.  The  latter  were  furnished  with  arms, 
brought  from  Margarita.  After  some  success,  colonel  Montilla 
was  stopped  in  his  further  operations,  by  a sudden  mutiny  of 
his  English  troops.  Among  the  correspondence  found  in  the 
baggage  taken  from  the  enemy,  was  a letter  from  the  governor 
of  Santa  Martha  to  the  Spanish  general  Lima,  whom  Montilla 
had  beaten  in  three  successive  actions.  It  was  stated  in  the 
letter,  that  general  Urdaneta  was  advancing  with  3000  men, 
from  Ocana,  upon  Santa  Martha,  and  urged  him  to  join  him  as 
soon  as  possible.  Montilla,  therefore,  determined  to  march 
and  join  general  Urdaneta,  but  was  prevented  by  tire  refusal 
of  his  English  troops  to  march  any  further,  until  all  arrears 
were  paid  them.  Montilla  used  every  effort,  promising  them 
more  than  their  due  ; but  in  vain.  The  insubordination  was 
complete,  and  Montilla  was  forced  to  abandon  his  march,  and 
embark  on  board  the  squadron,  under  the  command  of  admiral 
Brion,  who  remained  at  anchor  before  Rio  Hacha,  with  13 
vessels ; having  on  board  six  months?  provisions,  5000  muskets, 
and  a large  quantity  of  ammunition,  and  other  warlike  stores. 

The  governors  of  Carthagena  and  Santa  Martha,  threatened 
with  an  attack,  took  the  strongest  measures  of  defence,  and  the 
latter  sent  his  wife  and  children  to  Havana. 

At  this  time  the  Main  was  surprised  by  news  of  the  revolu- 
tion at  Cadiz,  effected  by  colonel  Antonio  Guiroja,  in  January 
of  the  same  year,  1820,  in  consequence  of  which,  the  Spanish 
constitution,  of  1 S 12,  was  again  introduced,  in  which  the  inqui- 
sition and  arbitrary  power  were  abolished.  This  saved  the 
cause  of  independence  in  the  Spanish  colonies ; and  the  for- 
midable expedition  under  O’Donnel  was  disbanded. 

General  Morillo,  who  had  placed  his  hopes  in  these  forces, 
refused,  for  several  days,  to  speak  to  any  one.  At  length  he 
yielded  to  necessity,  and  the  constitution  wras  proclaimed  with 
great  solemnity,  in  May  and  June,  at  Caracas,  Laguira,  and 
other  places  in  the  power  of  the  Spaniards,  on  the  Main.  He 
was  now  confident  that  the  introduction  of  the  constitution  into 
the  country,  would  make  a favorable  impression  on  the  patri- 
ots. He,  therefore,  published  two  proclamations ; one  of  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


259 


king,  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  continent  in  America  ; wherein 
he  said  : “ What  can  you  ask  more  ? Hear  the  voice  of  your 
king  and  .,our  father.”  The  second  was  from  general  Morillo, 
to  the  army,  dated  Caracas,  June  Sth,  1820. 

Morillo  sent  a circular  letter  to  the  different  governors  of  the 
West  India  Islands,  and  to  the  Spanish  minister  at  Washington, 
requesting  them  to  order  the  insertion  in  the  publicpapers,  of  ano- 
ther proclamation  from  himself,  to  the  emigrants  from  the  Main, 
dated  Caracas,  June  12th,  by  which  he  invites  them  to  return  to 
their  owm  country;  and  promises  oblivion  of  past,  and  protection, 
tranquility  and  prosperity  for  the  future.  “Your  security  is 
sacred  and  inviolable  ; it  is  founded  upon  the  will  of  the  king. 
It  is  in  unison  with  my  honor,  my  word,  and  my  desire  !” 

All  these  proclamations,  and  the  earnest  endeavors  of  the 
king  and  general,  were  in  vain.  They  were  convinced  of  the 
duplicity  and  cruelty  of  their  Spanish  leaders,  and  Morillo  was 
again  reduced  to  depend  upon  his  own  means  and  exertions. 

We  have  seen  how  colonel  Montilla  was  obliged  to  embark 
in  consequence  of  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  foreign  troops, 
arising  from  want  of  pay  and  subsistence,  and  from  the  general 
ill  treatment  they  received.  Montilla’s  hatred  against  foreign- 
ers, seems  to  have  been  greatest  against  Irishmen.  More  than 
500  left  the  service,  and  went  to  Kingston  in  Jamaica,  where 
the  worthy  inhabitants  rivalled  each  other  in  relieving  the  suf- 
ferers, who  came  among  them  in  a most  destitute  condition. 
More  than  a third  part  of  them  died  in  the  hospital,  in  conse- 
quence of  fatigues  and  deprivations,  which  they  suffered  in  the 
service  of  the  patriots. 

This  expedition,  directed  against  Santa  Martha  and  Cartha- 
gena,  to  open  a free  communication  with  Bogota,  and  to  get 
command  of  the  river  Magdalena,  greatly  weakened  the  force 
directed  against  Caracas  and  the  Spaniards,  who  had  again 
united  many  troops  in  the  centre  of  New  Grenada.  It  ended 
with  the  burning  of  Rio  Hacha,  and  cost  TOO  men  and  a great 
deal  of  money. 

On  the  10th  of  June,  the  Colombian  squadron,  under  admi- 
ral Brion,  with  the  remainder  of  the  troops,  was  near  Santa 
Martha.  After  firing  upon  the  batteries  of  this  fortress,  it  sail- 
ed towards  Savanilla,  a small  seaport  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Santa  Martha,  consisting  of  about  a dozen  huts.  The  redoubt 
ol  three  pieces  of  artillery,  was  immediately  taken  possession 
of,  the  Spanish  garrison  having  fled  without  attempting  any  re- 
sistance. The  Colombians  landed  their  few  remaining  troops, 


260 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


expecting  a large  reinforcement,  which  had  been  announced 
to  he  coining  from  the  river  Magdalena.  Colonel  Montilla  di- 
rected his  march  towards  Baranquilla,  Soledad  and  St.  Stan- 
islaus, where  the  Colombians  were  received  with  acclamations. 
Many  of  the  inhabitants  came  to  join  the  troops,  and  lent  their 
aid  to  put  Montilla  in  condition  to  besiege  Santa  Martha,  as 
soon  as  the  Margarita  troops  should  arrive.  But  he  had  neith- 
er besieging  artillery,  nor  other  materials  fit  for  besieging  the 
two  strongest  places  in  New  Grenada. 

Admiral  Brion  published  a proclamation,  directed  to  the  in- 
habitants of  Carthagena,  in  which  he  exhorted  them  to  rise 
against  their  oppressors,  and  join  the  Colombians.  This  had 
the  desired  effect.  It  roused  the  spirit  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
many  hundreds  came,  and  placed  themselves  under  the  patri- 
otic banners. 

The  conquest  of  Carthagena  was  feasible  and  easy ; inas- 
much as  the  inhabitants,  harrassed  by  great  and  constant  vexa- 
tions, had  become  disgusted  with  their  Spanish  leaders.  The 
Spanish  authorities  disagreed  among  themselves;  some  desired 
an  absolute  king ; others,  the  majority,  were  in  favor  of  the 
constitution.  The  viceroy,  Semano,  who  had  taken  shelter 
within  the  walls  of  Carthagena,  and  the  brigadier  general  Cano, 
were  both  arrested,  by  order  of  the  other  Spanish  authorities, 
for  having  opposed  the  proclamation  of  the  Spanish  constitu- 
tion. They  were  dismissed  from  their  places,  and  others,  af- 
terwards, elected  in  their  stead. 

The  situation  of  Santa  Martha  was  like  that  of  Carthagena. 
In  these  fortresses,  as  in  all  the  places  in  the  power  of  the  Span- 
iards, there  existed  three  distinct  parties  among  the  inhabitants 
and  the  Spanish  administration  ; the  friends  of  independency, 
those  of  the  Spanish  constitution  of  1S12,  and  the  friends  of 
the  ancient  absolute  power  of  the  king.  The  Spanish  brigadier, 
Vicente  Sanchez  de  Lima,  who,  with  2700  men,  was  thrice 
beaten  by  Montilla  and  his  800;  having  retired  to  Santa  Mar- 
tha, put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  friends  of  the  Spanish 
constitution,  and  introduced  it,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of 
governor  Pouas.  The  anarchical  state  of  the  provinces  of  Car- 
thagena and  Santa  Martha,  greatly  favored  the  enterprise  of 
Brion  and  Montilla. 

But,  such  w'as  the  peculiar  character  of  this  war,  that  in  the 
whole  extent  of  Colombia,  notwithstanding  their  increased 
moral  and  physical  strength,  no  decisive  operation,  nothing  of 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


261 


important  consequence,  took  place.  The  incapacity  of  the  su- 
preme chief  become,  if  possible,  more  apparent. 

Morillo’s  situation  was  also  precarious  and  critical.  The 
revolution  in  Spain  rendered  any  efficient  reinforcement  from 
the  mother  country,  impossible.  He  was  aware  that  the  new 
assembly  of  the  Cortes  like  those  in  181 1,  would  never  consent  to 
recognise  the  republic  of  Colombia  ; and  would  persist  in  the 
obstinacy  peculiar  to  the  Spanish  character.  Such  recogni- 
zance was  demanded  by  reason,  policy  and  justice.  It  would 
have  put  an  end  to  bloodshed  and  misery.  It  would  have 
given  vast  advantages  to  Spain.  The  miseries  ot  a destructive 
and  protracted  war,  could  have  been  obliterated  by  a treaty 
of  defence  and  alliance  between  Colombia  and  Spain ; and  by 
opening  a free  and  profitable  commercial  intercourse  between 
two  countries  so  long  and  so  closely  connected.  In  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  colonies,  by  the  King  and  Cortes  of  Spain,  nei- 
ther liberality  nor  generous  principles  existed. 

The  total  want  of  money  and  provisions  in  the  Spanish  ar- 
my on  the  Main  ; long  and  continual  marches,  and  the  discour- 
agement of  the  soldiers,  who  as  well  as  their  officers,  could  judge 
of  their  precarious  situation,  greatly  weakened  the  Spanish  for- 
ces. To  these  were  added  sickness  and  frequent  desertions. 

Still  the  Spanish  chiefs  flattered  themselves  that  the  people 
of  Colombia  would  eventually  receive  the  Spanish  constitution, 
and  return  to  their  former  obedience  to  the  Spanish  authorities  ; 
whilst  the  patriots  were  engaged  at  the  congress,  in  active  and 
zealous  efforts,  for  the  discussion  and  adoption  of  their  owm 
constitution  by  that  assembly.  On  this  subject,  the  following- 
letter  is  worth  attention.  It  was  written  by  a Spanish  chieftain 
to  one  of  his  friends  at  St.  Thomas’  : 

“ Letters  from  Caracas,  Laguira,  Cumana,  confirm  the  news 
that  two  commissaries  of  the  congress  at  Guayana,  Messrs. 
Roscio  and  Alzura,  have  presented  themselves  before  the  com- 
mander of  one  of  the  royal  divisions,  Arana,  asking  leave  to 
pass  to  the  head  quarters  (of  Morillo)  to  present  a despatch  to 
the  general-in-chief,  which  is  presumed  to  contain  a proposal 
of  this  congress  to  submit  to  the  Spanish  government  in  case  of 
the  taking  of  the  oath  to  the  Spanish  constitution  at  Caracas. 
This  was  not  done  until  the  8th  June.  Commandant  Arana 
had  relused  to  let  them  pass  on,  but  sent  the  dispatch  to  gene- 
ral Morillo. 

The  patriots  are  probably  anxious  to  submit  and  to  swear  to 
our  constitution,  by  following  the  example  of  Spain  ; to  make  a 


262 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


virtue  of  necessity,  which  perhaps,  later,  it  might  not  be  in  their 
power  to  do.”  This  is  a specimen  of  Spanish  vanity  and  pre- 
sumption. The  following  facts  which  ought  to  be  better  known, 
explain  the  expressions  of  the  writer. 

General  Morillo,  sensible  of  his  critical  situation  had  secretly 
sent  an  agent  to  general  Bolivar  to  acquaint  him  with  the  change 
of  government  in  Spain,  and,  adroitly,  to  sound  his  views  and 
designs  with  regard  to  it.  In  consequence  of  this  private  com- 
munication Dr.  Roscio  and  Alzura  were  sent  with  a letter  to 
Morillo,  with  proper  instructions  to  negoeiate  a treaty  of  peace. 
But  the  letter  contained  not  a word  relative  to  submission,  nor 
to  the  acknowledgement  of  the  Spanish  constitution.  General 
Bolivar,  in  this  letter  to  general  Morillo,  grounded  his  proposi- 
tion contained  in  it,  upon  his  desire  to  avoid  the  further  use- 
less effusion  of  blood,  hoping  that,  with  the  change  of  govern- 
ment, the  minds  of  the  Spanish  leaders  might  change  also.  This 
blundering  step  of  Bolivar,  produced  consequences  most  mis- 
chievous to  Colombia.  It  was  the  means  of  gaining  time  by 
her  enemies,  to  carry  on  the  war  four  years  longer  ; and  to  the 
destruction  of  at  least  20,000  lives.  If  Bolivar  had  presump- 
tuously refused  to  negoeiate  with  his  faithless  and  obstinate  en- 
emy, and  had  attacked  him  with  his  powerful  forces,  in  the  po- 
sition Morillo  then  occupied,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that 
the  territory  might  have  been  forever  cleared*  of  its  Spanish 
tyrants. 

The  first  false  step  of  Bolivar  was  duly  appreciated  by 
Morillo,  and  his  private  council.  Upon  the  reception  of  Boli- 
var’s letter,  he  sent  two  commissioners,  brigadier  general 
Thomas  de  Cires,  and  the  adjutant  general  Jose  Domingues 
Duarte,  to  Angostura.  In  June  they  left  Caracas  for  Laguira, 
whence  they  embarked  for  the  Orinoco,  for  the  purpose  of 
proposing  to  the  congress  at  Angostura  their  acceptance  of  the 
Spanish  constitution.  And,  they  offered  to  general  Bolivar 
the  station  and  rank  of  a captain-general,  and  to  the  other 
chieftains  their  respective  offices  and  rank.  But,  soon  after 
the  departure  of  these  commissioners,  Morillo  learned  that  gen- 
eral Bolivar  was  not  at  Angostura,  but  in  his  head  quarters  at 
Montecal,  nor  far  from  him.  He,  therefore,  sent  two  other 
commissioners,  Don  Francisco  Linaus,  and  Don  Carlos  Marha- 
do,  with  a copy  of  his  letter  and  proposals. 

General  Morillo’s  long  letter  was  directed  to  the  congress, 
not  of  Colombia,  but  of  Guayana.  He  gives  himself  the  title 
of  Pacificator,  and  speaks  of  liberal  principals,  in  virtue  of 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


263 


which  he  is  authorised  by  the  king,  to  deffuse  the  blessings  of 
peace  and  reconciliation  among  a people  born  Spaniards,  &c. 
&ic. 

At  the  end  of  this  letter,  which  is  dated  June  17th  1820,  he 
says,  “ the  deputies  would  submit  to  the  congress  the  basis  of 
this  reconciliation. 

The  two  deputies  of  Morillo  then  proposed  an  Armistice  of 
one  month ; for  general  Bolivar  the  rank  of  a Spanish  captain- 
general,  and  the  conservation  of  their  offices  and  rank  to  all  the 
rest.  The  Armistice  was  granted,  notwithstanding  that  the  let- 
ter of  Morillo  proposed  only,  that  the  congress  of  Colombia 
should  acknowledge  the  Spanish  constitution  and  submit  to  the 
Spanish  government ! 

The  congress  answered,  “ Sir,  the  sovereign  Congress  extra- 
ordinarily convened  to  discuss  the  despatch  of  your  excellency 
under  date  of  June  17th  at  your  head  quarters  at  Caracas,  stat- 
ing that  brigadier  Don  Thomas  de  Cires  and  Don  Domingo 
Durate  have  been  named  to  come  to  this  capital  in  order  to  soli- 
cit the  union  of  these  countries  with  the  constitutional  monar- 
chy of  Spain,  and  that  these  gentlemen  will  explain  the  princi- 
ples of  the  reconciliation  proposed  by  the  nation,  resolved,  the 
llth  of  this  month,  in  public  session,  that  the  following  decree 
should  be  transmitted  by  me  to  your  excellency  in  answer. 
“ The  sovereign  congress  of  Colombia  desirous  to  re-establish 
peace,  will  readily  hear  all  propositions  made  by  the  Spanish 
government,  under  the  condition  that  the  basis  of  this  peace  be 
the  recognition  of  the  sovereignty  and  the  independence  of 
Colombia.  No  other  shall  ever  be  admitted,  which  would  in 
any  way  deviate  from  this  basis  so  many  times  proclaimed  by 
the  government  and  the  people  of  the  republic.  The  presi- 
dent has  the  honor  to  be  &lc. 

FERNANDO  PENALVEE, 
President  of  the  Congress. 

Felipe  Delapaine,  Secretary. 

At  the  palace  of  congtess  at  New  Guayana,  > 

July  13th  1820,  year  10th.  ) 

Besides  these  letters  written  to  the  congress  and  to  general 
Boli  var,  Morillo  ordered  that  the  different  generals,  governors, 
and  other  Spanish  commanders  throughout  the  territories  of 
New  Grenada  and  Venezuela,  should  direct  letters  of  the  same 
kind  to  the  different  chieftains  of  Colombia. 

In  this  manner  a general  correspondence  was  established  on 
the  whole  line,  but  as  the  subject  of  it  was  the  recognition  of 


264 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


the  Spanish  constitution  of  these  Cortes,  and  their  king,  with- 
out a word  of  the  republic  of  Colombia,  all  discerning  men,  saw 
that  the  object  of  it  was  to  amuse  the  Colombians,  and  contin- 
ue the  Armistice,  whilst  Morillo  could  reinforce  himself  and 
prepare  for  a new  campaign.  The  Colombians  lost,  by  it,  that 
opportunity  of  expelling  their  enemies. 

It  is  proper  to  state  here,  that  Morillo  acted  by  the  express 
order  of  the  king  ; and  that  he  was  encouraged,  by  the  advice 
of  various  Spaniards,  living  on  the  Main,  who  flattered  them- 
selves with  the  hope  that  the  congress,  and  the  chieftains  of 
Colombia,  tempted  by  the  offer  of  retaining  their  rank  and  titles, 
would  gladly  accede  to  their  offers.  Morillo  and  his  advisers 
were,  therefore,  surprised  and  mortified  by  the  answer  of  con- 
gress ; his  advisers  particularly  ; for  his  principal  object  was  to 
gain  time,  and  prepare  for  a new  exertion.  None  of  the  Span- 
iards, from  the  king  down  to  the  lowest  subject,  ever,  for  a 
moment,  contemplated  acknowledging  the  republic. 

On  the  expiration  of  a month,  the  Armistice  ceased,  and  the 
war  raged  with  new  fury  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards,  who  had 
employed  the  time  in  gaining  strength,  and  who  were  exasper- 
ated by  the  failure  of  their  attempts  to  procure  the  acknowl- 
edgement of  the  Spanish  constitution.  The  Spaniards  on  the 
Main,  supported  Morillo  with  redoubled  exertions  and  zeal. 
The  constitutional  government  excited  a national  spirit,  and 
produced  union.  The  king  alone  had  formerly  been  the  ob- 
ject of  every  exertion ; by  the  constitution,  every  exertion  was 
directed,  or  at  least  intended  to  be  so,  to  the  benefit  of  the 
whole  Spanish  nation. 

Before  the  negotiations,  general  Urdaneta  having  routed 
general  Miguel  La  Torre,  marched  against  the  fortified  place 
of  Maracaybo,  and  besieged  it.  The  Colombian  colonel  Cor- 
dova, came  from  the  province  of  Antiochia,  with  600  men,  de- 
scended the  river  Magdalena,  and,  on  the  24th  of  June,  took 
the  city  of  Mornpox  without  resistance.  He  then  directed  his 
march  towards  Teneriffa,  where  he  encountered  400  men  and 
1 1 armed  gun  boats,  all  which  he  attacked  and  beat.  The 
gun  boats  remained  in  his  power.  He  joined  admiral  Brion 
and  colonel  Montilla,  at  Savanilla,  in  the  beginning  of  July. 
Brion  detached  vwo  of  the  armed  vessels,  to  go  before  Cartha- 
gena,  and  two  others  against  Santa  Martha.  The  patriot 
colonel  Lara  was  in  the  environs  of  that  fortress  with  about  2000 
men,  whom  he  had  recruited  in  the  province.  His  communi- 
cation was  open  with  Montilla. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


265 


In  June  general  Bolivar  with  3000  men,  was  at  Cucuta. 
He  advanced  to  Cuenca,  and  opened  a communication  with 
Montilla. 

The  6th  June  Valdes  routed  the  Spanish  colonel  Lopez,  in 
the  province  of  Popayan,  and  its  inhabitants  again  declared  in 
favor  of  Colombia. 

By  the  conquest  of  Mompox,  and  the  destruction  of  the 
Spanish  gun  boats,  by  colonel  Cordova,  the  river  Magdalena 
was  entirely  in  possession  of  the  patriots,  and  the  communica- 
tion between  Baranca,  Savanilla  and  Baranquilla,  as  far  as  Bo- 
gota, were  again  open  to  the  Colombians  ; which  greatly  facili- 
tated these  operations  against  Santa  Martha  and  Carthagena. 

Colonel  Montilla  established  his  head  quarters  at  Baranquil- 
la, three  miles  from  Savanilla,  where  Brion  remained  with  his 
squadron  to  assist  his  further  operations.  At  the  former  place 
600  volunteers  presented  themselves,  armed  and  organized. 
This  reinforcement  put  him  in  condition  to  direct  his  march 
against  Carthagena,  which  is  about  30  leagues  from  Baranquil- 
la. In  his  march,  he  was  every  where  received  with  enthusi- 
asm, and  assisted  with  every  thing.  The  tyranny  and  cruelty 
of  the  Spaniards  was  so  great,  that  besides  many  other  recruits, 
Montilla  was  joined  by  some  hundred  young  men  on  horse- 
back, who  had  mounted  and  equiped  themselves  at  their  own 
expense.  The  ladies  joined  in  the  general  enthusiasm,  and  I 
have  been  well  informed  that  hundreds  of  them  followed  the 
troops,  in  different  parts  of  these  marches,  on  foot,  carrying  a 
musket  for  one,  handing  food  to  another,  to  a third  water,  taking 
the  greatest  care  of  the  sick  ; and  animating  the  soldiers  by 
their  spirited  behaviour,  cheerfulness  and  vivacity. 

As  soon  as  the  Spanish  governor  at  Carthagena  was  inform- 
ed of  Montilla’s  march,  he  sent  to  reconnoitre  the  patriots,  a 
detachment  of  three  hundred  and  thirty  men,  which  was  attack- 
ed at  Pueblo  Nuevo  and  completely  routed.  Twenty  officers 
and  some  privates  were  taken  ; the  remainder  gained  Cartha- 
gena, which  was  destitute  of  provisions,  and,  as  I have  said 
before,  divided  into  factions.  Some  persons  were  arrested 
every  day,  and  public  feeling  was  strongly  in  favor  of  Co- 
lombia. 

A false  rumor  which  the  secret  friends  of  independence  in 
Carthagena  had  spread  throughout  the  city,  that  general  Boli- 
var was  coming  with  12,000  men,  so  terrified  the  Spaniards, 
that  the  ex-viceroy,  who  continued  to  reside  there,  asked  as  a 
favor,  that  he  might  be  permitted  to  embark  ; which  was  grant- 
34 


26G 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


ed  him  ; and  he  left  the  place  together  with  some  monks  and 
priests,  foreseeing  that  Carthagena  would  fall  into  the  power 
of  the  Colombians. 

During  the  stay  of  colonel  Montilla  at  Baranquilla,  he  receiv- 
ed various  despatches  from  the  Spanish  chieftains ; who,  by 
the  express  order  of  their  general-in-chief  Morillo,  made  him 
proposals,  similar  to  those  they  had  made  to  general  Bolivar, 
and  to  the  congress  of  Colombia.  Among  them  was  a letter  of 
brigadier  Don  Vicente  Manches  de  Lima*  who  had  been  three 
times  routed  by  Montilla  and  was  despised,  by  his  own  party, 
for  his  cowardice. 

Having  taken  shelter  within  the  walls  of  Santa  Martha,  he 
published  a proclamation  full  of  abuse  and  insult,  against  the 
Colombians.  He  said  in  it,  that  Brion  and  Montilla  were  rob- 
bers and  plunderers,  that  they  had  set  fire  to  the  village  of 
Rio  Hacha,  fkc.  This  man,  notwithstanding  the  cowardly  as- 
sertions he  had  thrown  upon  the  characters  of  these  two  distin- 
guished chieftains,  had  now  the  impudence  to  write  (21st  July) 
to  colonel  Montilla,  proposing  to  him  to  unite  with  the  Span- 
iards and  fight  with  him,  against  the  enemies  of  the  king  and  of 
the  Spanish  nation.  To  this  Montilla  answered,  “ I have  al- 
ready answered  to  their  Ex.  Don  Pablo  Morillo  and  Don  Pe- 
dro Rien  de  Porras,  who  made  me  the  same  proposals  as  you 
have  done,  in  their  official  letter  of  the  21st  of  this  month.  I 
stated  to  them  that,  without  considering  what  the  supreme 
government  might  determine,  I would  not,  for  my  own  part, 
consent  to  suspend  hostilities  ; nor  enter  into  any  kind  of  treaty 
which  should  not  in  clear  and  positive  terms  recognize  the  in- 
dependence of  South  America;  and  that  all  other  treaties 
should  be  founded  upon  this  basis.  I repeat  the  same  to  you, 
adding  that  to  the  education  and  delicacy  of  a gentleman,  the 
proposal  to  desert  my  colors,  and  become  a traitor  to  my  oath 
and  my  country,  is  most  revolting.  I send  you  enclosed,  a 
copy  of  your  proclamation,  with  such  notes  and  remarks  as  I 
thought  proper  to  make  upon  it.  Permit  me  to  add,  that  he 
who  continues  an  unjust  war,  who  deceives  the  people,  to  con- 
ceal his  own  weakness,  his  indolence,  his  cowardice  and  his 
numerous  defeats,  can  be  no  other  than  a bad  soldier,  and  a 
worse  gentleman. 

God  and  Liberty  ! Head  quarters  at  Baranquilla  2Sth  July 
1820.” 

I request  the  reader  to  compare  this  answer  with  that  made 
by  the  President  Liberator  to  general  La  Torre,  dated  Chris- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


267 


toval  7th  July  1 820,  and  to  judge  between  them.  Mariano 
Montilla  is  far  superior  to  Simon  Bolivar,  in  patriotism,  firmness 
of  character,  personal  bravery,  and  military  skill ; and,  this  is 
acknowledged  by  all  who  know  them. 

General  Bolivar  wrote  to  Miguel  La  Torre  the  following 
letter.  “ I accept  with  the  greatest  satisfaction,  for  the  army 
here,  the  armistice  for  the  space  of  one  month  dating  from  yes- 
terday, proposed  by  your  excellency  as  commander  in  chief 
of  the  Spanish  army.  I am  sorry  that  the  commissaries  of  the 
Spanish  government  have  been  obliged  to  make  such  a long 
and  circuitous  route,  & c.  fcc. 

(Signed)  S.  BOLIVAR.” 

The  ingratitude  of  general  Bolivar,  as  well  as  his  gross  igno- 
rance of  civil  administration,  are  apparent  from  his  treatment  of 
his  constant  friend  and  benefactor,  admiral  Brion. 

When  Brion  arrived  at  the  seaport  of  Savanilla,  he  by  a 
proclamation  to  the  foreign  powers  friendly  to  Colombia,  and 
particularly  to  those  who  were  friendly  to  her  commercial  citi- 
zens, reduced  the  duties  of  the  custom  house  from  33  to  25 
per  cent.  This  he  did  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  such  for- 
eigners to  enter  there,  and  establish  a commercial  intercourse 
with  the  Colombians.  The  measure  was  politic  and  wise  ; 
and  met  the  hearty  approbation  of  every  enlightened  friend  of 
the  cause. 

As  soon  as  general  Bolivar  arrived  at  Savanilla,  and  heard  of 
the  proclamation,  he  was  highly  displeased,  and  fell  into  a vio- 
lent passion.  When  admiral  Brion  attempted  to  explain  his 
motives,  and  show  the  great  advantage  resulting  from  the 
change,  Bolivar  refused  to  hear  him,  and  immediately  order- 
ed a military  publication,  called  a bando,  proclaiming  by  the 
sound  of  drums,  that  from  that  day,  the  duties  should  be  es- 
tablished upon  the  ancient  footing  of  33  per  cent.  The  con- 
sequences of  this  act  were,  that  he  wounded  the  feelings,  and 
compromised  the  authority  of  admiral  Brion,  (who  very  sensi- 
bly felt  this  public  affront,)  and  caused  the  suffering  and  death 
of  hundreds  of  his  own  people  ; for  these  high  duties  kept  out 
vessels,  and  cut  off  necessary  supplies  from  the  squadron,  and 
from  the  land  troops.  Misery  and  want,  united  with  the  sul- 
try climate,  produced  fevers,  and  other  maladies,  to  which 
many  hundreds  fell  victims. 

General  Bolivar  went  further.  He  imposed  such  heavy 
taxes  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Baranquilla,  Soledad,  St.  Stanis- 
laus ,Baranca,  &c.,  who  received  Montilla  with  enthusiasm,  that 


268 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


he  excited  among  them  general  dissatisfaction,  by  depriving 
them  of  all  hope  of  reimbursement.  All  this  was  done  after 
Montilla  had  gone  from  Baranquilla  to  Turbacco,  whither  Bo- 
livar came  and  staid  two  days.  It  is  his  habit  to  wander  from 
one  place  to  another,  giving  laws,  and  publishing  proclama- 
tions and  decrees,  altering  the  existing  state  of  things,  general- 
ly for  the  worse,  as  at  Savanilla.  A hasty  glance,  a report  of 
one  of  his  surrounding  flatterers,  even  a sarcastic  reflection, 
have  sufficed  to  change  every  tiling,  during  his  stay  of  twenty 
four,  and  sometimes  not  over  twelve  hours,  lie  acted  thus  at 
Baranquilla,  Soledad,  and  St.  Stanislaus,  the  inhabitants  of 
all  which  places  had  made  every  exertion  in  favor  of  Montilla’s 
troops  as  they  passed.  Montilla  had  the  good  sense  to  treat 
them  politely,  to  exact  nothing  beyond  their  means,  and  to  de- 
pend on  their  voluntary  kindness.  The  President  Liberator, 
under  the  pretext  of  loans,  forced  them  to  their  utmost  efforts. 
They  of  course  bore  him  no  good  will. . 

Montilla,  relying  upon  the  factious  state  of  the  interior  of  the 
Carthagenan  fortresses,  and  those  of  Santa  Martha,  sent  colonel 
Lara,  with  S00  of  his  corps,  against  the  latter  place,  while'  he 
himself  marched  w ith  the  rest  to  Turbacco,  where  he  waited  for 
reinforcements.  This  place  is  four  leagues  from  Carthagena. 

Here  Montilla  received  from  general  Bolivar  various  des- 
patches for  the  governor  of  Carthagena,  brigadier  general  Ga- 
briel de  Torres,  again  treating  of  a new  arrangement  and  of 
peace.  The  officers  hearing  the  proposals  were  well  received, 
but  the  offers  of  Bolivar  were  rejected.  Letters  were  several 
times  exchanged  between  Torres  and  Montilla,  to  no  purpose. 
Bolivar  went  to  Turbacco  in  August  1S20,  and  renewed  the  ne- 
gotiations, but  having  no  success,  he  departed  after  a stay  of 
two  days. 

On  the  1st  of  September,  the  Spanish  governor  of  Cartha- 
gena sent  600  men  against  colonel  Montilla,  at  Turbacco.  His 
troops  were  surprised  in  the  night  of  the  2d  and  3d,  and  rout- 
ed. Cannon,  baggage,  ammunition,  & c.  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Spaniards.  But  among  the  routed  troops  of  Montilla,  were 
some  fifty  Irishmen,  who  rallied,  formed  themselves,  and  rush- 
ed with  such  vigor  upon  the  600  Spaniards,  that  they  killed  a 
considerable  number,  and  forced  the  remainder  to  retire,  leaving 
their  new  acquisitions  in  the  hands  of  these  heroic  Irishmen. 

Carthagena  was  supplied  with  fresh  provisions,  and,  among 
other  things,  with  600  barrels  of  flour,  by  the  Spanish  corvette. 
Ceres  ; and  was  thus  enabled  to  hold  out  for  some  time  longer. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


269 


Colonel  Lara  had  800  men,  chiefly  natives,  commanded  by 
European  officers.  He  directed  his  march  towards  the  Cinega, 
whither  admiral  Brion  had  sent  colonel  Padilla  with  forty  gun- 
boats, in  support  of  the  movements  of  Lara,  who  expected  re- 
inforcements from  the  interior  of  New  Grenada. 

Montilla,  finding  that  he  could  effect  nothing  against  Cartha- 
gena  by  remaining  at  Turbacco,  left  there  a small  corps  of  ob- 
servation, and  came  in  October,  with  the  rest  of  his  troops,  to 
join  Lara,  who  was  encamped  on  the  borders  of  the  river  Cin- 
ega. He  had  reinforced  himself  considerably  on  his  march, 
and  admiral  Brion  had  sent  him  all  the  troops  he  could  spare, 
so  that  when  Montilla  again  took  the  command,  he  was  at  the 
head  of  about  2500  men. 

Admiral  Brion  sailed  from  Savanilla  the  19th  of  October 
with  eleven  armed  vessels,  to  blockade  Santa  Martha,  whilst 
Montilla  and  Lara  approached  it  by  land. 

Montilla  passed  the  Cienega,  attacked  Sanchez  de  Lima, 
and  easily  routed  him,  on  the  5th  of  November,  at  a place  call- 
ed Fundation.  The  action  was  decided  in  half  an  hour. 
Governor  Lima  was  one  of  the  first  who  fled.  He  escaped  by 
the  road  to  Upar,  leaving  in  the  hands  of  his  enemy,  his  ar- 
tillery, baggage,  and  500  of  his  men.  When  the  governor, 
general  Porras,  heard  of  this  defeat,  he  thought  no  longer  of 
defending  Santa  Martha  with  his  remaining  1500  men,  but  em- 
barked in  great  haste,  in  the  night  of  the  8th  of  November,  on 
board  of  the  French  schooner  Frelon,  with  all  his  baggage,  and 
came  to  shelter  himself  in  the  stronger  fortress  of  Carthagena. 

After  this  engagement,  colonel  Montilla  met  with  little  re- 
sistance, and,  being  vigorously  supported  by  the  squadron  of 
admiral  Brion,  he  entered  Santa  Martha  on  the  11th  of  No- 
vember, having  lost  only  a few  men.  They  found  large  maga- 
zines and  warlike  stores  in  the  place. 

The  occupation  of  this  important  fortress  was  attributed  prin- 
cipally to  the  exertions  and  activity  of  admiral  Brion,  and  the 
bravery  of  colonel  Padilla,  who  commanded  the  gunboats. 
The  latter  is  the  colored  man  of  that  name  who  afterwards 
took  the  four  forts  of  Boca  Chica,  (the  strong  hold  of  Cartha- 
gena,) Maracaybo,  and,  in  1814,  Porto  Cabello.  He  is  now 
(1S28)  arrested,  and  in  prison  at  Carthagena. 

The  taking  of  Santa  Martha,  which  protected  the  mouth  ot 
the  large  river  Magdalena,  made  the  Colombians  masters  of 
this  river,  up  as  far  as  Honda,  and  of  the  road  thence  by  land, 
as  far  as  Bogota,  and  of  all  the  provinces  of  the  interior  of  New 


270 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Grenada.  After  this,  the  fall  of  Carthagena  could  not  much 
longer  be  prevented. 

While  this  was  passing  at  Santa  Martha,  general  Bolivar 
started  from  Turbacco,  up  the  river  Magdalena,  to  the  province 
Popayan,  and  joined  generals  Sanander  and  Valdes,  who  had 
collected  a force  of  from  6 to  7000  men.  As  Ions;  as  these 
two  generals  acted  without  Bolivar,  they  were  almost  constant- 
ly victorious.  This  is  attributed  partly  to  their  knowing  the 
ground  better  than  their  general-in-chief,  but  principally  to  their 
being  at  liberty  to  act  freely  and  promptly,  as  circumstances 
required.  They  had  several  thousand  more  men  than  were 
necessary  to  drive  general  Calzada  out  of  that  province  and 
from  the  territory  of  New  Grenada.  General  Bolivar’s  arrival 
disturbed  all.  He  would  follow  his  own  notions  in  every  thing, 
and  spurned  at  all  advice.  He  took  command  of  these  supe- 
rior forces,  and  was  beaten  in  different  actions,  and  was  forced 
to  retreat  with  only  2000  of  these  troops.  He  had  indeed  a 
numerous  retinue  of  emigrants,  amounting  to  above  4000  per- 
sons of  both  sexes,  who  lied  with  him  towards  the  plains  of 
Apure  in  Venezuela.  On  his  arrival  there,  he  complained 
much  of  the  apathy  of  the  Grenadans.  His  complaints  had  no 
other  foundation  but  his  hatred,  as  a Caraguin,  against  the  good 
people  of  Grenada,  whose  hatred  he  had  drawn  upon  himself 
by  his  forced  taxes,  levied  without  regard  to  order  or  justice. 
The  product  of  these,  too,  was  notoriously  squandered  upon  his 
flatterers  and  favorites,  so  that  little  or  nothing  remained  for  the 
pay  or  support  of  the  army.  So  discouraged  were  the  troops, 
that  Calzada  routed  them  in  four  several  actions ; the  conse- 
quence of  which  was  the  evacuation,  by  Bolivar’s  troops,  of 
New  Grenada. 

The  royalists  not  only  gained  more  provinces,  hut  the  pub- 
lic opinion  turned  in  their  favor,  insomuch  that  guerillas  were 
formed,  under  the  command  of  colonel  Santipana,  to  intercept 
a great  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition,  provisions,  8cc.,  destined 
for  the  independent  army ; many  of  whom  too,  were  taken 
prisoners.  These  successes  of  Morillo  were  consequences  of 
Bolivar’s  entering  into  negotiations  with  his  enemies,  without 
having  first  laid  a foundation  for  these  negotiations. 

Meanwhile  general  Morillo  was  not  inactive.  He  came  from 
Valencia  to  Caracas,  and  raised  a new  levy  of  3000  men,  and 
received  100,000  dollars  in  cash,  besides  what  was  delivered 
him,  in  provisions,  uniforms  and  equipments,  to  enable  him  to 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


271 


continue  the  war  efficiently.  The  captain-general  of  the  island 
of  Cuba,  Cagigal,  promised  him  a similar  sum  every  month. 

General  Bolivar,  after  having  made  his  tour  from  Savanilla  to 
Baranquilla,  Soledad,  St.  Stanislaus  and  Turbacco,  came  back 
to  San  Fernando  de  Apure  ; whence  he  passed  to  the  province 
of  Popayan.  General  Morillo  perceiving  that  the  Colombians 
made  no  movements,  ordered  general  de  La  Torre,  who  com- 
manded the  Spanish  forces  in  New  Grenada,  to  march  from 
Tunja  upon  Truxillo,  uniting  all  his  disposable  forces,  to  join 
him,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  general  Bolivar.  Morillo  be- 
ing too  weak  to  attack  the  Colombians  alone,  waited  the  ar- 
rival of  de  La  Torre  ; and,  meanwhile,  on  two  separate  occa- 
sions, gained  some  trifling  advantages  over  the  patriots.  In 
spite  of  the  great  superiority  of  the  Colombians,  in  point  of  num- 
bers, and  in  regard  to  public  opinion,  which  was  generally  in 
favor  of  independence,  and  which  every  where  powerfully  sup- 
ported them,  they  dared  not  to  attempt  any  thing  decisive ; 
all  remained  in  this  state  of  suspense. 

Suddenly  every  one  was  astonished  with  news  that  two  offi- 
cers had  arrived  at  the  head  quarters  of  general  Morillo,  sent 
by  general  Bolivar,  to  treat  again  of  peace  and  friendship. 
This  occasioned  the  more  surprise,  as  the  latter  had  published 
the  following  proclamation,  dated  General  Head-quarters,  at 
Carache,  October  14th,  1S20. 

“ Simon  Bolivar,  President  Liberator,  &c.  &c.  Two  pro- 
vinces more  have  entered  into  the  bosom  of  the  republic.  The 
forces  of  the  Liberator  have  advanced,  amidst  the  blessings  of 
the  people  restored  to  liberty.  Caracas  will  soon  be  witness 
to  a great  act  of  justice.  Our  enemies  will  return  to  their 
country,  and  ours  will  be  rendered  up  to  its  children.  Peace 
or  victory  will  give  us  the  remainder  of  the  provinces  of  Co- 
lombia. They  have  offered  us  peace  and  a constitution.  We 
will  reply  peace  and  independence,  because  this  independence 
alone  can  assure  us  the  friendship  of  the  Spaniards,  and  to  the 
people  their  free  will  and  their  sacred  rights.  Can  we  accept 
a code  from  our  enemies,  and  disgrace  the  laws  of  cur  country? 
Can  we  violate  the  rights  of  nature,  by  crossing  the  ocean,  in 
order  to  unite  two  countries  so  distant  from  each  other  ? Could 
we  confound  our  interests  with  those  of  a nation  which  had  al- 
ways been  the  instrument  of  our  torments?  No,  Colombians  ! 
No  one  has  to  fear  the  liberating  army,  which  approaches  with 
the  sole  intention  to  break  your  chains.  She  has  upon  her 
standards  the  colors  of  Iris,  and  desires  not  to  sully  the  glory 


272 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


of  her  arms  by  the  effusion  of  human  blood.  By  order  of  the 
President  Liberator. 

(Signed)  ANTONIO  DE  SUCRE, 

Provisional  Secretary  of  War." 

Moreover  the  province  of  Cuenca  had,  sometime  before,  de- 
clared her  independence,  and  had  elected  a patriotic  Junta. 
In  consequence  of  the  expedition  sent  by  the  Junta  of  Guaya- 
quil against  Quito,  four  departments  of  that  province,  had  also 
voluntarily  submitted  to  the  republican  army.  The  province  of 
Rio  Hacha  bad  done  the  same,  so  that,  at  that  time,  15  pro- 
vinces of  New  Grenada,  out  of  22,  had  already  joined  the  gov- 
ernment of  Colombia  ; and  the  Spaniards  had  no  more  than 
the  fortress  of  Carthagena,  and  the  isthmus  of  Panama. 

In  Venezuela  six  provinces  out  of  eight  obeyed  the  laws  of 
Colombia. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  this  republic,  leaving  out  of  consid- 
eration, the  numerous  armies,  the  public  spirit,  the  supplies 
from  every  quarter  of  Europe,  the  foreign  troops  full  of  zeal  to 
distinguish  themselves,  when  Bolivar  suddenly  renewed  nego- 
tiations with  the  Spanish  commander-in-chief.  In  his  letle**  to 
Morillo,  he  made  overtures  to  him,  to  terminate  the  South 
American  troubles  in  an  amicable  way,  and  invited  him  to 
send,  the  23d  of  the  same  month,  deputies  to  his  head  quar- 
ters, with  whom  he  might  have  a full  understanding,  and  who 
might  labor  with  him  at  this  great  work. 

General  Morillo,  surprised  at  receiving  such  a proposal  in  a 
moment  so  critical  to  him,  was  anxious  to  accept  it,  and  wrote 
immediately  to  Bolivar  to  that  effect.  He  could  not  think 
that  the  proposal  had  been  without  some  occult  motive  ; and 
therefore  gave  strict  orders  to  his  subalterns  commanding  the 
troops,  to  redouble  tbeir  activity  and  vigilance.  He  soon  af- 
terwards moved  his  head  quarters  from  Valencia  to  Calabozo, 
that  he  might  be  nearer  to  the  President  Liberator. 

As  general  Bolivar  had  offered  and  required  hostages  for 
•the  security  of  reciprocal  good  faith  ; Morillo  designated  Don 
Carrea  the  civil  governor  of  Caracas,  Don  Juan  Toro  alcalde, 
of  the  same  place,  and  Don  Francisco  Linares.  They  left  the 
city  of  Caracas,  for  Punto  Pedregal,  where  they  were  to  remain 
as  hostages  during  the  conferences  between  Morillo  and  Bolivar. 

Meanwhile  the  Colombians  moved  towards  Caracas,  and 
took  possession  of  the  cities  of  Truxillo  and  Merida,  and  of  Ca- 
rora,  a small  village,  three  days  march  from  Coro. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


273 


November  oth,  two  officers  arrived  at  the  advanced  posts  of 
the  royalists,  encamped  at  Humaraco,  not  far  from  the  advanced 
posts  of  general  Bolivar.  These  deputies  were  the  colonels 
Stine  and  Ambrosco  Plazo,  who  were  the  bearers  of  proposals 
of  peace  and  friendship,  from  the  President  Liberator.  They 
were  immediately  conducted  to  the  head  quarters  of  general 
Morillo,  at  Carache,  who  received  them  very  civilly,  and  in- 
vited them  to  spend  the  day  with  him.  Bolivar  had,  among 
other  things,  demanded  of  general  Morillo,  to  send  commissa- 
ries to  him,  at  his  head  quarters.  The  Spanish  commander 
complied  with  this  demand  by  sending  the  two  Colombian 
colonels,  with  the  greatest  politeness,  back  to  their  general. 
But  Bolivar,  impatient  that  no  commissaries  came  to  him  from 
Morillo,  sent  to  the  Spanish  general  new  deputies,  who  arrived 
November  16th,  and  who  anxiously  demanded  the  departure 
of  the  Spanish  commissaries,  already  named  by  Morillo.  These 
were  Don  Ramon  Couca,  Juan  Rodriguez  del  Toro  and  Fran- 
cisco Gonzales  de  Linares,  who  received  orders  to  hasten  their 
departure  from  Barquisimeto,  where  they  wrere  on  the  17th. 

When  they  arrived  at  Truxillo,  the  head  quarters  of  general 
B divar,  they  were  received  as  if  they  had  been  conquerers. 
Two  treaties  were  here  made  with  great  despatch.  One  of 
them  was  an  armistice  between  the  two  contending  parties, 
which  bore  the  title  of  “ Armistice  between  the  Spanish  and 
patriot  armies .”  It  began  with  the  following  introduction  : 
“The  governments  ol  Spain  and  Colombia,  anxious  to  finish 
the  discords  existing  between  the  two  parties,  and  considering 
that  the  first  and  most  important  step  to  attain  this  end  is  a sus- 
pension of  hostilities,  in  order  to  explain  and  understand  each 
other,  have  agreed  mutually  to  name  commissaries  to  stipulate, 
and  to  determine  upon  an  armistice.  To  this  end  his  excel- 
lency,” &c.  (here  follow  the  names  of  the  commissaries,)  after 
having  exchanged  their  respective  powers,  dated  22d  of  the 
present  month,  (November,)  and  after  having  exhibited  their 
proposals  and  the  explanations,  offered  by  both  parties,  have 
agreed,  and  do  agree  upon  a treaty  of  armistice,  under  the 
specified  clauses  in  the  following  articles  : 

Article  1.  Between  the  two  armies,  Spanish  and  Colombian, 
hostilities  of  every  description  shall  cease  from  the  moment  that 
the  ratification  of  the  present  treaty  shall  be  published.  War 
shall  cease  ; no  hostile  act  shall  be  committed  between  them 
during  the  whole  time  of  the  duration  of  this  armistice. 

Art.  2.  The  time  of  this  suspension  shall  last  during  six  months, 
35 


274 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


dating  from  the  day  of  its  ratification ; but  as  the  principal  and 
fundamental  basis  of  this  treaty  are  the  good  faith  and  the  sin- 
cere wishes  with  which  both  parties  are  animated  to  end  the 
war,  a prorogation  of  the  term  now  fixed,  may  take  place  for 
so  much  more  time  as  may  be  necessary,  if  this  term  shall  have 
expired  before  the  conclusion  of  the  negotiations,  which  shall 
be  commenced ; in  case,  moreover,  of  there  being  a hope  of 
bringing  them  to  a conclusion. 

The  treaty  consists  of  14  articles,  in  none  of  which  is  any 
mention  made  of  recognizing  the  republic  of  Colombia,  or  of 
its  independence.  It  was  ratified  by  Bolivar  at  Truxillo  the 
25th,  and  by  Morillo  at  Carache  the  26th  of  November,  1820. 

The  second  treaty  made  and  signed  by  the  same  persons  at 
Truxillo,  November  26th,  stipulated  to  regulate  this  war  upon 
a more  humane  footing,  and  in  conformity  with  the  rules  of  war 
among  the  civilized  nations  of  Europe,  that  prisoners  should 
not  be  put  to  death,  but  exchanged,  and  receive  more  humane 
treatment,  the  dead  should  be  buried,  he.  he.  These  trea- 
ties do  honor  to  the  humane  feelings  of  both  parties. 

After  all  was  done,  the  two  generals,  Bolivar  and  Morillo, 
met  together,  and  spent  some  time  in  rejoicings  and  festivals. 
The  details  of  their  meetings  have  been  published  in  many 
newspapers,  and  are  not  worth  repeating  here. 

This  measure  of  Bolivar  excited  the  astonishment  of  all  the 
more  enlightened  Colombians.  They  openly  declared,  that  he 
had  no  right  to  solicit  an  armistice  with  an  enemy  greatly  infe- 
rior in  force  and  in  resources ; and  especially,  as  he  had,  a few 
months  before,  formally  declared  against  any  treaty,  which  should 
not  expressly  admit  the  independence  of  the  republic.  They 
asked  among  themselves,  “what reason  could  he  have  for  not  ex- 
plaining himself  upon  a matter  so  interesting  to  himself,  and  to 
the  republic  whose  representative  he  was  ? How  could  he  trans- 
gress the  resolution  of  congress,  who,  in  their  letter  to  Morillo, 
had  declared  that  no  treaty  should  be  made  with  Spain,  before 
the  Spanish  government  acknowledged  the  independence  of 
the  Colombian  Republic  ?”  Some  said  that  general  Bolivar 
had  acted  here,  as  he  had  done  every  where  else,  rashly  and 
precipitately,  without  consulting  congress,  or  advising  with  any 
man.  Others  finally  said,  he  should  have  better  known  the  ob- 
stinacy of  the  Spanish  character,  and  the  duplicity  of  king  Fer- 
dinand, than  to  Hatter  himself  with  a foolish  hope,  that  such  a 
man  would  have  been  able  to  acknowledge  the  independence 
of  Colombia,  as  long  as  there  existed  the  least  hope  to  subject 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


275 


them  by  the  force  of  arms.  The  present  Spanish  squadron 
united  under  admiral  Laborde,  in  the  harbor  of  Havana,  ready 
to  attack  either  Mexico  or  Colombia,  is  the  best  proof  of  my 
assertion. 

The  fact  is,  that  general  Bolivar,  by  acting  with  this  rash- 
ness, brought  upon  his  countrymen  new  scences  of  bloodshed 
and  war,  as  will  appear  from  the  following  chapter. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Renewal  of  hostilities — Manifest  of  General  de  La  Torre — 
Battle  of  Carabobo — Conduct  of  La  Torre  and  Morales — 
Bolivar  at  Caracas — Surrender  of  Carthagena , Maracaybo , 
and  Porto  Cabello — Entire  evacuation  of  the  Main  by  the 
Spanish  forces.  1S21-1824. 

As  soon  as  the  amistice  was  signed,  ratified  and  proclaimed, 
general  Morillo  hastened  to  leave  his  army,  and  to  return  to 
Spain,  where  a rich  bride  awaited  him.  He  was  glad  to  leave 
a country  where  he  had  lost  much  reputation  by  his  ill  admin- 
istration generally,  and  particularly  by  his  tyranny,  cruelty,  and 
capricious  duplicity,  during  his  command  on  the  Alain.  This 
(I  know  not  what  to  call  him,)  after  assuming  the  title  of  Paci- 
ficator of  South  America  at  Bogota  in  1 S 1 6,  ordered  some 
hundreds  of  the  most  wealthy  and  respectable  inhabitants  to  be 
shot : In  the  island  of  Margarita,  he  destroyed  and  pul  to 

death,  hanged  and  shot,  not  only  men  standing  upon  their  de- 
fence, but  women  and  children  also  ; at  Papao,  Cabellos,  and 
Boca-Chica,  where  he  sufFered  the  cruel  Morales  to  burn  an 
hospital  of  lazorinos.  His  cruelties  were  notorious  every 
where. 

General  Alorillo  signed  the  armistice,  the  26th  November, 
and  on  the  17th  of  December,  he  embarked  at  Porto  Cabello, 
for  the  Havana.  He  finished  his  course  as  he  commenced  it ; 
in  violation  of  the  right  of  brigadier-general  Alorales,  he  named 
for  his  successor,  brigadier-general  Aliguel  de  La  Torre,  who 
was  both  unskilful  and  cowardly  ; who  had  lost  many  battles ; 
and  the  whole  province  of  Guayana  ; and  was  despised  by  his 


276 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


own  officers ; whereas  Morales,  had  advanced  from  a private, 
to  become  a vigilant,  active,  and  brave  commander.  Though 
detestably  cruel  to  his  enemies,  he  has  been  more  than  once 
seen,  while  encamped  in  the  midst  of  his  soldiers,  giving  them 
his  own  shoes,  blanket,  even  his  coat  to  cover  the  sick,  while 
he  lay  almost  naked  upon  the  ground.  The  appointment  of 
La  Torre  created  jealousy  and  schism  between  these  two 
chieftains,  and  finished  what  Morillo  lett  undone  towards  the 
destruction  of  the  remaining  Spanish  army  in  Colombia. 

The  same  day  that  Morillo  left  Porto  Cabello,  for  the  Ha- 
vana, a squadron  of  2 frigates,  1 corvette  &ic.  with  4 transports, 
arrived  at  Laguira  from  Cadiz;  bringing  6000  muskets,  7 000 
uniforms  &lc  ; but  no  troops;  in  their  stead  came  4 commissa- 
ries whom  the  king  had  sent  to  the  Main,  to  pacify  it.  They 
had  received  an  express  order  to  conclude  a peace  upon  no 
other  basis,  than  that  the  seceders  should  previously  recog- 
nize and  obey  the  constitution  of  the  Spanish  Cortes  of  1 b 1 8. 

When  these  commissaries  were  informed  of  the  armistice  of 
26th  of  November,  they  were  surprised,  and  openly  expressed 
their  dissatisfaction.  They  immediately  spread  a rumor  that 
10,000  Spaniards  were  ready  to  embark  from  Spain,  and  that 
in  case  the  commissaries  should  not  be  able  to  effect  a pacifi- 
cation upon  the  terms  above  mentioned,  these  troops  would  im- 
mediately sail  for  the  Main,  and  join  the  loyalist  troops  remain- 
ing there.  This  rumor  made  no  impression  upon  the  patriots, 
because  they  knew  it  to  be  a fiction. 

General  Bolivar  perceived  at  last,  that  in  proposing  the  ar- 
mistice of  the  26th  of  November,  he  had  acted  Injudiciously. 
But  instead  of  retrieving  his  faults  as  far  as  he  could,  by  decla- 
ring that  hostilities  should  re-commence  in  eight  days,  if  the 
commissaries  and  La  Torre  should  not  send  him  a formal  re- 
cognition of  the  republic  of  Colombia,  he  adopted  a crooked 
course,  unworthy  the  chief  of  such  a country  as  Colombia. 
He  subjected  himself  to  the  just  censure  even  of  La  Torre,  as 
will  appear  by  the  Spanish  manifesto,  made  out  in  the  manner 
of  La  Torre,  who  exposed  Bolivar’s  conduct  by  publishing  his 
official  letters.  The  two  following  documents  show  what  was 
Bolivar’s  manner  of  acting  : 

The  first  is  a proclamation  of  general  Bolivar  to  his  army  ; 
the  second  to  the  inhabitants  of  Colombia. 

“ Soldiers ! Peace  should  have  been  the  recompense  of  the 
armistice  which  is  about  to  expire.  But  Spain  has  seen  with 
indifference,  the  painful  sufferings  which  we  have  experienced 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


277 


on  her  account.  The  remainder  of  the  Spanish  government  in 
Colombia,  cannot  measure  their  power  with  that  of  25  provin- 
ces which  you  have  delivered  from  slavery.  Colombia  ex- 
pects from  you  its  entire  emancipation  she  expects  more  ; site 
commands  you  imperiously,  in  the  midst  of  your  victory,  to 
fulfil  with  vigor  the  duties  of  your  sacred  struggle.  I have  al- 
ways relied  upon  your  courage,  your  perseverance  ; but  from 
your  discipline  alone  1 expect  to  have  the  satisfaction  of  ac- 
quiring new  glory  which  you  are  on  the  eve  of  obtaining.  Sol- 
diers ! I hope  you  will  have  humanity  and  compassion  even  for 
your  most  bitter  enemies.  Be  the  mediators  between 
the  vanquished  and  your  victoiious  arms;  and  show  your- 
selves as  great  in  generosity  as  you  are  in  bravery. 

Liberating  head-quarters  at  Barinas  April  17th  1321. 

(Signed)  BOLIVAR.” 

The  second  was  as  follows,  and  of  the  same  date  and  sigua- 
ture  : 

“ Colombians ! the  anxieties  of  our  armies,  our  unheard  of  pri- 
vations ; the  tears  of  the  people  almost  expiring,  force  us  again 
to  take  arms  in  order  to  obtain  peace  by  expelling  our  invad- 
ers. This  war,  nevertheless,  shall  not  be  a war  of  death,  not 
even  of  rigor  ; it  shall  be  a sanctified  crusade.  We  shall  fight 
to  disarm,  and  not  to  exterminate  our  enemy.  We  shall  strug- 
gle to  obtain  the  crown  of  brilliant  glory,”  &c.  &lc. 

If  it  was  true  that  “ the  remainder  of  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment in  America,  could  not  measure  its  power  with  25  free 
provinces,”  and  that  “ Spain  saw  with  indifference  the  suffer- 
ings endured  by  him  and  his  army,”  why  not  put  an  end  to 
these  sufferings,  and  those  of  the  country,  while  he  had  the 
means  of  doing  it  in  his  own  hands  ? That  Colombia  had 
“ heard  with  joy  the  propositions  for  peace,  made  by  Spain,” 
was  absolutely  false  ; she  desired  peace  indeed,  but  she  pre- 
ferred war  to  dependence,  to  every  thing  but  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence ; and  this  had  been  unequivocally  expressed  by  the 
voice  of  the  whole  country.  It  is  certain  that  Bolivar  himself 
was  the  first  who  proposed  an  armistice  ; and  it  is  certain  that 
he  did  this  at  a time  when,  with  his  fai  superior  forces,  he 
might  easily  have  destroyed  those  of  the  Spaniards. 

Morillo  and  his  king  had  simply  proposed  that  Colombia 
should  acknowledge  the  Spanish  constitution,  and  to  submit  to 
her  government.  Their  proposition  was  plain  and  unequivo- 
cal. How  even  Bolivar  could  propose,  first  an  armistice  of 


278 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


one  month,  and  then  six  months,  without  claiming,  or  even 
mentioning  the  acknowledgment  of  the  republic,  is  an  enigma. 
Such  is  the  man  who  directs  the  destinies  of  two  millions  of 
his  countrymen,  whom  he  rules  with  absolute  power,  and  whom 
he  makes  daily  more  slavish  and  miserable. 

During  the  armistice,  the  congress  was  removed  from  An- 
gostura to  the  city  Del  Rosario  de  Cucuta,  in  the  department 
of  Bogota,  and  province  of  Pamplona,  as  being  a more  central 
position  between  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,  there  to  re- 
main until  the  new  city  of  Bolivar  could  be  built. 

I will  give  here  some  extracts  from  the  manifesto  published 
at  the  expiration,  in  April,  of  the  armistice,  and  dated,  Head- 
quarters at  Caracas,  1821,  by  brigadier  general  Miguel  de  La 
Torre,  as  general-in-chief  of  the  Spanish  troops  in  Colombia, 
respecting  the  continuation  of  the  war. 

For  his  introduction,  he  says  : “ From  the  armistice  con- 
cluded at  Truxillo,  and  ratified  by  their  excellencies,  the  court 
of  Carthagena,  and  Don  Simon  Bolivar,  human  prudence  might 
have  hoped  that  peace  would  have  reigned  again  over  the 
whole  territory  of  the  Main ; that  the  unjust  passions  would 
have  given  way  to  reason,  justice,  truth,  and  to  the  other  vir- 
tues,” &ZC. 

“ The  principal  motives  which  had  served  until  now,  as  a 
pretext,  to  justify  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  the  troubles  in  these 
countries,  had,  fortunately,  disappeared.  It  was  no  more  the 
despot  Ferdinand  who  occupied  the  throne  of  Spain,  it  was  no 
more  an  arbitrary  power  that  disposed  of  the  welfare  of  the 
Spaniards;  no — it  was  Ferdinand  the  Constitutionalist,  who 
had  voluntarily  resigned  this  odious  power,  and  who  had  res- 
tored to  the  law  all  its  majesty  and  force.  The  Spanish  mon- 
archy, already  spread  over  the  whole  world,  was  no  more  an 
union  of  slaves  ; the  Spaniards  were  already  free.” 

“ The  hopes  which  my  predecessor  had  conceived,  so  just- 
ly, to  re-establish  peace  and  tranquility,  for  so  long  a time  lost, 
having  vanished,  he  had  nothing  left  him  to  do,  but  to  prepare 
again  for  war,  when  be  received  an  official  despatch  from  his 
excellency,  the  president,  dated  Cucuta  21st  September,  by 
which  he  invited  him  to  new  pacific  proposals.  During  this, 
he,  the  president,  accelerated  his  march  under  frivolous  pre- 
tences, and  absolutely  contradictory  to  the  proposed  object.” 

“ My  predecessor  was  nevertheless  obliged  to  obey  the  or- 
ders of  his  majesty,  to  neglect  no  means  to  restore  to  this 
country  its  lost  prosperity.  In  such  a manner  were  the  con- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


279 


ferences  began  at  Truxillo,  not  to  treat  there  of  peace , but  to 
suspend  hostilities,  whilst  the  commissaries  of  his  excellency 
the  president,  could  have  departed  for  the  court  of  Madrid,  to 
present  their  demands  and  pretentions  before  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment of  the  nation,  which  alone  could  decide  definitely  upon 
them.  His  excellency  the  president  was  very  well  informed 
that  my  predecessor  had  no  power  to  do  it ; and  it  was  upon 
this  information  that  the  ratification  of  the  armistice  was  ground- 
ed : the  contents  of  this  treaty  alone  will  sufficiently  prove  this 
fact”  &c. 

In  this  latter  assertion  general  La  Torre  was  perfectly  cor- 
rect. In  the  two  documents  signed  at  Truxillo,  one  may 
search  in  vain  for  a passage  which  would  induce  the  reader  to 
think  that  the  republic  had  been  acknowledged  by  Morillo  or 
his  commissaries. 

To  cite  the  whole  of  La  Torre’s  prolix  and  verlose  letter, 
would  be  useless  ; but  he  cites  some  letters  and  facts  which  are 
strongly  against  general  Bolivar.  He  accuses  him  and  gene- 
ral Urdaneta  of  having  violated  the  armistice  of  January  28th 
in  Maracaybo,  of  which  the  latter  took  possession  the  8th  April 
during  the  existing  treaty,  at  the  head  of  a strong  division,  and 
entrenched  himself,  notwithstanding  that  hostilities  were  not  to 
commence  before  the  12th.  Before  this,  Bolivar  violated  the 
treaty  at  Barinas,  which,  he  reinforced  with  a battalion  of 
troops.  In  this  memoir  were  also  cited  some  letters  which 
speak  strongly  against  Bolivar,  and  expose  his  duplicity. 

After  having  corresponded  and  lamented  much,  general 
Bolivar  at  last,  on  the  10th  of  March,  notified  La  Torre  by 
letter,  that  hostilities  should  recommence  in  conformity  to  the 
12th  article  of  the  treaty,  at  the  expiration  of  thirty  days.  The 
war  was  renewed  accordingly. 

After  receiving  this  letter,  La  Torre  left  Caracas  and  went 
to  Calabozo,  in  the  beginning  of  April.  He  prepared  for  fight- 
ing, by  giving  out  orders,  that  his  officers,  after  his  example, 
should  be  confessed  and  receive  the  sacraments  and  abso- 
lution. It  is  reported,  by  eye  witnesses,  that  La  Torre  began 
already  to  manifest  symptoms  of  the  same  fever  which  attack- 
ed him  at  the  battle  of  San  Felix  in  Guayana. 

Before  La  Torre’s  departure  from  Caracas,  he  published 
two  proclamations,  one  directed  to  the  army,  the  other  to  the 
few  inhabitants  remaining  under  his  dominion.  Both  were 
dated  Caracas  23d  of  March  1821.  He  made  a great  dis- 
play of  words,  without  spirit  or  vigor.  The  productions  were 


2S0 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


characteristic  of  the  man,  resembling  more  a Capuchinade 
than  an  address  of  a commander-in-chief. 

A third  proclamation  was  issued  by  general  Ramon  Correa 
y Guevara,  captain-general  of  Venezuela,  the  2Sth  of  March, 
in  which  he  told  the  inhabitants,  “ that  one  single  sentiment 
should  exist ; one  single  opinion  ; one  single  cry — the  consti- 
tution, the  king,  or  death  !”  But  notwithstanding  this  display 
of  heroic  sentiment,  Mr.  Correa  himself  preferred  flight  to 
death,  and  set  the  first  example,  by  retiring  from  Caracas,  af- 
ter having,  in  imitation  of  his  commander  La  Torre,  duly  con- 
fessed himself.  Correa,  while  governor  of  Caracas,  left  the 
city  secretly,  in  the  night  of  the  14th  of  May,  and  Bermudes, 
the  next  evening,  entered  the  capital,  without  having  fired  a 
musket.  He  found  the  city  abandoned  by  all  the  people  of  any 
note.  They  had  retired  towards  Laguaira  and  Porto  Cabello, 
to  live  no  more  under  the  government  of  Bolivar.  The  great- 
est part  of  these  inhabitants  embarked  for  the  West  Indies  and 
the  United  States  of  North  America. 

The  entry  of  Bermudes  into  Caracas  resembled  a funeral. 
In  the  streets  were  found  a mass  of  miserable  wretches,  some 
begging  a cent  for  charity.  Prostitutes  mingled  in  the  ranks 
of  the  soldiers,  amidst  the  ringing  of  bells,  and  the  sound  of 
cannon.  Bermudes  gave  a ball,  at  which,  not  four  ladies  of 
distinction  were  found  ; all  the  otheis  were  colored  people  or 
blacks.  He  ordered,  under  heavy  penalties,  a general  illumina- 
tion for  three  nights,  gave  dinners  and  festivals,  and  lived  jo- 
vially, at  tlie  expense  of  the  ruined  inhabitants.  Bermudes 
published  an  appeal  to  the  inhabitants,  inviting  them  to  join  his 
troops  ; and,  with  great  pains,  obtained  about  300  blacks  of  the 
lowest  class.  Bermudes  attempted  to  raise,  by  imposition, 
some  money  for  the  support  ol  himself  and  his  troops,  but  could 
not  obtain  so  much  as  6000  dollars.  The  tabble  broke  into 
some  stores  and  plundered  them,  and  were  with  difficulty  re- 
strained by  the  troops. 

In  May  1 SO  1 , the  forces  of  general  Bolivar  amounted 
to  15,000  in  Venezuela  alone.  Among  these  were  more 
than  2000  European  troops,  whilst  La  Torre,  (by  his  own 
fault,  as  is  said,)  had  not  6000.  Well  informed  persons  have 
said,  that  he  relied  upon  the  deceitful  promises  of  Bolivar,  who 
flattered  him  with  hopes  of  peace,  (and  this  appears  from  La 
Torre’s  memoirs,)  expecting  that  the  negotiations  would  end 
in  peace,  he  remained  inactive,  whilst  Bolivar  was  reinforcing 
himself  on  all  sides.  In  La  Torre’s  memoirs  are  found  fre- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


2S1 


quent  expressions  of  his  good  faith  and  his  love  of  peace,  and  his 
unbounded  devotion  to  peaceful  measares,  (which  no  one  doubt- 
ed who  knew  his  military  character.)  The  feelings  of  the 
Spanish  troops  towards  their  leader,  are  also  to  be  considered. 
The  majority  of  them  were  displeased  at  his  being  their  com- 
mander. They  said  that  he  was  a coward,  and  that  he  had 
done  nothing  since  the  first  breach  of  the  armistice  at  Barinos, 
in  December  1S20,  though  from  that  breach,  it  was  plain  that 
Bolivar  did  not  incline  to  observe  the  treaty  of  Truxillo. 

After  the  action  of  Carabobo,  well  informed  men  asserted, 
that  the  loss  of  the  Spanish  forces  in  Colombia,  was  entirely 
the  fault  of  La  Torre  ; that  instead  of  uniting  all  his  forces  in 
the  little  village,  he  contented  himself  with  the  first  division, 
consisting  of  2500  infantry  and  about  1500  cavalry,  command- 
ed by  himself  and  Morales,  whilst  Bolivar,  who  joined  Paez  at 
San  Carlos,  had  about  6000  infantry,  among  whom  were  about 
1 100  European  troops,  (called  the  British  legion,)  and  3000 
Llaneros  on  horseback. 

The  village  of  Carabobo,  celebrated  for  the  famous  battle 
fought  there  the  26th  of  June,  is  situated  about  half  way  be- 
tween San  Carlos  and  Valencia,  six  leagues  distant  from  the 
latter  city.  There  the  Spaniards  had  taken  a strong  position. 
This  position  was  judiciously  chosen  by  Morales,  who,  in  all 
military  matters,  was,  beyond  comparison,  superior  to  his  com- 
mander. The  shape  of  the  ground  afforded  great  advantage, 
or  rather  a decisive  superiority,  over  any  assailant,  for  if  an 
enemy  forced  a passage  in  front,  they  might  retire  to  the  next 
position,  and  so  for  several  steps,  disputing  every  inch  of  ground 
with  advantage,  while  the  assailants,  fighting  at  disadvantage, 
must  suffer  considerable  loss.  It  is  a plain,  interspersed  with 
hills,  of  which,  the  greater  part  were  covered  with  trees,  and 
full  of  rocks,  which  defended  them  on  every  side.  Thirty 
thousand  men  might  manoeuvre  on  the  plain  with  ease,  having 
in  front  but  one  defile,  and  that,  the  only  passage  to  Valencia. 

The  Spaniards  confident  that  their  wings  were  well  protect- 
ed, the  left  wing,  moreover,  resting  upon  a deep  morass,  post- 
ed themselves  on  the  public  road.  Upon  a hill  opposite  the 
defile,  they  placed  two  pieces  of  cannon  and  a squadron  of 
cavalry  on  their  right  wing.  In  this  position  they  waited  for 
the  enemy  during  twenty  days,  confident  of  success  whenever 
they  should  be  attacked. 

Bolivar  knowing  that  the  welfare  of  the  republic  depended 
upon  this  battle,  when  he  saw  the  enemy’s  position,  wavered 
36 


282 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


whether  to  attack  them  or  not.  He  assembled  a council  of 
war  and  again  proposed  an  armistice.  His  subalterns  unani- 
mously, and  with  disdain,  rejected  the  proposal..  General 
Marino  proposed  to  turn  the  position  of  the  enemy ; but  after 
having  discussed  and  rejected  various  plans  and  proposals,  the 
majority  decided  to  risk  every  thing  and  attack  the  enemy  in 
his  strong  hold.  Against  Bolivar’s  proposal  to  try  another  ar- 
mistice, Paez  and  Bermudes  spoke  with  great  warmth  and  in 
strong  terms. 

On  the  24th  of  June,  the  Colombians,  about  8000  strong, 
came  before  the  enemy.  When  Bolivar  saw  the  passage  so 
strongly  guarded,  he  again  hesitated  to  commence  the  attack. 
But  Paez  and  Bermudes  warmly  insisted  upon  it.  Whilst  they 
were  discussing  the  subject,  there  stood  among  Bolivar’s  reti- 
nue, one  of  his  guides,  who  overheard  the  conversation.  This 
mail,  who  was  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  country,  came  near 
the  Liberator  and  told  him,  in  a whisper,  that  he  knew  a foot 
path,  through  which  the  right  wing  of  the  Spaniards  might  be 
turned.  Bolivar  knew  the  man  well,  and  after  consulting  with 
him  a short  time,  secretly  detached  three  battalions  of  his  best 
troops,  and  a strong  column  of  cavalry  under  the  command  of 
general  Paez,  to  follow  the  guide.  This  pass  was  one  of  the 
most  difficult  in  the  country,  particularly  for  the  British  legion, 
who  made  part  of  the  column.  They  were  obliged  to  go  sing- 
ly, and  their  shoes  were  so  cut  to  pieces  by  the  sharp  stones 
that  their  feet  were  wounded  deeply.  These  brave  men  ac- 
tually tore  their  shirts  and  made  bandages  for  their  feet,  to 
enable  them  to  go  on.  They  succeeded  perfectly,  being  mask- 
ed by  the  forest,  hut  as  soon  as  the  enemy  discovered  them,  he 
was  obliged,  of  course,  to  direct  part  of  his  forces  against  them. 

The  royal  battalion  of  Bengos  nearly  complete,  and  consist- 
ing of  European  Spaniards,  at  first,  intimidated  the  Colombian 
battalion  called  Los  Bravos  de  Apure,  which  fell  back  upon 
the  British  legion.  Encouraged  by  this  success,  they  advanced 
against  the  legion  which  they  mistook  for  a Creolian  corps,  and 
directed  a well  aimed  fire  against  it,  which  was  well  returned. 
Soon  after  the  Spaniards  charged  with  the  bayonet,  and  dis- 
covered their  mistake  by  being  charged  in  their  turn,  with  the 
bayonet,  by  the  British  legion.  This  charge  was  directed  with 
such  celerity  and  force,  that  the  Spaniards  began  to  be  dis- 
couraged and  to  give  ground.  They  were  at  last  dispersed, 
and  were  followed  by  the  English  bayonets.  What  remained 
of  these  Spaniards  were  nearly  all  destroyed  by  a squadron  of 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAn. 


233 


Paez,  called  the  sacred  squadron.  A squadron  of  the  enemy 
attempted  to  charge  the  British  legion,  but  were  driven  back 
by  their  well  directed  fire  of  musketry,  and  forced  to  retire. 

This  unexpected  disaster  upon  the  rear  of  the  Spanish  right 
wing,  so  disconcerted  general  La  Torre  that  he  lost  all  presence 
of  mind.  The  confusion  was  soon  spread  among  the  Span- 
iards ; their  cavalry  dispersed  without  having  made  one  charge. 
The  Spaniards  retired  precipitately  and  in  perfect  disorder, 
leaving  their  cannon,  train  and  baggage.  General  Paez  dis- 
played great  activity  and  bravery.  He  placed  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  cavalry  and  pursued  the  Spaniards,  but  his  men 
were  so  badly  mounted,  and  the  horses  so  fatigued  and  weak, 
that,  though  the  ground  was  even,  he  was  not  able  to  break  the 
files  of  the  Spanish  infantry.  If  his  cavalry  had  been  good, 
not  a single  Spaniard  could  have  escaped. 

In  one  of  their  unsuccessful  charges,  general  Sedeno,  colonel 
Plaza,  and  a black  man,  who,  on  account  of  his  bravery,  was 
called  El  Primero,  (the  first,)  were  killed.  These  brave  men, 
finding  their  efforts  to  break  one  of  the  enemy’s  infantry  lines 
unavailing,  precipitated  themselves  into  the  midst  of  the  bay- 
onets. 

In  this  battle  the  enemy  lost  more  than  500  men.  La 
Torre,  with  the  remains  of  his  forces,  shut  himself  up  in  Porto 
Cabello.  Spaniards,  who  wrere  eye  witnesses,  have  assured 
me,  that  he  was  one  of  the  first  who  came  within  the  fortress. 
The  loss  of  the  Colombians  was  not  great.  The  English  le- 
gion had  about  30  killed  and  100  wounded.  Their  comman- 
der received  various  wounds,  of  which  he  died.  The  Colom- 
bians were  obliged  to  attribute  the  success  of  this  march  to  this 
handful  of  brave  foreigners.  These  received  from  general 
Bolivar  the  name  of  Carabobo.  General  Paez  distinguish- 
ed himself  highly  ; but  Bolivar,  though  he  kept  himself  as  usual, 
at  a respectable  distance  from  the  danger,  assumed  the  princi- 
pal glory  of  the  victory,  and  entered  Valencia  the  same  day 
with  his  troops. 

I have  these  details  from  the  pen  of  a foreigner,  who,  at  that 
time,  was  a superior  officer  in  the  service  of  the  republic,  and 
who  fought  in  this  action,  in  the  British  legion.  His  report 
continues  as  follows  : “ This  affair,  such  as  it  is,  will  form  an 
epoch  in  the  history  of  Colombia.  The  two  principal  actions, 
upon  which  depended  the  welfare,  or  rather  the  existence  of 
Colombia,  were  undoubtedly  gained  by  the  valor  of  the  Euro- 
pean troops  in  their  service,  viz,  the  action  at  Bovaca,  which 


2S4 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


decided  the  fate  of  New  Grenada,  and  this  at  Carabobo,  which 
made  the  Colombians  masters  of  Venezuela.  It  is  certain  that 
these  troops  have  been  rewarded  in  an  ill  manner  ! There 
exists  not,  I believe,  soldiers  more  ill  treated  than  those  in  Co- 
lombia ; badly  clothed  and  fed,  exposed  to  all  the  inclemen- 
cies of  a climate  not  very  healthy,  to  a scorching  sun  in  the 
day  time,  and  to  cold  and  rainy  nights.  To  these  must  be 
added  the  forced  marches,  the  fatigues  and  the  continual  move- 
ments of  a partizan  war.  Such  a soldier  must  have  a very  ro- 
bust constitution  to  exist  for  any  length  of  time,  &c. 

In  the  battle  of  Carabobo,  the  Spanish  infantry  only, 
fought ; and,  from  the  commencement  of  the  action,  the  two 
Spanish  commanders  La  Torre  and  Morales,  were  not  united 
in  regard  to  the  command,  and  the  plan  of  operations  to  be 
pursued.  Morales  who  commanded  in  chief,  the  cavalry, 
1 500  strong,  well  chosen,  perfectly  well  mounted,  and  able  to  beat 
the  3000  Llaneros,  whose  horses,  unable  to  resist  one  well 
directed  charge,  had  the  baseness  not  to  order  a single 
charge ; and  to  remain  a quiet  spectator  of  the  destruction  of 
the  infantry,  lie  was  highly  displeased  at  being  under  the 
command  of  La  Torre,  and,  as  I am  well  informed,  so  jealous, 
that  he  disregarded  several  orders  from  the  latter  to  charge 
the  enemy.  His  bitterness  and  obstinacy  were  so  great,  that 
he  heard,  unmoved,  the  most  urgent  entreaties  of  the  Spanish 
cavalry  officers  under  his  command,  to  charge,  or  at  least  to 
permit  them  to  charge  the  enemy,  whilst  they  were  in  the 
plain.  The  officers  pointed  out  to  him  (which  he  must  have 
seen  himself)  the  advantageous  times  and  positions  for  charg- 
ing. But  he  expressly  refused  them  permission  to  move. 
When  they  saw  his  obstinacy,  they  became  discouraged,  left 
their  ranks,  and  were  followed  by  their  subalterns,  without  hav- 
ing made  one  charge  upon  the  patriot  troops.  One  single 
squadron,  which  remained,  attempted  to  charge  upon  the  Brit- 
ish legion,  but  were  driven  back,  as  1 have  stated.  The 
Spanish  infantry  alone  sustained  the  whole  battle,  viz,  2500  men 
against  7600.  I have  heard  from  good  authority,  that  if  the 
British  legion  had  not  been  with  the  Colombians,  they  would, 
in  all  probability,  have  lost  the  battle.  The  regiment  of  Va- 
lencia about  600  strong,  covered  the  retreat ; and  at  four  dif- 
ferent times,  repelled  the  cavalry  of  Paez  consisting  of  3000 
Llaneros,  and  that  in  a fine  plain,  where  half  the  number  of 
almost  any  other  cavalry,  would  have  swept  the  ground  clean 
pf  these  600  infantry. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


2S5 


The  news  of  this  defeat,  spread  consternation  amongst  the 
Spaniards.  Such  was  the  confusion  and  terror  in  the  fortress 
of  Porto  Cabello,  that  if  Bolivar  had  inarched  against  the  place 
without  loss  of  time,  he  would  have  got  possession  of  it.  More 
than  twenty  Spanish  royalists,  whom  I saw  afterwards  at  the 
island  of  Curacao,  assured  me  of  this.  From  that  time,  above 
20,000  inhabitants  of  Caracas,  Laguira,  and  Porto  Cabello, 
seeing  the  royal  cause  upon  the  Main  completely  lost,  and 
cursing  the  cowardice  and  apathy  of  La  Torre,  embarked  for 
foreign  lands. 

After  the  action  at  Carabobo,  the  fortress  of  Porto  Cabello 
was  so  filled  with  fugitives,  that  sixteen  dollars  a week  were 
paid  for  the  use  of  a single  room  ; and  the  price  of  provisions 
rose  an  hundred  fold  ! the  apathy  of  La  Torre  excited  great 
indignation  amongst  the  most  distinguished  Spaniards.  Of 
this  1 will  cite,  from  among  hundreds,  one  proof;  a letter  da- 
ted Porto  Cabello  June  29th  1821,  inserted  in  the  Gazette  of 
Curacao. 

“ There  has  been  no  great  change  in  the  situation  of  this  city 
since  my  last  of  the  27th.  The  unfortunate  dissentions  between 
La  Torre  and  Morales  are  continual.  The  apathy  of  the  first 
is  so  great  that  the  majority  suspect  him  of  treachery.  He  will 
not  consent  to  the  desire  of  the  greatest  part,  that  Morales  take 
the  chief  command  ; nor  will  he  listen  to  any  solicitations  to 
permit  him  to  go  out  of  the  place  with  the  2000  chosen  troops 
which  remain  in  it,  in  order  to  make  a junction  with  the  forces 
of  Pereira  and  Lopez,  who  have  sent  express  after  express  to 
him  for  that  purpose.  But  all  is  in  vain.  It  appears  that  he 
fears  that  Morales,  once  out  of  the  place,  would  turn  him  out, 
and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army.  We  have  here  in 
the  place  more  than  4000  men  able  to  serve,  and  who  would 
enlist  themselves  with  great  pleasure,  if  any  body  else  but  La 
Torre  should  be  appointed  commander-in-chief.  Could  you 
believe  that  since  he  has  been  in  the  city  he  has  not  ordered 
any  efficacious  measures  to  defend  the  place  in  case  of  attack. 
Such  is  in  fact  the  criminal  inactivity  of  La  Torre.  God  grant 
that  we  may  have  a change  soon  !” 

After  the  battle  of  Carabobo,  general  Bolivar  published  an 
order  of  the  day,  under  13th  July,  informing  that  he  had  given 
the  name  of  the  battalion  of  Carabozo  to  the  corps  before  call- 
ed the  British  legion  ; and  as  colonel  Ferrier  their  commander, 
had  died  (of  his  wounds  received  in  the  battle  of  Carabobo) 
various  promotions  took  place  in  the  corps. 


28G 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


The  news  of  this  victory  inspired  the  congress  assembled  at 
Cucuta,  with  the  liveliest  enthusiasm.  They  immediately 
passed  a decree  that  did  honor  to  their  sentiments,  and  is  too 
well  know  to  need  insertion  here.  In  speaking  of  this  decree 
I must  he  permitted,  deeply  to  regret  that  the  glorious  death  of 
colonel  Ferrier  was  not  noticed  in  it.  He  died  at  the  head 
quarters  of  the  British  legion.  His  merit  surely  entitled  his 
name  to  a conspicuous  place  in  one  of  the  four  columns  of  a 
paper  devoted  to  the  fame  of  those  who  fought  for  the  liberty 
oi  Colombia.  I must  add  that  notwithstanding  the  national 
gratitude  decreed  by  the  congress  of  Colombia,  the  battalion 
ol  Carabobo,  which,  on  the  1st  of  June  1S21,  contained  above 
a thausand  men  ; in  August  1S23,  had  not  fifty  men  left.  The 
rest,  except  a very  few,  perished  in  the  country.  The  last 
commander  of  the  battalion,  lieutenant  colonel  Brandt,  in  Aug. 
l82o,  arived  from  Laguaira,  at  Caracas,  in  a pitiable  condition, 
his  uniform  torn  in  pieces,  without  a change  of  clothes,  having 
no  boots,  only  a single  pair  of  old  shoes  ; and  not  a cent  of 
money  in  his  pocket.  He  was  besides,  lame  and  deaf.  He 
addressed  himself  to  Charles  Soublette  the  Intendant  of  Cara- 
cas, requesting  an  order  for  at  least  a small  amount  due  upon 
his  salary  for  past  services.  He  could  obtain  nothing.  Sou- 
blette was  then  living  in  the  highest  style.  Lieutenant  colonel 
Brandt  for  aught  that  appears,  might  have  perished,  but  for  the 
hospitality  of  captain  Alaitland,  commander  of  the  Colombian 
brig  Pinchita  and  his  officers,  who  kindly  received  him  on 
board,  in  the  harbour  of  Curacao.  Such  is  the  gratitude  of 
Colombia  to  her  deliverers  ! Let  their  conduct  towards  the  for- 
eigners who  so  ably  assisted  them  in  the  days  of  trouble,  be 
compared  .to  that  of  the  United  States  towards  Steuben,  Kos- 
ciusco,  and  La  Fayette. 

Caracas  and  Laguaira  were  lost,  whilst  Torre,  with  more  than 
4000  men,  was  lying  idle,  and  detested  in  Porto  Cabello. 
Colonel  Peregra  a brave  and  enterprising  officer,  being  left  to 
his  fate  by  La  Torre,  was  forced  to  surrender  by  capitulation. 
This  increased  the  complaints  and  murmurs  againat  La  Torre, 
who  was  now  hated  and  despised  by  all. 

On  the  29th  of  June,  in  the  evening,  general  Bolivar  with 
general  Paez  and  a numerous  and  brilliant  retinue,  entered  the 
city  of  Caracas,  and  ordered  the  taking  possession  of  Laguaira. 
But  he  found  not  a white  inhabitant  in  the  deserted  streets  of 
Caracas.  The  greatest  part  of  the  houses  were  empty  ; many 
of  the  stores  were  pillaged ; the  streets  were  filled  with  beg- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


287 


gars,  and  dead  bodies.  Some  miserable  negroes  cried  “ Viva 
Colombia,  and  begged  for  cents  : destruction/ misery  and  death, 
had  taken  up  their  abode  in  this  once  flourishing,  rich,  Dop- 
ulous  and  joyous  city. 

Bolivar  compared  this  entry  into  Caracas  with  that  of  Au- 
gust 1813,  and  was  surprised,  and  not  a little  frightened.  His 
indignation  rose  against  all  who  had  fled  to  escape  from  falling 
again  under  his  dominion.  He  immediately  ordered  a procla- 
mation to  be  published  and  fixed  to  the  corners  of  the  principal 
squares  and  streets,  in  which  he  said  : “ Caracas  shall  not  be 
the  capital  of  a republic  ; but  the  capital  of  a vast  government, 
administered  in  a dignified  manner  and  worthy  of  its  importance. 
The  vice-president  of  V enezuela,  enjoying  all  the  attributes  of 
a'great  magistrate,  you  will  always  find  a source  of  justice  in 
the  centre  of  the  republic,  who  will  spread  plentifuly  his  be- 
nevolence over  all  the  branches  of  public  welfare  in  your 
country.  Caraguins ! be  thankful  to  the  ministers  of  the  law, 
who  from  their  sanctuary  of  justice,  have  left  you  a code  of 
freedom  and  equality. 

Caraguins ! lavish  your  admiration  upon  the  heroes  who 
have  given  existence  to  Colombia. 

Genaral  Liberating  head-quarters,  Caracas,  June  30th  1824. 

(Signed)  BOLIVAR.” 

This  great  Magistrate  whom  this  great  General  announced 
to  the  people  of  Venezuela  as  the  worthy  administrator  who 
would  spread  plentifully  bis  benevolence  over  all  tbe  branches 
of  public  welfare ; his  vice-president  of  Venezuela,  (whose 
title  was  afterwards  changed  to  that  of  Intendant)  was  Charles 
Soublette  ! so  well  did  he  administer,  that,  on  three  or  four  oc- 
casions, the  principal  inhabitants  of  Venezuela  exclaimed 
against  him  ; and  so  diffusive  was  his  benevolence,  that,  on  ac- 
count of  his  insolence  and  incapacity,  (as  has  been  generally 
said)  his  protector  was  obliged  to  recal  him,  and  to  give  this 
intendancy  to  general  Tobar. 

In  order  to  remedy  in  some  measure  the  evils  of  this  gene- 
ral emigration,  general  Bolivar  published  the  following  procla- 
mation. 

“ Caraguins ! The  dissatisfaction  felt  at  this  moment  from 
the  general  emigration  which  has  followed  the  royal  party,  has 
caused  me  the  greatest  sorrow.  Your  flight,  and  the  total 
abandonment  of  your  property,  could  not  have  been  the  effect 
of  a spontaneous  movement ; no — it  must  have  been  from  fear 
either  of  the  armies  of  Colombia,  or  of  those  of  the  Spaniards. 


2S8 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


Royalists  ! You  may  rely  upon  what  has  been  agreed  upon, 
as  to  the  regularity  of  this  war ; and  upon  the  policy  of  the  day, 
which  holds  in  detestation  and  horror,  the  past  times  when  the 
genius  of  crimes  had  arrived  at  its  highest  pitch  ; shocking  to 
all  sentiments  of  humanity.  Royalists,  return  to  your  posses- 
sions. 

Caraguins ! Your  emigration  is  a manifest  offence  against 
the  Spanish  government,  which  you  think  to  please  and  flatter. 
Your  fears  of  the  arms  of  the  king,  in  his  terrible  reactions,  are 
no  longer  well  grounded,  because  the  Spanish  chieftains  are 
the  generals  La  Torre  and  Correa,  and  no  longer  Boves  or 
Morales. 

Caraguins ! I know  you  are  patriots,  and  you  have  abandon- 
ed Caracas ; but  could  you  in  conscience  fly  before  the  arms 
of  Colombia?  No,  no,  no  ! &lc.  &c. 

San  Carlos,  July  3d,  1821. 

(Signed)  BOLIVAR.” 

Tbe  stupor  of  La  Torre,  discouraged  the  royal  party.  All 
who  were  rich  and  faithfully  attached  to  the  royal  cause,  emi- 
grated. Above  24,000  of  them,  unwilling  to  live  under  either 
La  Torre  or  Bolivar,  departed  for  the  West  Indies,  Spain  and 
the  United  States. 

The  consequences  of  Bolivar’s  indignation  at  this  extraordi- 
nary emigration,  were  soon  felt.  Before  he  left  Caracas  he 
confiscated  the  houses  and  lands  of  the  emigrants,  to  a great 
amount,  dividing  them  among  his  chieftains  and  courtiers.  He 
imposed  heavy  taxes  and  contributions  upon  the  few  inhabitants 
who  had  not  emigrated,  but  had  lived  retired  in  tbe  country, 
and  devoted  to  the  royal  cause.  He  adopted  two  measures 
which  greatly  increased  the  misery  of  the  inhabitants. 

1st.  The  Spanish  government  had  coined  a small  copper 
money,  which  was  generally  known  under  the  name  of  the  pau- 
per’s money.  It  was  intended  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  were 
poor,  whether  they  had  become  so  by  the  fury  of  civil  war,  in- 
ability to  labor,  or  in  any  other  way  whatever.  This  money 
was  every  where  received  without  hesitation.  In  Caracas,  a 
Spanish  dollar  is  divided  into  halves,  quarters  and  eighths. 
The  eighth  is  called  a real.  The  half  of  each  real  is  called 
a medio  real , and  this  was  the  lowest  coin  in  value.  In  this 
state  of  the  circulating  medium  the  Spanish  government  emit- 
ted a copper  coin,  called  quartillo,  one  of  which  was  worth 
half  the  medio  real.  Four  sols  were  the  value  of  a quartillo  ; 
so  that  the  dollar  being  divided  into  32  parts,  as  many  differ- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


2S9 


ent  articles  might  be  bought  with  it.  A poor  man,  (and  the 
poor  were  very  numerous',)  therefore,  who  earned  one  real  a 
day,  could  buy  sixteen  different  articles  for  himself  and  family. 
This  poor-money,  besides  enabling  the  poor  to  live,  kept  down 
the  price  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  thus  benefited  both  rich 
and  poor.  An  ordinary  family  might  live  well  with  a dollar  a 
day,  whereas  now  they  can  live  but  poorly  with  twice  that 
sum. 

When  general  Bolivar  entered  Caracas,  in  June  1823,  there 
was  above  two  and  a half  millions  of  dollars,  of  this  poor-mo- 
ney, in  circulation,  in  the  capital,  and  in  the  province  of  Cara- 
cas; and  no  one  hesitated  to  receive  it.  He  ordered,  by  a 
decree,  that  this  money  should  circulate  no  longer.  The  price 
of  every  thing  rose  immediately,  and  with  it,  the  public  suffer- 
ing ; and  that,  to  such  height,  that  many  perished  of  hunger 
and  want. 

2d.  The  second  measure  was  a decree,  as  an  extraordinary 
war  contribution,  that  the  harvests  of  all  the  possessions  be- 
longing to  emigrants,  should  be  collected  and  put  into  the 
stores  belonging  to  the  government.  This  was  done  in  such 
hurry  and  confusion,  that  in  the  collection  many  frauds  were 
committed.  Such  dilapidations  attended  the  collection,  that, 
from  all  these  productions,  not  more  than  a sixth  part  ever  found 
its  way  into  the  public  stores.  He  ordered  that  the  land  own- 
ers, who  had  remained  in  the  country,  should,  under  pain  of 
capital  punishment,  give  up  their  harvests  of  every  kind,  and 
deliver  them  into  the  public  stores.  He  allowed  the  owners 
one  fifth  part  only. 

The  loss  of  the  battle  of  Carabobo,  and  the  stupor  of  La 
Torre  in  Porto  Cabello,  spread  disgust  and  consternation  among 
the  Spaniards  on  the  Main,  insomuch  that  on  the  21st  Sep- 
tember, 1S21,  the  strong  fortress  of  Carthagena  surrendered  by 
capitulation. 

La  Torre  was  at  last  removed,  and  was  succeeded  by  Mo- 
rales ; but  it  was  too  late.  The  strength  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
their  confidence  that  they  should  eventually  regain  their  supe- 
riority, were  gone.  The  expedition  of  Morales  against  Coro 
and  Maracayho,  served  only  to  prolong  the  season  of  war  and 
bloodshed.  Nothing  was  produced  by  it  of  more  importance, 
than  that  by  his  usual  course  of  conduct,  Charles  Soublette 
obtained  the  nick-name  of  Miss,  or  lady  Soublette.  Paez  and 
Padilla,  fortunately  for  Colombia,  retrieved  such  of  her  affairs, 
as  had  been  thrown  into  confusion,  and  well  nigh  lost  by  the 
37 


290 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


timidity  and  weakness  of  Soublette.  Maracnybo,  which  had 
been  in  possession  of  Morales  since  September  1822,  fell  again 
into  the  hands  of  the  Colombians,  after  a nloody  and  destructive 
naval  action,  which  did  great  honor  to  the  intrepidity  of  its 
commander,  general  Padilla. 

Maracaybo  surrendered  in  August  1S23,  and,  soon  after, 
Morales  embarked  for  Havana.  He  left  the  country  loaded 
with  the  execrations  of  the  inhabitants,  which  he  deserved  by 
his  multiplied  barbarities  and  cruelties. 

Porto  Cabello  surrendered  at  last,  on  the  16th  of  July  1824, 
and  this  closed  the  evacuation  of  the  Main  by  the  Spaniards 
No  armed  enemy  was  now  to  be  feared.  This  surrender  was 
also  the  work  of  Padilla,  sustained  by  general  Paez. 


CHAPTER  XXL 

Conduct  of  the  Dutch  Government  in  the  Island  of  Curacao 
against  the  Republic  of  Colombia  and  the  Spaniards — Of 
the  expedition  against  Porto  Rico,  and  spoliations  committed 
bj  the  Dutch  Government  of  Curacao,  under  'pretence  of  the 
criminality  of  Gtneral  D.  II. 

Since  the  revolution  at  Caracas,  the  island  of  Curacao  had 
been  the  head  quarters  of  the  Spaniards.  It  was  rendered 
precious  to  them  by  its  fine  harbors,  and  its  proximity  to  the 
Main.  Having  g old,  they  possessed  the  means  of  being  pro- 
vided with  every  thing  requisite  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  to 
furnish  the  fortresses  and  places  of  Porto  Cabello,  Laguaira, 
Coro,  Maracaybo,  Cumana,  &:c.  with  provisions  and  ammuni- 
tion. The  richer  classes,  members  of  the  government,  and 
merchants,  were  nearly  all  in  favor  of  the  Spaniards ; the  peo- 
ple were  for  the  patriots. 

In  1S22,  there  appeared  an  official  statement  of  facts,  pub- 
lished by  the  Fiscal  of  Caracas,  Mr.  Narverte,  and  by  the 
president  of  the  court  of  admiralty  at  Laguaira,  Mr.  Francisco 
Xavier  Yanes,  in  a pamphlet  form,  with  the  following  title  : 
“ Exposition  of  the  conduct  observed  by  the  Dutch  govern- 
ment of  Curacao,  in  the  pending  war  of  the  republic  of  Colom- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


291 


bia  with  Spain. — Caracas.  From  the  printing  office  of  John 

Gutienes.  1822.”  When  this  appeared,  the  governor  of  Cura- 
cao, Paulus  RoelofF  Cantzlaar,  whose  conscience  was  not  clear, 
made  every  exertion  to  suppress  it.  But  i had  friends,  who 
provided  me  a copy,  from  which  I will  extract  some  curious 
facts  that  are  little,  or  not  at  all  known,  out  of  that  country. 
From  these,  and  other  facts  stated  in  this  chapter,  I shall  show 
the  corrupt  perverseness  of  these  leaders  of  a government, 
which  Yanes,  the  president  of  the  court  of  admiralty,  at  Ln- 
guaira,  designated  by  the  name  of  “ that  gang  called  the  Dutch 
government  of  Curacao  of  which  Cantzlaar  was  at  that  time 
the  chief.  He  said  also,  that  t:  that  gang”  had  treated  the  Co- 
lombians like  dogs,  particularly  after  the  battle  of  Carabobo. 
“ Here,”  said  he,  “ are  some  proofs  : The  Colombian  priva- 
teer, the  Valoroso,  captain  Bernardo  Ferreiro,  having  lost  his 
main-mast,  in  January  1S22,  not  far  from  Curacao,  was  forced, 
in  distress,  to  enter  that  port,  under  protection  of  the  laws  and 
rights  of  nations.  He  was  allowed  to  enter,  but,  soon  after, 
his  vessel  was  seized  and  illegally  condemned  under  the  pre- 
text of  reprisal  for  two  Spanish  vessels,  taken  by  the  privateer 
Condor,  in  the  territorial  jurisdiction  of  Curacao.  This  pretext 
was  false,  for  the  court  of  admiralty  at  Laguaira  had  proved 
that  the  two  Spanish  schooners,  Fortuna  and  Experiencia, 
taken  by  the  privateer  Condor,  were  seized  in  latitude  1 1 
degrees  50  minutes  north,  and  longitude  68  degrees  35 
minutes  west,  and  consequently  without  the  waters  of  Curacao. 
Instead  of  examining  the  fort,  enquiring  of  the  captain  of  the 
Valoroso,  or  adv  ising  the  government  of  Colombia  that  any  re- 
oaration  was  claimed,  the  government  of  Curacao  passed  at 
vnce  all  forms  used  in  such  cases,  and  sold  the  vessel  at  public 
pendue. 

“In  the  course  of  Dec.  1818,  the  privateer  brig  Irresistible, 
(now  called  the  Venudor,)  cruising  under  the  colors  of  the  East 
Shore  of  the  river  Plata,  took  vessels,  two  destined  to  Porto 
Cabello  and  Laguaira,  one  of  which  was  a Spanish,  the  other  a 
Dutch  vessel,  called  Armonia,  and  belonging  to  Mr.  Theodore 
Jutting,  which  was  retaken  by  a Duch  frigate  in  her  passage 
from  Bonair  to  Los  Rogues,  for  Margarita,  and  restored  to 
her  owner.  As  soon  as  this  was  known  in  Curacao,  the  gov- 
ernment published  a ban , ordering  all  the  foreigners  to  present 
themselves  before  the  Fiscal,  who,  as  soon  as  he  ascertained 
the  persons  belonging  to  the  Main,  ordered  them  to  leave  the 
island  within  eight  days. 


292 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


“In  the  year  1819  the  Colombian  privateer  General  Eng- 
lish took  a Dutch  schooner,  the  Intrepida,  commanding  from 
Cuchito  Curacao,  to  transport  property  belonging  to  the  enemy. 
She  was  taken  in  tow  by  the  privateer  and  conducted  to  one  of 
the  ports  of  Margarita  for  adjudication.  There  was  at  that 
time,  in  the  port  of  Curacao,  a Colombian  privateer  called  the 
Sosegada,  which  on  the  simple  demand  of  George  Curiel,* 
owner  of  the  Intrepida  was  immediately  sequestered  by  the 
government  of  Curacao,  by  way  of  reprisal.  It  was  not  before 
this  was  done,  that  complaints  were  made  to  the  government 
of  Colombia  asking  damages,  indemnification  and  satisfaction, 
for  insults  offered  the  colors  of  his  Majesty,  the  king  of  the 
Netherlands. 

“ At  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  Coro,  a citizen,  Joseph 
Amaes,  was  obliged  to  shelter  himself  in  the  island  of  Aruba. 
He  took  with  him  a female  servant  obtained  at  Coro,  not  for 
speculation,  but  for  his  own  use  as  a servant.  She  came  from 
the  sequestered  property  of  a Spaniard,  Don  Manuel  Ganzales, 
who  reclaimed  her  of  the  government  of  Curacao.  The  latter 
gave  an  order  to  seize  the  servant  in  the  house  of  Amaes,  and 
to  deliver  her  to  the  Spaniard,  notwithstanding  that  Amaes,  at 
the  time,  proved  her  to  be  his  legal  property.  This  act  of  the 
government  of  Curacao,  was,  therefore,  a plain  violation  of  the 
law  of  nations. 

After  the  Spanish  commander  had  taken  possession  of  the 
city  of  Coro,  in  virtue  of  a capitulation  made  with  colonel  Go- 
mez, one  of  his  first  measures  was  to  seize  the  slaves  and  mules 
upon  the  neighboring  farms  belonging  to  republicans,  who  had 
emigrated.  These  were  ordered  to  be  sold  in  the  West  In- 
dies, or  exchanged  for  provisions  and  warlike  stores.  Whilst 
vessels  were  preparing  to  transport  them,  the  Dutch  slaves  were 
locked  up  in  the  prison.  When  two  vessels  came  from  Coro 
to  Jamaica,  bringing  380  slaves  to  exchange  for  provisions,  the 
British  government  ordered  the  vessels  to  leave  the  port  within 
24  hours.  They  did  so  ; and  steered  for  Havana. 

“ But  in  the  island  of  Curiaco  all  that  were  bought  were  in- 
discriminately admitted  ; slaves  have  been  sold  there  for  three 
barrels  of  codfish  each  ! 


* This  George  Curiel  is  a colored  man  , a merchant  in  Curacao  entirely  devoted  to 
the  Spaniards,  as  is  Theodore  Jutting  and  his  two  brothers  Christopher  and  William. 
Those  and  Frederic  Lintz,  have  done  great  misclticf  to  Colombia,  by  the  powerful 
support  they  have  g'ven  t°  the  Spaniards. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


293 


This  horrid  traffic  being  now  prohibited  by  all  civilized  na- 
tions, the  government  of  Curiaco,  by  permitting  it  in  their  ter- 
ritory, have  violated  the  laws  of  nations,  no  less  than  those  of 
neutrality. 

These  facts  (and  a great  many  more  might  be  adduced) 
are  sufficient  to  show  the  avaricious  and  cruel  conduct  of  the 
government  of  Curiaco,  towards  the  citizens  of  the  republic, 
who  fled  from  tyranny,  and  sought  shelter  in  their  island. 
“ That  government  has  received  into  their  ports  Spanish  sub- 
jects and  privateers,  whilst  it  has  refused,  or  confiscated  those 
ol  the  republic.  It  has  assisted  the  Spaniards  with  provisions 
and  munitions  of  war,  in  opposition  to  a cause  in  which  the 
whole  human  race  is  interested  ; at  the  same  time  that  it  has 
plundered  those  who  were  devoting  their  property  and  their 
lives  to  the  support  of  that  cause.  It  has  moreover,  destined 
to  hopeless  slavery,  many  human  beings,  who,  by  the  existing 
laws  of  their  country,  as  well  as  by  those  of  nature,  wrere  enti- 
tled to  freedom.  All  this  and  much  more,  has  been  done  by 
the  Dutch  government  of  Curiaco,  for  gold. 

“ All  these  facts  are  inconsistant  with  a strict  neutrality,  and 
are,  therefore,  in  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  Colombians. 
Dated  from  the  harbor  of  Laguaira  April  15th  1822. 

(Signed)  FRANCISCO  XAVIER  YANES. 

President  of  the  Court  of  Admiralty 

In  the  morning  of  the  29th  October  1 823,  a prize  of  a Colom- 
bian privateer  came  into  Curacao  to  escape  from  the  chase  of 
a Spanish  armed  vessel.  The  governor,  Cantzlaar,  ordered 
her  to  sail  immediately.  The  prize  captain,  an  American  citi- 
zen, represented  in  vain,  the  danger  to  which  she  would  be  ex- 
posed by  going  out,  and  requested  a delay  of  two  days,  which 
was  refused.  The  captain  of  the  Spanish  privateer  Especu- 
ladora,  being  at  the  time  in  the  harbour,  and  informed  of  the 
governor’s  order,  sailed  out  and  cruised  before  the  island,  to 
take  the  prize  vessel.  The  coptain’s  papers  were  in  perfect 
order,  and  the  actual  cruising  of  the  Spanish  vessel,  affording 
a strong  additional  reason  for  staying  in  port,  he  went  again  to 
the  governor,  and  told  him,  that  he  could  not  go  out  without 
losing  his  few  men,  himself,  and  the  vessel.  About  seven 
o’clock  in  the  evening,  a guard  came  on  board,  the  comman- 
der of  which,  in  the  name  of  the  governor,  ordered  the  prize 


* Of  this  document  I have  given  only  a short  extract 


294 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


captain  to  weigh  anchor  and  set  out  without  delay.  The  cap- 
tain and  his  crew  again  declared  that  they  could  not  submit  to 
so  unjust  an  order.  They  were  compelled,  by  blows  with 
broadswords  and  muskets  ; and  favored  by  the  darkness  of  the 
night,  escaped  the  enemy  lying  in  wait  for  them. 

Such  was  the  conduct  of  Cantzlaar,  that  a second  memoir 
appeared  against  him,  sent  from  Porto  Cabello  in  the  month  of 
January  1824.  1 endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  procure  it.  My 
friends  have  informed  me,  that  this  was  more  full,  stronger 
and  better  written,  than  the  former. 

Cantzlaar  may  be  considered-  the  we  plus  ultra  of  bad  gov- 
ernors. He  was  denounced  by  the  merchants  generally,  and 
at  length  removed,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  inhabitants. 

Spanish  doublons  were  exchanged  at  Caracas,  at  the  rate 
of  twenty  dollars  in  the  current  money.  Mr.  George  Curie], 
a merchant,  being  obliged  to  pay  eleven  thousand  dollars  in 
current  money,  sent  the  value  in  doublons  at  the  fixed  rate  of 
twenty  dollars,  as  they  were  usually  taken  by  the  receiver  gen- 
eral. But  Mr.  Van  Uytrecht  told  him,  that  he  had  received 
an  order  from  the  governor,  not  to  receive,  from  that  time,  a 
doublon,  at  more  than  sixteen  dollars  in  current  money  ; and 
Spanish  dollars  at  only  12.  instead  of  15,  as  they  had  been, 
received.  Mr.  Curiel  complained  of  the  order  ; and  wished  to 
take  back  his  doubloons.  This  was  refused  ; and  he  was  giv- 
en to  understand  that  he  might  have  them  back,  after  he  had 
paid  his  debt  in  current  money.  It  was  at  that  time  impossi- 
ble to  obtain  such  a sum  in  current  money,  without  paying  very 
high  interest ; and  this  Mr.  Curiel  was  compelled  to  do. 

This  happened  in  April  1S23  ; whereas  the  3d  of  ftlay,  then 
next,  was  the  time  fixed  by  the  governor  lor  beginning  to 
receive  doublons  and  dollars  at  the  treasury',  at  the  rate  spec- 
ified in  it.  The  decree  excited  the  public  indignation  against 
Cantzlaar  ; but  it  was  not  revoked. 

In  November  1S22,  a seizure  was  made  of  some  dye-wood, 
coming  from  Maracaybo,  and  belonging  to  Mr  Curiel.  The 
pretext  for  the  seizure  was  that  an  exact  declaration  of  the 
weight  had  not  been  made  at  the  custom  house,  the  exact 
weight  of  four  pieces,  among  about  two  thousand , not  having 
been  declared.  Report  of  this  fact  being  made  to  the  gover- 
nor, he  ordered  the  wood  to  be  taken  from  the  vessel,  and  de- 
posited in  the  Fiscal’s  yard.  There  it  was  weighed  again  ; 
piece  by  piece.  Two  pieces  only  being  found  to  vary,  Curiel 
was  permitted  to  take  it  back.  But  by  the  operation,  which 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


295 


occupied  seven  weeks,  the  owner  incurred  great  loss  in  time 
and  expense  ; in  fact,  he  was  thereby  accused  of  an  attempt  to 
defraud  the  government. 

In  February  1S24  Mr.  Samuel  Lyon,  merchant  in  Curacao, 
had  a controversy  with  the  Fiscal,  who  is  the  chief  of  the  po- 
lice, about  a vessel  which  the  police  officer  had  neglected  to 
visist  until  it  was  so  late  in  the  day  that  the  vessel  could  not 
sail  that  evening  ; Mr.  Lyon  complained  to  the  governor,  who 
ordered  the  Fiscal  himself  to  examine  the  officer  and  report 
to  him  ! 

The  captain  of  the  Spanish  privateer  Contella,  after  having, 
in  1821,  pillaged  many  vessels  sailing  under  Dutch  colors,  and 
belonging  to  inhabitants  of  Curacao,  and  having  upon  the 
high  seas,  so  ill  treated  the  captain  from  Curacao,  of  the  Dutch 
merchant  schooner  Admiral  Vander  Capellen,  that  he  died  in 
consequence  of  it ; a few  days  afterwards,  had  the  audacity 
quietly  to  enter  the  port  of  Curacao  with  his  privateer.  He 
was  immediately  charged,  before  the  governor,  with  the  crim- 
inal transactions,  and  positive  proofs  were  adduced.  The  gov- 
ernor was  entreated  to  arrest  him,  and  detain  his  vessel  until 
satisfaction  for  his  crimes  should  be  made  by  the  Spanish  gov- 
ernment. Instead  of  complying  with  this  just  demand,  he  per- 
mitted the  vessel  to  sail  out  secretly  at  midnight  of  the  same 
day.  It  was  loudly  declared,  in  Curacao,  at  the  time,  that  the 
captain  obtained  his  permit  to  sail,  by  the  power  of  doubloons. 
The  details  of  this  villainous  transaction  may  be  found  in  the 
Gazette  of  Curacao,  No.  41,  of  the  year  1821. 

During  the  year  1820  and  thence  into  1823,  of  his  adminis- 
tration, Cantzlaar  issued  above  one  thousand  decrees,  rules, 
ordinances,  &lc.  These  are  carefully  bound  in  six  enormous 
folio  volumes,  and  are  to  be  seen  in  the  office  of  the  Fiscal,  or 
secretary  of  state.  For  all  purposes  of  government,  they  are 
worse  than  useless.  But  they  are  sure  proofs  of  his  obstinate 
disposition  to  vex  and  harrass  the  small  population  of  2300  souls 
committed  to  his  government. 

Cantzlaar  reduced  the  salaries  of  the  officers  of  government 
so  low,  that  their  families  coidd  not  be  supported  by  them. 
Many  of  them  were  actually  forced  to  ask  charity,  or  to  borrow, 
or  to  seek  illicit  means  of  subsistence  ; whilst  he  took  care  to 
provide  himself  abundantly  with  every  thing.  His  master,  the 
king  of  the  Netherlands,  attributed  his  reduction  of  salaries,  to 
a spirit  ol  economy,  and  was  so  p’eased,  that  he  gave  lnm  an- 
nually a gratuity  of  S000  patagues,  in  addition  to  his  salary  of 
1S00  florins.  This  king  is  an  honest  man,  but  he  knew  noth- 


296 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


ing  of  the  oppressive  system  by  which  the  governor  enhanced 
the  misery  and  desperation  of  the  inhabitants  of  Curacao. 
Therefore  I wrote  privately  to  H.  M.  the  king  of  the  Neth- 
erlands, in  April  1S24,  what  I nowhere  repeat  publicly  : “ that 
his  governor  of  the  island  of  Curacao,  Paulus  Roeloff  Cantz- 
laar,  abused  the  name  of  his  master,  and  disgraced  the  Dutch 
government.”  The  character  of  Cantzlaar  is  a compound  of 
hypocrisy,  despotism,  avarice  and  meanness.  He  was,  of 
course,  detested  by  all  who  were  obliged  to  have  any  thing  to 
do  with  him,  and  obtained  the  name  of  “ the  little  Jesuit.” 

The  following  are  among  hundreds  of  anecdotes  current  of 
him  : 

He  made  a contract  with  a colored  man  named  Barien  to 
furnish  him  a certain  number  of  flat  boat  (called puntje)  loads 
of  stone  for  building  a wall;  at  the  rate  of  two  patagues  per 
canot  ( one  dollar  and  six  pence.)  The  stone  was  delivered  ac- 
cording to  contract.  But  when  Barien  called  for  his  money, 
the  governor  told  him  some  of  the  boais  were  not  well  loaded, 
and  that  he  had  not  stone  enough  for  his  purpose.  The  other 
replied  that  he  could  furnish  more  boat  loads  at  the  same  price. 
“ No,  no,”  said  the  governor  “ it  is  better  to  weigh  the  stones 
and  pay  you  by  the  pound.”  Barien  eventually  got  about  half 
his  money  ; which  it  is  to  be  remarked,  was  payable  out  of  the 
public  treasury, 

The  sellout  or  high  constable  received  every  month  eight 
patagues,  for  the  purpose  of  cleaning  the  prisons,  furnishing 
water  &c.  In  order  to  receive  a good  sum  at  once,  he  let  it 
lie  for  10  months,  until  it  amounted  to  80  patagues.  Can- 
tzlaar decided  upon  his  claim  “ that  a man  who  could  advance 
80  patagues  could  advance  more,”  and  the  constable  received 
nothing  ! The  consequence  of  this  villainy  was,  that  the  prison- 
ers were  wretched  sufferers ; often  without  a drop  of  water  ; 
which  in  Curacao  is  not  obtained  easily. 

In  April  1823,  a schooner  was  lost  near  Pescaduo,  a small 
port  of  Curacao.  Cantzlaar  ordered  a clerk  of  the  comptroller’s 
office  to  go  there  and  take  an  exact  account  of  the  articles  sa- 
ved from  the  vessel.  Mr.  Herman  Boyer,  after  having  strictly 
and  fully  complied  with  the  order,  was  directed  to  present  a 
bill  of  the  particulars  of  his  expenses  ; in  this  voyage  of  about 
five  miles.  The  whole  amount  was  about  eight  reals  (50 
cents.)  After  a fortnight  the  governor  decided,  that  “ as  the 
bill  was  charged  too  high,  he  could  not  make  an  order  for  the 
payment.”  Mr  Boyer  had  a wife  and  children.  Mr.  Nie- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


297 


bulir  the  comptroller,  ashamed  of  such  meanness,  paid  his  clerk 
from  his  own  pocket. 

A young  man  named  Weiss,  a clerk  in  the  Fiscal’s  office, 
having  received  no  salary  for  about  a year,  was  in  want  of  a 
penknife  and  a small  box  of  wafers,  for  the  use  of  the  office. 
He  mentioned  it  to  the  Fiscal,  but  as  the  governor  had  given 
strict  orders  that  not  a quill  should  go  from  the  public  stores 
without  lus  fiat,  Mr.  Weiss  was  obliged  to  draw  up  a formal  re- 
quest in  writing,  which  was  signed  by  the  Fiscal  and  sent  to 
the  governor.  After  three  days’  delay  the  decision  of  the  gov- 
ernor was  sent  to  the  office  in  writing,  “ that  he  granted  the 
box  of  wafers,  but  refused  the  penknife.” 

On  Tuesday  February  3d,  while  the  governor  was  in  town 
giving  public  audiences,  as  is  usual  on  that  day  of  the  week, 
Sir.  Elsevier,  the  Fiscal,  who  is  second  in  rank  and  dignity  in 
the  government  of  Curacao,  was  in  want  of  twelve  sheets  of 
wrapping  papei;,  and  a box  of  sand  for  his  office.  He  made 
his  demand  in  writing,  and  signed  it.  The  governor,  with  his 
own  hand,  changed  the  figures  1-2  to  1-4,  and  then  signed  his 
fiat  “the  Schout  by  Nacht,  (rear  admiral  in  rank)  and  governor 
of  the  island  of  Curacao,  and  its  dependencies.”  Upon  this  the 
Fiscal  received  six  sheets  of  brown  wrapping  paper,  which  cost 
the  government  of  Curacao  about  three  cents. 

This  second  dignity,  the  counsellor  Fiscal,  Mr.  Isaac  James 
Rammelmann  Elsevier,  is  designated  by  his  favorite  words 
“ he  moot  betaalen,”  (he  must  pay.) 

The  third  personage  in  the  island  is  Mr.  Daniel  Serurier, 
president  of  the  tribunal  of  justice;  so  called.  He  is  a cor- 
rupt, base,  hardened  drunkard  ; and  is  the  devoted  servant  of 
the  governor,  and  of  his  clerk  Hagunga. 

That  the  government  of  Curacao  in  1S22 — 1824,  was  ex- 
tremely base,  I trust  will  further  appear,  from  the  relation  of 
a transaction  which  excited  great  sensation  at  the  time,  and  in 
which  I was  concerned.  The  proceedings  of  this  government 
to  which  I now  allude  as  oppressive,  fraudulent  and  base  in  the 
extreme,  were  against  myself,  Bautista  Troine,  and  Charles 
Frangatt  Voyel.  The  projected  expedition  against  the  Span- 
ish island  of  Porto  Rico,  the  object  of  which  was  to  render  its 
inhabitants  free  and  independant  of  Spain,  excited  great  atten- 
tion and  interest.  With  two  brigs,  which  were  intended  to  form 
part  of  the  force  of  that  expedition,  I entered  the  port  of  Cu- 
racao in  distress.  This  being  a neutral  port,  I had  of  course  a 
right  to  protection,  by  the  laws  of  nations.  The  brigs  were 
38 


298 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


laden  with  rich  cargoes  ; and  Cantzlaar  and  Compaguree,  for 
the  purpose  of  laying  their  hands  upon  this  property,  caused  me 
to  be  arrested,  while  I was  in  port,  and  in  the  condition  just 
stated.  For  the  purpose  of  covering  this  outrage  and  direct- 
ing the  public  attention  from  it,  they  and  their  coadjutors  took 
great  pains  to  occupy  the  columns  of  various  newspapers,  with 
false  and  calumnious  statements  relative  to  my  character,  and 
to  the  objects  of  the  expedition.  1 will  give  my  statement. 

When  I took  my  final  leave  of  the  service  on  the  Main,  my 
desire  was  to  retire  altogether  from  such  scenes  as  had  engag- 
ed the  greater  part  of  my  life  ; and  to  devote  my  time  to  my 
growing  family.  With  this  view  I engaged  in  literary  pursuits 
and  gave  lessons  in  various  branches,  with  which  in  the  course 
of  my  life,  1 had  become  sufficiently  acquainted  to  teach  them 
to  others.  While  I was  living  in  this  manner,  I received,  one 
night,  at  Curacao,  a visit  from  some  rich  foreigners  who  were 
well  settled  in  the  island  of  Porto  Rico.  They  urged  me 
strongly,  to  place  myself  at  the  head  of  a numerous  party  of 
wealthy  inhabitants  of  that  island,  for  the  purpose  of  expelling 
the  Spaniards  from  it,  and  rendering  the  island  free  and  inde- 
pendent. 1 had  declined  various  proposals  made  me  to  join 
the  patriots  in  Mexico  and  Buenos  Ayres,  and  I now  declined 
this  urgent  one  of  these  inhabitants  of  Porto  Rico,  notwithstand- 
ing that  they  assured  me,  they  placed  entire  confidence  in  me, 
and  in  me  alone  ; and  that  they  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
any  other  military  chieftain.  About  a month  after,  a larger 
number  of  them  came  to  me,  and  gave  me  such  proofs  of  their 
spirit  and  ability  to  accomplish  their  purpose,  that  I consented 
to  their  proposal.  This  happened  at  the  end  of  the  year  1821. 
I removed  with  my  whole  family  from  Curacao  to  St.  Thomas’. 
There  1 left  them,  and  came  myself  to  the  United  States,  where 
1 soon  found  many  enterprising  men  ready  to  aid  me. 

The  expedition  against  Porto  Rico,  was,  as  yet,  a project, 
which  could  not  be  realized,  until  I should  have  received  all  the 
powerful  means  promised  me.  Proceeding  with  part  of  my 
vessels,  from  St.  Barts  to  Laguaira,  l encountered  a heavy 
storm  at  sea,  and  was  forced  to  put  into  the  port  of  Curacao 
with  the  brigs,  the  Eondracht  and  the  Mary,  in  a state  of  dis- 
tress, the  16th  of  Sept.  1822.  The  23d  1 was  arrested  by  or- 
der of  governor  Cantzlaar,  in  the  house  of  the  Fiscal  judge. 
The  governor,  conscious  of  the  baseness,  or  rather  of  the  odium 
of  the  proceeding,  exerted  himself  to  throw  the  blame  of  the 
arrest  upon  the  Fiscal  and  the  tribunal.  But  the  villainy  was 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


299 


his  own.  He  was  indeed  influenced  by  advisers,  who  were  in- 
terested with  himself  in  the  spoils  they  were  to  gain.  I shall 
not  detail  the  villanies  of  these  men  ; they  are  too  well  known. 
I will  say  here  (what  I have  authentic  documents  to  prove,) 
that  Cantzlaar,  Elsevier,  D.  Serurier,  Hagunga,  Van  Spen- 
gler,* and  their  accomplices,  are  a gang  of  villains,  to  whom 
nothing  is  sacred,  but  gold. 

Had  I been  sailing  with  an  armament  to  attack  Porto  Rico, 
the  government  of  Curacao,  a neutral  power,  would  have  had 
no  right  to  impede  me,  nor  to  aid  the  subjects  or  allies  of  Por- 
to Rico  in  doing  so. 

I had  committed  no  offence.  I came  in  distress  into  the 
neutral  harbor  of  Curacao,  and  was  entitled  to  such  reception 
as  is  due  to  a distinguished  stranger  in  a foreign  country.  I 
had  done  nothing  to  forfeit  my  liberty,  nor  my  right  to  the  hos- 
pitality of  the  place.  My  situation  was  perfectly  known  to 
Cantzlaar  ; he  knew  well  that  he  had  no  right  to  arrest  me. 
But,  instigated  by  his  own  avarice  and  that  of  others,  he  did  so  ; 
and  thus  rendered  it  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  covering  the 
spoliations  committed  upon  the  property  under  my  care,  to  ac- 
cuse and  try  me  as  an  offender.  Parker,  the  United  States’ 
consul,  who  died  afterwards  at  Curacao,  Van  Spengler,  who  is 
now  governor  of  the  Dutch  island  of  St.  Eustacia,  and  William 
Prince,  the  secretary  of  the  government  of  Curacao,  in  con- 
junction with  those  already  named,  were  busy  in  procuring  the 
insertion  of  false  statements  relative  to  me  and  my  affairs  in 
many  foreign  gazettes,  and  particularly  in  those  of  the  United 
States.  I could  not  contradict  them  at  the  time,  because  I did 
not  know  of  their  existence.  I found  afterwards,  that  they  had 
prejudiced  the  public  against  me,  and  the  honorable  motives 
which  had  actuated  me  ; I saw  at  once,  that  they  were  intended 
to  justify  the  robberies  of  Cantzlaar  and  his  coadjutors. 

Cantzlaar  gave  orders  to  institute  a cause  against  me.  I 
protested  in  strong  terms  against  both  the  arrest  and  trial,  refus- 
ed to  answer  before  the  tribunal,  and  demanded  to  be  inform- 
ed why  I was  arrested  in  violation  of  the  rights  and  laws  of  na- 
tions. Cantzlaar  answered  me  that  the  Fiscal  had  caused  my 
arrest ; the  Fiscal  told  me  that  the  governor  had  done  it. 

The  governor  accused  me  of  an  intention  to  attack  the  island 
of  Porto  Rico,  and  to  render  it  free  and  independent,  after 


* Van  Spengler  is  at  present,  governor  of  St.  Eustacia,  and  is  gravely  compro- 
mised in  the  transactions  of  a pirate,  whose  crew  has  been  hanged  at  St.  Kitts.  See 
the  report  of  the  grand  jury,  published  lately,  as  a proof  of  my  assertion. 


300 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


having  driven  the  Spaniards  from  the  island.  But  as  I had  no 
troops  nor  any  means  of  prosecuting  such  an  expedition,  this 
ridiculous  pretext  failed.  Most  of  the  European  and  North 
American  gazettes  printed  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1822, 
contain  statements  of  this  Porto  Rico  affair  ; and  1 believe  all 
who  have  read  them,  are  satisfied  that  my  views  were  upright 
and  honorable. 

The  Fiscal,  Elsevier,  seeing  that  the  governor’s  accusation 
stood  no  chance  of  succeeding,  set  his  own  genius  to  work  to 
invent  another.  He  brought  forth  a grave  charge  of  piracy, 
or  as  he  expressed  it,  similitude  of  piracy.  The  evidence  stat- 
ed in  this  accusation,  in  support  of  this  charge,  was,  that  I had 
caused  to  be  printed,  in  Philadelphia,  various  papers  filled  with 
liberal  and  republican  principles. 

The  grand  inquisitor  Serurier,  not  satisfied  with  the  form  of 
either  of  the  above  charges,  himself  put  the  accusation,  upon 
which  he  afterwards  pronounced  me  guilty  and  sentenced  me 
to  death,  into  the  form  of  a charge  of  high  treason  against  all 
living  sovereigns.  This  course  of  proceeding  carries  absurdi- 
ty, outrage  and  villainy,  upon  the  face  of  it,  and  needs  no  com- 
ment. The  lawyers  generally  stood  in  such  fear  of  the  govern- 
or, that,  for  some  time,  no  one  of  them  dared  to  undertake 
my  defence.  At  last,  the  court,  ex  officio,  named  Mordecai 
Ricardo,  a man  in  whom,  alone,  I had  entire  confidence.  M. 
Ricardo  made  a bold  and  masterly  defence.  But,  as  my  ac- 
quittal must  have  restored  to  me  the  brigs  and  their  cargoes  ; 
his  defence  availed  nothing.  My  fate  was  indeed  decided  be- 
forehand. After  the  hearing  was  over,  my  friends,  of  whom  I 
had  a great  many,  and  those  of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants, 
came  and  congratulated  me  upon  my  prospect  of  speedy  re- 
lease. So  sure  were  they  that  the  court  would  not  dare  to 
condemn  me.  During  the  trial,  which  lasted  eighteen  months, 
M.  Ricardo  behaved  like  a true  friend  ; and  after  the  sentence, 
which  was  sent  to  me  in  writing,  and  which  I treated,  together 
with  the  court,  with  all  the  ridicule  and  contempt  I was  master 
of,  he  insisted  upon  an  appeal  to  the  higher  court  of  Graven- 
hague  in  Holland.  The  appeal  was  denied.  He  applied  a 
second  time  and  was  again  refused. 

The  inhabitants  almost  universally  understood  the  cause  and 
the  motives  of  the  court,  so  that  the  decision  excited  general 
indignation.  For  my  part,  1 kept  my  pistols  and  dagger  at 
hand,  and  in  order,  determined  to  defend  myself  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity. When  the  refusal  to  grant  an  appeal  was  known,  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


301 


public  indignation  rose  to  the  highest  pitch  ; of  which  Cantz- 
laar,  being  informed  by  his  spies,  sent  for  the  president  of  the 
court,  to  come  and  dine  with  him  ; and  directed  him  to  grant 
the  appeal.  They  were  seriously  alarmed  by  the  excitement 
among  the  inhabitants  ; and  wished  also  for  time  to  make  up  a 
plausible  statement  of  the  case,  to  be  sent  to  the  higher  tribu- 
nal. The  appeal,  therefore,  on  a third  application,  was  grant- 
ed. I bad  asserted  aloud,  in  presence  of  the  Fiscal,  (in  whose 
house  I had  apartments)  his  son,  and  three  clerks,  that  the 
court  were  a set  of  robbers  ; and  that  no  one  would  dare  to 
execute  their  ridiculous  sentence. 

After  my  condemnation,  I continued  to  occupy  myself  with 
my  usual  pursuits,  to  receive  jny  friends,  and  to  walk  abroad 
as  before.  I gave  out  that  I would  send  letters  to  his  highness 
the  Sultan  at  Constantinople,  and  to  the  emperor  of  China,  no- 
tifying them  of  my  conviction  as  a traitor  and  a conspirator 
against  their  lives.  Hardened  and  brutish,  as  Serurier  had  be- 
come, he  could  not  resist  the  torrent  of  general  ridicule,  and 
was  evidently  mortified. 

Having  declared  that  I would  not  go  in  a merchant  vessel, 
nor  without  my  family,  to  Holland,  Cantzlaar  fitted  out  the  brig 
Swallow,  a Dutch  man-of-war,  of  22  guns,  for  that  purpose. 
In  a few  days,  having  made  all  necessary  preparations,  we  were 
ready  to  embark,  (Nov.  1823,)  when,  one  morning,  the  Fiscal 
entered  the  room  where  I was  at  breakfast  with  my  family, 
and  told  me  that  he  came  from  the  governor,  who  had  just  re- 
ceived despatches  from  Holland,  in  which  the  minister  of  the 
colonies  ordered  the  governor  to  suspend  every  proceeding 
against  me,  and  by  no  means  to  send  me  to  Holland,  as  this 
affair  was  not  regarded  as  criminal,  but  altogether  as  political. 
That  I must  be  treated  with  all  the  regard  due  to  my  rank  and 
education,  (an  order  to  the  same  effect  had  been  given  by  the 
governor  to  the  Fiscal  at  the  time  of  my  arrest,  and  was  in  force 
during  the  proceeding,  against  me)  until  his  majesty  the  king 
of  the  Netherlands  had  received  the  advice  of  his  council  of 
state. 

At  last  came  the  decision  of  the  king;  which  was,  that  the 
whole  of  the  proceedings  against  me  should  be  annulled  and 
destroyed  ; that  I should  be  immediately  put  at  my  full  liberty, 
and  that  all  my  expenses  should  be  defrayed,  until  I might  ar- 
rive at  whatever  place  I should  choose  to  go  to  with  my  faul- 
ty- 


302 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


At  the  time  of  my  departure  from  Curacao,  various  rumors 
were  in  circulation  ; one  was,  that  the  governor,  and  the  whole 
gang  had  received  a very  severe  reprimand  for  the  whole  of 
their  proceedings  against  me.  I know  not  the  fact ; but  I know 
they  deserved  it. 

The  above  is  but  a sketch  of  the  cause.  The  principal  rolls 
(or  papers)  remain  in  the  hands  of  Cantzlaar,  Elsevier  and 
Serurier.  One  of  the  articles  of  the  sentence  at  large,  was 
that  my  liberal  (I  suppose  they  meant  to  call  them  licentious) 
papers  should  be  burned  by  the  hands  of  the  common  hang- 
man, in  the  public  square  at  Amsterdam  fort  in  Curacao. 

The  king  of  the  Netherlands  is  an  honest  and  upright  man. 
It  therefore  would  become  him  to  institute  a full  and  particular 
inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  these  men,  relative  to  my  trial ; and 
also  to  inquire  why  Leonard  Sistare,  who  had  been  convicted 
of  altering  the  ships  papers  of  the  Endracht,  was  suffered  to 
leave  the  port  of  Curacao,  unpunished.  Mr.  Van  Spanglee, 
the  acting  Dutch  governor  of  St.  Eustacia,  as  I am  well  inform- 
ed, can  give  the  best  information  on  the  subject.  The  origi- 
nal acts,  which  are  kept  at  fort  Amsterdam,  will  throw  light  on 
the  subject.  There  are  also,  in  my  knowledge,  facts  and  evi- 
dence sufficient  to  satisfy  any  impartial  man,  of  the  corruption 
of  those  who  originated  and  carried  on  the  infamous  and  ground- 
less prosecution.  These  facts  and  evidence  shall  be  produced 
whenever  (while  I am  living)  H.  j\I.  the  king  of  the  Nether- 
lands, shall  call  for  them. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Biographical  Sketches  of  Louis  Brion,  Francisco  Pablo  de 
Sanander  and  Francisco  Antonio  Z,ca. 

Louis  Brion,  of  the  Order  of  Liberators,  admiral,  captain- 
general,  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  naval  forces  of  the  re- 
public of  Colombia,  was  born  in  the  island  of  Curacao,  the  6th 
of  July,  17  82.  He  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  chiel- 
tains  of  Colombia,  liberal,  honest  and  brave,  and  an  ardent  pa- 
triot. He  was  one  of  the  principal  supporters  of  general  Boli- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


303 


var,  to  whom  he  was,  unfortunately  for  the  cause  of  freedom 
and  independence,  too  blindly  devoted.  His  father,  Peter 
Brion,  was  a native  of  Brabant,  and  a wealthy  and  respectable 
merchant.  He  was  a counsellor  of  the  council  of  state  in  Cu- 
racao, until  his  death.  His  mother,  Mary  Uetrox,  was  born  in 
Luttich.  Both  came  from  Holland  and  established  themselves 
in  the  island  of  Curacao,  where  his  father’s  business  became 
very  important  and  extensive,  and  greatly  enhanced  his  wealth. 

Louis,  who  was  the  second  son  of  the  family  composed  of 
two  brothers  and  one  sister,  was  sent,  when  very  young,  to  Hol- 
land for  his  education,  where  he  completed  his  classical  studies. 
He  was  placed  in  the  office  of  a notary  public  for  the  purpose 
of  studying  and  learning  the  laws.  But  when  the  conscription 
came,  young  Brion  waited  not  to  be  drawn,  but  presented  him- 
self voluntarily  to  serve  in  the  foot  chasseurs  of  Holland.  When 
the  English  and  Russians  made  their  descent  on  the  coast  of 
Holland,  under  the  duke  of  York,  Brion  distinguished  himself 
by  his  bravery.  He  attracted  the  attention  of  his  superiors, 
who  offered  him  the  grade  of  an  officer,  but  his  parents  fearing 
he  might  become  attached  to  the  military  life,  caused  him  to 
return  to  Curacao,  where  his  father  employed  him  in  mercan- 
tile business. 

But  young  Brion  was  of  too  active  and  restless  a turn  of 
character  to  be  pleased  with  the  life  of  a settled  merchant. 
He  wished  to  make  voyages,  and  to  enlarge  his  knowledge  and 
increase  his  fortune.  His  father,  therefore,  granted  his  request 
to  be  sent  to  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose  of  studying 
navigation.  While  he  wTas  here  for  that  purpose,  his  father 
died,  and  left  him  a large  fortune.  Louis  bought  a vessel,  and 
visited  various  seas  and  countries,  uniting  the  seaman  with  the 
merchant;  and  having  made  large  additions  to  his  fortune,  re- 
turned to  Curacao  in  1S04,  where  he  established  himself  as  a 
merchant. 

The  English  commodore  Murray,  having  received  an  order 
from  his  government  to  take  possession  of  the  Dutch  island  of 
Curacao  in  1805,  sent  a detachment  of  from  four  to  five  thou- 
sand men,  to  the  east  side  of  the  island.  These  English  troops 
debarked  near  a small  fort  called  Caracas  Bay,  and  took  pos- 
session of  a hill  commanding  the  fort,  where  they  placed  a 
battery  and  heavy  guns,  which  threatened  the  destruction  of 
the  fort.  Brion  was,  that  day,  accidentally  there.  As  soon  as 
he  perceived  the  intention  of  the  English,  he  sprang  upon  his 
horse,  and  came  full  speed  to  the  capital,  which  is  two  large 


304 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


leagues  from  Caracas  Bay.  In  the  capital  he  had  many  friends 
— and  it  was  well  known  there,  that  not  only  he  was  rich  and 
active,  hut  also,  that  he  had  served  with  reputation  in  the  mili- 
tary line.  In  a few  minutes  he  was  joined  by  above  a hundred 
young  men  ; his  friends  who  armed  themselves,  elected  him 
their  commander,  and  marched  full  speed  against  the  English. 
With  Brion  at  their  head,  they  ascended  the  hill,  where 
the  English  had  hastily  entrenched  themselves.  Brion  and  his 
friends  attacked  them  with  such  spirit,  that  the  English  were 
killed  with  the  bayonet  and  sword,  upon  their  pieces.  The 
battle  was  turned  upon  the  boats  of  the  English,  of  whom  a 
few  escaped  to  embark  ; but  all  that  were  not  killed  on  those, 
were  destroyed  by  the  fire  directed  upon  the  boats ; so  that 
not  a soul,  eventually  escaped. 

This  heroic  deed  raised  Brion  and  his  companions  to  the 
highest  estimation.  On  their  return  to  the  capital  they  were 
received  with  demonstrations  of  joy  and  gratitude.  Festivals 
were  given  in  honor  of  them.  But  the  restless  disposition  of 
Brion  impelled  him  again  to  travel.  He  bent  his  way  to  La- 
guaira  ; and  coming  to  Caracas,  was  received  into  the  most 
distinguished  families,  and  among  others,  into  that  of  Montilla, 
in  which  he  soon  became  an  intimate  friend.  This  was  some 
years  previous  to  the  revolution  of  1810,  at  Caracas.  From 
that  time  he  became  the  patron  of  the  eldest  son,  Mariano, 
who,  as  we  have  seen,  was  indebted  to  him  for  his  reconcilia- 
tion with  the  supreme  chief  at  Angostura  in  1819,  and  his  pro- 
motion to  the  rank  of  colonel,  in  the  service  of  his  country. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  revolution  in  1S10,  Brion  offered 
bis  services  to  the  new  republic,  and  was  appointed  captain  of 
a frigate  in  1S1 1.  He  accepted  the  rank,  with  the  condition 
that  he  should  not  be  subject  to  strict  service,  but  should  be  at 
liberty  to  act  independently  of  any  chieftain,  with  his  own  ves- 
sel, in  his  own  way.  He,  in  fact,  sacrificed  his  large  fortune 
and  his  credit,  for  the  benefit  of  the  cause,  and  labored  inces- 
santly in  its  service.  He  would  undoubtedly  have  done  much 
more,  had  it  been  in  his  power  to  change  the  ambitious  views 
of  general  Bolivar,  to  whom  I have  heard  him  a hundred  times 
urge  the  necessity  of  having,  not  a congress  alone,  but  a gov- 
ernment established  upon  legal  principles,  by  which  the  secu- 
rity of  persons  and  property  should  be  insured  to  the  whole 
community. 

I heard  him  speak  with  great  warmth  to  Bolivar,  in  favor  of 
convening  a congress,  and  adopting  a constitution  like  that  of 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


305 


the  United  States  of  America,  where  the  federal  system  had 
been  proved  to  be  the  best  and  most  in  conformity  with 
the  different  laws,  customs  and  character  of  the  people.  If 
Caracas  and  New  Grenada  had  adopted  the  federal  system, 
Bolivar  could  never  have  obtained  the  absolute  rule  over  them 
which  he  now  exercises.  Bolivar  himself  was  aware  of  this  ; 
and,  therefore,  it  was,  that  he  rejected  the  federal  system, 
under  pretence  of  its  being  too  weak  and  slow  in  its  operations. 
A central  government  has  thrown  absolute  power  into  his 
hands.  And  now  that  he  has  acquired  the  habit  of  reigning 
alone,  it  will  be  difficult,  probably  impossible,  to  introduce  a 
free  government,  a government  of  laws,  into  Colombia,  during 
his  life. 

Bolivar  soon  forgot,  or  at  least  disregarded  all  that  Briort 
had  done  for  him,  or  the  cause.  The  great  exertions  of  Bri- 
on,  as  noted  in  these  memoirs,  met  only  with  ingratitude  from 
Bolivar. 

When  I spoke  to  general  Bolivar  one  evening  at  Aux  Cayes 
in  very  high  terms  of  Brion,  and  his  great  exertions,  Bolivar 
said  to  me,  “ you  are  right,  my  dear  friend  ; but  we  must  both 
confess  he  is  a very  great  fool” — and  he  laughed  heartily. 

Brion  could  never  recover  the  large  sums  he  advanced  ; 
Bolivar  put  him  off  by  saying  there  was  no  money  then,  but 
that  he  should  be  paid  as  soon  as  possible. 

The  leading  traits  in  the  character  of  a Caraguin,  are  vani- 
ty, pride  and  jealousy.  In  prosperity  he  is  vain  and  insolent ; 
in  adversity,  humble,  and  ready  to  listen  anxiously  to  any  one 
who  is  able  to  relieve  him. 

When  Bolivar  came  from  Jamaica  to  Aux  Cayes,  he  had 
not  four  doublons  in  his  pocket.  He  found  Brion,  listened  to 
him,  and  followed  his  advice.  But  the  supreme  chief  at  Mar- 
garita, and  at  Carupano,  rejected  the  wise  counsel  of  Brion, 
and  followed  his  own  whims.  Bolivar,  when  a fugitive  from 
the  field  of  battle  at  Ocumare,  listened  to  the  voice  of  Brion, 
who  joined  him  at  Bonair,  and  returned  to  the  shores  of  Ocu- 
mare. Being  driven  off  by  Marino,  Piar,  and  Bermudes,  and 
treated  as  a coward  by  his  own  countrymen,  the  stranger  Bri- 
on came  again  to  his  support,  and  placed  him  at  the  head  of 
the  government,  at  the  end  of  1816.  Bolivar  again  in  power, 
disregarded  his  word  given  to  Brion,  and  the  chieftains  of  Co- 
lombia, to  assemble  a congress.  When  upon  Bolivar’s  disap- 
pearance, and  concealing  himself  in  the  plains  of  Cumana, 
Zea,  Marino,  and  others,  had  assembled  a congress,  Bolivar, 


306 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


the  moment  it  was  in  his  power,  annulled  their  proceedings, 
and  fastened  again  on  the  supreme  power,  and  reprimanded 
Brion  and  Zea.  Biion  being  deeply  engaged  with  Bolivar, 
was  obliged  to  submit  to  his  commands.  From  that  time  Bol- 
ivar became  jealous  that  Brion  might  supplant  him  ; and  from 
this  jealousy  arose  the  treatment  Brion  received  from  him  at 
Savanilla. 

1 have  been  assured,  that  from  the  time  of  the  transaction  at 
Curiaco,  the  admiral  was  no  longer  treated  by  the  supreme 
chief  as  an  intimate  friend  and  confidant,  as  he  had  evei  been 
before  that  time,  and  that  he  felt  this  coldness  very  sensibly. 
In  consequence  of  that  jealousy,  which  is  so  strong  a trait  in 
the  Caraguin  character,  Bolivar  had  to  struggle  not  only  with 
Bolivar,  but  also  with  Mariano  Momilla,  and  Linode  Cle- 
mente. 

In  1819,  Mariano  Montilla  was  sent  as  colonel  from  Angos- 
tura to  Margarita  by  the  supreme  chief,  with  a large  amount  of 
money,  as  has  been  related.  After  the  taking  of  Santa  Mar- 
tha, where  Brion  so  powerfully  sustained  the  operations  of 
Montilla,  the  jealousy  of  the  latter  rose  high  against  Brion,  who, 
as  admiral,  had  a right  to  the  command.  Montilla,  created 
brigadier  general,  forgot  that  Brion  was  his  friend  and  protec- 
tor, and  refused  to  recognise  his  authority.  This  gave  rise  to 
many  unpleasant  scenes  ; and  Brion,  highly  disgusted,  retired 
to  Maracaybo,  where  general  Linode  Clemente  was  inten- 
dant. 

The  character'  of  Brion  was  generally  rough  and  haughty, 
and  this  brought  him  into  disagreeable  collisions  with  the  gen- 
eral. Under  so  much  trouble,  his  robust  constitution  was 
shaken,  and  he  became  so  ill  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  his 
squadron.  He  retired  to  Curacao  in  the  beginning  of  1821, 
in  a low  state  of  health,  and  so  poor  that  the  captain  of  the 
privateer  he  went  in,  lent  him  sixteen  doublons.  He  was  so 
dejected  and  tired  of  life,  that  he  refused  medicine,  ate  very 
little,  and  drank  what  his  physician  advised  him  to  abstain  from, 
after  a long  and  lingering  illness,  he  died,  as  he  had  long  de- 
sired, the  20th  of  September,  1821,  deeply  lamented  by  all 
enlightened  and  liberal  men. 

All  the  property  he  left  of  a vast  estate,  was  not  enough  to 
pay  the  expenses  of  his  funeral,  which  was  attended  by  many 
hundreds  of  the  inhabitants  of  Curacao.  His  probity,  his  gen- 
erosity, and  the  great  services  he  rendered  to  Colombia,  will 
transmit  his  name  to  posterity,  and  exalt  it  far  above  the  name 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


307 


of  any  of  his  persecutors.  The  congress  of  Colombia  has 
passed  various  decrees  in  honor  of  his  memory. 

Francisco  Paulo,  or  Pablo  Sanander,  of  the  order  of  Libera- 
tors, General  of  division,  vice  president  of  the  republic  of  Co- 
lombia, he.  he.  was  born  in  17S7,  at  the  city  of  Bogota,  at  that 
time  called  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota ; he  was  born  in  a low  condi- 
tion. His  high  rank  and  elevation  are  the  result  of  his  own 
merit.  He  is  brave,  active  and  intriguing,  with  but  little  edu- 
cation or  fortune.  He  is  the  chief  of  the  revolution  in  which 
he  has  distinguished  himself  on  various  occasions.  His  ambi- 
tion is  not  so  conspicuous  as  that  of  Bolivar  ; but  they  are  great 
rivals,  and  Sanander  is  far  the  ablest  man,  and  best  qualified 
to  be  at  the  head  of  the  government.  During  tlie  four  years 
of  Bolivar’s  absence  in  the  southern  provinces  of  Colombia, 
and  in  Peru,  general  Sanander  or  vice  president,  was  charged 
with  the  executive  ; and  in  the  whole  of  this  time  there  was  no 
commotion,  no  partial  insurrection,  no  civil  war.  Affairs  pro- 
ceeded, if  not  so  regularly  as  could  have  been  desired,  certain- 
ly much  better  than  after  Bolivar’s  return  to  Colombia.  As 
soon  as  the  latter  returned,  civil  war  began  in  Valencia,  Cara- 
cas, and  Lnguaira ; and  afterwards  at  Porto  Cabello  and  Car- 
thagena.  It  is  said  not  without  some  foundation,  that  general 
Bolivar  was  the  secret  instigator  of  these  commotions.  This  as- 
sertion derived  credit  from  the  fact  that  general  Paez  was  on- 
ly not  punished,  but  was  continued  by  the  liberator  in  his  rank, 
and  in  his  command.  Bolivar  indeed  convened  his  ridiculous 
assembly  at  Ocuna,  which  was  but  vapour.  Bolivar,  with  his 
bayonets,  gained  his  point,  while  Sanander,  the  constitution, 
and  those  shadows  of  the  republican  form,  the  senate  and  house 
of  representatives,  vanished.  This  was  a struggle  of  the  Cara- 
guin  against  the  Grenadan.  The  weapons  of  the  former  were 
bayonets,  those  of  the  latter,  pen,  ink  and  paper. 

Antonio  r rancisco  Zea,  Dr.  Jurisprudentite,  ex-intendant, 
ex-president  of  congress,  ex-vice-president  of  the  republic  of 
Venezuela,  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  republic  of  Colom- 
bia at  London  and  Paris,  &c.  &c.  was  born  in  17GS,  in  the 
city  of  Bogota.  He  was  one  of  the  first  who  thought  of  ren- 
dering his  country  free  and  independent  of  Spain.  He  had 
devoted  his  lime  chiefly  to  the  study  of  the  laws,  political  econo- 
my, history,  and  general  literature,  to  all,  in  short,  which  con- 
duces to  form  the  mind  and  mould  the  heart  of  a gentleman. 
He  devoted  himself  .zealously  to  the  study  of  botany,  of  which 
he  acquired  a profound  knowledge.  He  was  one  of  those  rare 


308 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


characters  that  are  distinguished  hy  virtue,  knowledge  and  pro- 
bity. 

Zea  was  the  intimate  friend  of  his  countryman,  Antonio 
Narino,  a young  man  of  ardent  and  ambitious  character,  and 
of  a leading  family  in  Bogota.  Narino  hated  the  oppressive 
government  of  Spain,  and  by  his  passionate  and  energetic  con- 
versation, gained  his  friend  Zea,  and  about  twenty  other  young 
men  of  the  best  families,  to  unite,  for  the  purpose  of  exciting 
the  attention  of  their  countrymen  to  their  debased  condition, 
and  inducing  them  to  revolt.  The  imprudent  zeal  of  Narino, 
however,  discovered  his  plan,  and  his  accomplices.  They 
were  secretly  arrested  in  the  night,  by  order  of  the  viceroy, 
taken  under  a strong  escort  to  Santa  Martha,  and  embarked 
for  Cadiz,  (1794.) 

Young  Zea  had  the  good  fortune  to  find  powerful  friends 
and  protectors  at  Madrid,  where  he  remained  for  a long  time. 
From  there  he  went  to  France,  whither  his  parents  came  short- 
ly afterwards,  to  establish  themselves  at  Paris,  where  they  re- 
mained with  part  of  their  family.  Zea  returned  to  Madrid  and 
became  the  conductor  of  the  Gazette  of  the  court,  and  of  the 
Mercury  of  Madrid.  Soon  after,  king  Charles  IV.  appointed 
him  director  of  the  beautiful  botanic  garden  of  that  capital. 

In  1808,  Mr.  Zea  was  one  of  the  85  deputies  from  Spam, 
convened  by  order  of  Napoleon,  at  Bayonne,  to  form  a new 
king. 

The  new  king  of  Spain,  Joseph  Napoleon,  in  whose  retinue 
Mr.  Zea  entered  Spain,  named  him,  soon  afterwards,  his  pre- 
fect at  Malaga,  and  gave  him  the  decoration  of  his  new  order 
of  knighthood.  But  the  new  prefect  shared  the  fate  of  his  new 
king,  who,  with  his  good  qualities,  soon  gave  way  to  the  cruel 
and  cold  hearted  Ferdinand. 

Mr.  Zea  returned  to  France,  and  resided  some  years  at 
Paris.  Part  of  his  family  were  with  him,  and  he  occupied  him- 
self exclusively  with  science  and  belles  lettres.  When,  in  1813, 
the  congress  of  New  Grenada  sent  M.  M.  Gutierres  and  colonel 
Tides  Duean  to  London,  to  procure  arms,  ammunition  and  oth- 
er warlike  stores,  for  the  use  of  the  patriots,  Mr.  Zea  joined  his 
countrymen  and  rendered  them  great  assistance  in  their  busi- 
ness. But  they  were  principally  indebted,  for  their  success,  to 
Louis  Brion,  afterwards  admiral  ol  Colombia.  He  was  at  that 
time  in  London,  and  offered  his  large  fortune  and  extensive 
credit  in  aid  of  the  object  of  these  patriots.  By  these  means 
they  procured  a flue  corvette,  armed  with  28  guns,  which 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


309 


brought  a great  quantity  of  warlike  stores,  and  among  them  four- 
teen thousand  choice  muskets,  for  the  use  of  the  patriot  army. 
Brion  had  beforehand  made  a written  agreement  with  them, 
very  fortunately,  as  one  of  these  deputies  attempted,  in  1816, 
to  deprive  him  of  his  property. 

In  1814,  Mr.  Zea  passed  from  London  to  Jamaica,  where 
he  remained  until  the  beginning  of  1816.  He  was  joined  in 
1815,  by  general  Bolivar,  after  his  siege  against  Carthagena.* 
General  Bolivar  returned  to  Aux  Cayes,  Mr.  Zea  joined  him 
some  weeks  afterwards,  and  was  appointed  intendant  of  the 
army. 

Mr.  Zea  and  admiral  Brion,  who  made  their  acquaintance  in 
London,  became  firm  friends.  The  former  being  of  a sweet 
and  accommodating  temper,  became  also  the  friend  of  general 
Marino,  who  was  despised  by  Brion.  In  1817,  Brion  found  him- 
self grievously  disappointed  by  general  Bolivar,  who  had  made  to 
him,  Arismendy,  Paez  and  others,  a solemn  promise,  before  he 
left  Port  au  Prince,  that  he  would  convene  a congress.  Boli- 
var, under  various  pretences,  eluded  their  intimations  to  him  to 
keep  his  promise  ; and,  by  usurping  the  title  of  supreme  chief, 
betrayed  his  determination  to  continue  in  the  exercise  of  the 
supreme  power.  Brion,  who  loved  a constitutional  government, 
and  hated  an  usurped  military  power,  spoke  frequently  with 
Zea,  of  his  disappointment.  When,  therefore,  Bolivar  abscond- 
ed from  Barcelona,  the  plains  of  Cumana,  Brion  thought  the 
moment  propitious  to  the  calling  of  a congress.  He  spoke  on 
the  subject  to  Zea,  and  Zea  to  Marino  ; and  a congress  was 
formed  at  Curacao,  which  existed  a fortnight ; being  then  dis- 
solved by  Bolivar,  as  before  stated.  They  excused  themselves 
to  the  supreme  chief,  and  were  pardoned  ; but  never  regained 
their  former  standing  in  his  favor. 

In  1817,  Mr.  Zea  was  created  counsellor  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Angostura  ; as  such  he  proposed  the  establishment  of 
a gazette,  under  the  title  of  the  Courier  of  Angostura,  of  which 
he  was,  for  a long  time,  the  only  conductor.  After  the  arrival 
of  doctor  Rosina,  Mr.  Zea  wras  assisted  by  him.  This  was  the 
first  and  only  official  gazette  published  after  the  downfall  of 
Bolivar’s  dictatorship  in  1S14. 

Bolivar,  understanding  the  pliant  temper  and  timid  character 
of  Zea,  appointed  him,  without  hesitation,  to  the  office  of  vice 


’See  chapter  IX. 


310 


memoirs  of  bolivar. 


president  of  the  republic,  to  exercise  the  executive  power  in 
his  absence.  We  have  seen  how  Arismendy  forced  him  to 
resign,  and  how  the  latter  was  turned  out  by  Bolivar,  and  Zea 
replaced. 

Bolivar,  knowing  that  Zea  had  left  part  of  his  family  in  Paris, 
and  that  he  had  sure  and  powerful  friends  in  London,  sent  him, 
in  1S19,  as  minister  plenipotentiary  to  both  capitals.  As  such, 
he  was  sometimes  in  England,  and  then  in  France,  as  the  bu- 
siness of  his  mission  required.  He  was  never  admitted  in  his 
diplomatic  character ; but  was  well  received  as  a stranger ; 
and,  by  the  friends  of  the  South  American  cause,  with  distinc- 
tion. Mr.  Zea  having  been  always  steady,  and  discreet  in  his 
principles,  Bolivar  hoped  that  the  moderate  party  would  be  re- 
animated by  him,  and  that  by  his  influence  and  exertions,  a 
good  understanding  between  the  two  contending  parties  might 
be  established.  At  that  time  there  existed  a strong  party,  so 
far  in  favor  of  Spain,  that  they  desired  not  to  drive  these  who 
were  attached  to  the  old  government,  to  despair ; but  wished 
for  the  correction  of  certain  abuses,  and  made  this  their 
leading  object.  This  was  the  plan  of  the  celebrated  general 
Miranda,  who  was  so  much  calumniated  in  1 S 1 1 and  ’12.  All 
who  knew  general  Miranda,  will  agree  that  he  was  in  every 
respect  a much  worthier  man  than  general  Bolivar.  Miranda 
was  a profound  tactician,  an  intrepid  soldier  ; a man  of  great 
ability  in  civil  administration  ; disinterested  in  his  views,  and 
who  never,  in  the  least  particular,  abused  the  dictatoiial  power, 
which  was  entrusted  to  him  by  congress,  during  several  months. 
He  attracted  to  him,  men  of  talents  and  merit,  listened  to  their 
opinions,  and  many  times  follow’ed  their  suggestions.  Bolivar 
is  the  exact  reverse  of  all  this.  Colombia  will  therefore  remain 
enslaved  and  miserable  whilst  the  supreme  chief  remains  at  the 
head  of  her  imaginary  republic  ; and  her  government  has,  at 
present,  no  better  foundation  than  his  moderate  talents,  and  his 
character, — such  as  it  is. 

The  negociations,  in  which  Mr.  Zea  succeeded  in  London 
are  too  well  known  to  be  noticed  here,  as  well  as  the  attempts 
of  Mr.  Pedro  Gual  and  Mr.  Revenga,  to  degrade  his  character 
and  his  memory.  History  has  already  decided  between  them 
and  the  worthy  Zea. 

Revenga  succeeded  Mr.  Zea  as  charge  des  affaires  in  Lon- 
don ; but  met  with  a very  different  reception.  The  first  was 
greatly  respected  ai>d  beloved ; the  latter  is  now  one  of  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


31 


most  devoted  partizans  of  that  same  general  Bolivar,  whom, 
according  to  report,  he  not  long  since  hated. 

A detail  of  the  negociations  respecting  the  loan,  would  place 
the  candor,  ability  and  honesty  of  Mr.  Zea  in  the  strongest 
light,  but  such  detail  would  exceed  the  limits  of  these  sketches. 

On  the  26th  November,  1S22,  while  acting  in  England  as 
minister  of  Colombia,  Mr.  Zea  died  at  Bath ; deeply  regretted 
by  every  upright  and  enlightened  patriot. 

The  persecutions  that  awaited  him,  if  he  had  lived  to  return 
to  his  country,  are  plainly  indicated  in  the  official  letter  of  Pe- 
dro Gual,  dated  Bogota,  29th  September,  1822. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Biographical  Sketches  of  General  Paez  and  Arismendy. 

Joseph  Antonio  Paez,  of  theorder  of  Liberators,  General  in 
Chief  of  the  armies  of  Colombia,  Venezuela,  &tc.  &c.  was 
born  in  17S6,  in  the  city  of  Aragua,  of  Indian  parents  of  a low 
extraction,  whose  employment  consisted  principally  in  raising 
cattle,  and  in  cultivating  some  land.  For  their  stations  in  life 
they  were  in  comfortable  circumstances.  Young  Paez  was 
raised  amidst  the  herds  of  his  fathers,  and  of  course  received  no 
education  at  all.  He  took  care  of  the  herds,  and  could  per- 
form any  operation  used  upon  cattle  or  horses,  with  great  skill. 
He  understood  all  the  simples  used  in  the  cure  of  all  the 
disordeis  of  herds  in  that  country  and  knew  how  to  apply 
them.  He  was  master  at  taming  wild  horses;  and  had  great 
bodily  strength  and  agility.  He  was  also  extremely  patient  of 
fatigue  of  every  kind. 

When  eighteen  years  old,  he  offered  himself  to  make  a jour- 
ney from  Aragua  to  the  city  of  Batinas,  where  his  mother  was 
born.  She  had  a lawsuit  with  her  family,  which  had  already 
lasted  for  several  years.  After  some  oojections  on  the  part  of 
his  parents,  they  consented  to  his  taking  the  journey,  in  the 
hope  that  it  would  facilitate  their  law  suit.  He  set  off  well 
mounted,  armed,  and  supplied  with  money.  On  the  road,  he 
met  with  two  rogues  whom  he  had  known  at  Aragua,  and 


312 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


who  knew  that  he  had  money.  They  lay  in  wait  to  rob  him. 
He  was  not  at  all  aware  of  their  intentions,  and  without  suspi- 
cion came  near  them.  One  of  them  attempted  to  seize  the 
reins  of  his  bridle,  but  Paez,  who  had  a vigorous  horse,  gave 
him  the  spur  and  rode  oft’ at  full  speed,  overthrowing  both  the 
robber  and  bis  horse.  The  robbers  not  being  so  well  mounted 
but  knowing  a foot  path  shorter  than  the  road,  took  that, 
and  at  the  end  of  ii  upon  the  road  again  way  laid  them 
and  endeavored  to  seize  him.  When  Paez  found  that 
all  his  entreaties  were  vain,  he  suddenly  killed  one  of  the  rob- 
bers on  the  spot;  the  other  fled;  neither  of  them  being  armed. 

Young  Paez,  fearing  the  consequences  of  this  encounter  to 
his  iamily  and  himself,  thought  it  best  to  return  to  his  parents, 
and  inform  them  what  had  happened  before  the  other  robber 
could  have  time  to  denounce  him.  His  parents  immediately 
concealed  him  ; and  paid  money  and  gave  presents  to  hush  up 
this  affair.  They  placed  their  son  as  an  overseer  of  cattle  upon 
the  Hato  (farm)  of  a rich  and  powerful  Spaniard  in  the 
plains,  where  he  remained,  occupied  only  with  his  service  for 
several  years.  Being  large,  well  formed,  supple,  vigorous  and 
biave  he  was  known  for  these  qualities,  and  the  affair  of 
the  robbers  being  learned  in  the  neighborhood,  he  became 
greatly  beloved  on  account  of  it,  and  his  name  was  famous. 

On  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolution  of  Caracas,  in  1810,  Pa- 
ez declared  himself  in  favor  of  freedom  and  liberty.  And  the 
Llaneros  placing  great  confidence  in  him,  he  easily  persuaded 
them  to  join  him,  and  they  unanimously  called  him  their  chief. 
He  chose  from  among  them  150  mounted  men  : and  this  com- 
pany soon  began  to  be  the  terror  of  the  Spaniards.. 

At  the  death  of  his  mother  he  inherited  her  property  in  Bar- 
inas,  which  he  divided  with  his  sisters,  who  had  then  fixed 
their  residence  in  that  town.  In  1811  the  Spaniards  had 
again  taken  possession  of  it,  and  proclaimed  a general  amnesty 
for  all  who  should  wish  to  re-enter  upon  their  property,  promis- 
ing to  reinstate  them  in  the  possession  of  their  fortunes.  Paez 
being  informed  of  this,  presented  himself  well  mounted  and  ar- 
med, before  the  Spanish  commandant  of  the  town,  in  order  to 
profit  of  the  amnesty,  and  recover  his  property.  As  soon  as 
he  was  recognised  by  the  inhabitants,  they  came  by  hundreds 
to  shake  hands  with  and  welcome  him.  But  when  the  Span- 
ish governor  heard  that  he  was  the  famous  captain  Paez,  who 
had  done  them  so  much  mischief,  they  ran  to  their  arms,  and 
raised  a cry  in  the  street,  for  their  commander  to  arrest  him, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


313 


and  shoot  him  as  a rebel  and  traitor.  This  commandant,  who 
was  aware  of  the  bravery  of  Paez,  and  of  his  ascendancy  over 
the  inhabitants  of  Barinas,  thought  it  not  prudent  to  order  his 
arrest,  fearing  such  a measure  would  excite  a general  rebellion. 
He,  therefore,  appeased  his  soldiers,  and  Paez  was  permitted 
to  remain  with  his  arms,  and  to  retire  into  the  house  of  his  fam- 
ily. After  some  days,  the  governor  was  informed  by  his  spies, 
that  Paez  had  gone  out  unarmed,  and  this  would  be  a good 
time  to  seize  his  arms,  and  then  to  arrest  him.  The  governor 
approved  of  the  project,  and  some  armed  men  entered  the 
house  and  took  away  his  sword  and  pistols.  He  returned  in 
the  evening,  and  finding  what  had  been  done,  walked  to  the 
governor’s  house  and  told  him  that  he  had  broken  his  word. 
He  told  him  he  had  .come  to  the  place,  trusting  in  the  good 
faith  of  his  promises.  He  therefore  demanded  that  his  arms 
should  he  restored  to  him  ; not  to  be  used  against  the  Span- 
iards, but  for  his  personal  security.  He  spoke  in  so  firm  a tone, 
and  with  such  natural  warmth,  that  the  governor  ordered  his 
arms  to  be  restored.  At  this  moment  the  the  whole  garrison 
of  Barinas  impetuously  insisted  upon  his  being  arrested,  and 
confined  in  irons.  He  was  taken  in  the  night,  put  in  irons,  and 
locked  up  in  the  prison  ; where  he  found  about  1 50  prisoners 
of  war,  and  among  them  his  friend  Garcia,  an  officer  of  great 
strength  and  courage.  Garcia  complained  to  Paez  of  the 
weight  of  his  irons,  and  of  the  miserable  situation  of  the  pris- 
oners. Paez  reproached  him  with  pussillanimity,  and  imme- 
diately breaking  his  own  fetters,  offered  him  an  exchange. 
Garcia  took  heart  and  ceased  complaining.  Paez  then  spoke 
in  a low  but  earnest  manner  to  the  prisoners  exhorting  them  to 
one  common  effort  for  their  delivery.  This  effort  was  made  un- 
der his  direction,  and  before  morning  their  limbs  mostly  were 
free.  When  the  jailor  came  to  open  the  door,  Paez  fell  upon 
him,  knocked  him  down,  and  threatened  him  with  instant  death 
if  he  were  not  silent.  They  seized  the  arms  of  the  guard,  broke 
the  irons  of  all  that  were  not  yet  freed  ; and  the  150  prisoners 
marched  with  Paez  at  their  head,  upon  the  Spanish  garrison, 
about  200  strong  ; many  of  whom  they  killed,  and  routed  the 
rest.  Thus  was  Barinas  again  set  free. 

This  exploit  being  very  soon  made  known  to  the  Llaneros, 
they  proclaimed  Paez  their  general. 

He  rendered  great  service  to  Bolivar  in  1813  and  14.  He 
was  adored  by  the  Llaneros,  with  whom  he  distinguished  him- 
self in  the  plains  of  Apure,  Achaguas  and  Casanare.  He  be- 
40 


314 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


came  acquainted  with  general  Piar,  from  whom  he  learned 
much  ; and,  during  the  absence  of  Bolivar  in  1814,  these  two 
chieftains  fought  unitedly,  bravely  and  without  interruption. 
They  became  the  terror  of  Boves,  Morales,  Cagigal,  Yanes, 
Cevallos,  and  other  Spanish  commanders. 

In  1820,  Paez  having  fixed  his  head  quarters  at  Chaguas, 
had  under  his  command,  among  others,  the  British  legion,  com- 
manded by  colonel  Bossett,  about  six  hundred  strong.  At  that 
time,  there  were  attached  to  this  legion,  3 colonels,  2 lieuten- 
ant colonels,  5 majors,  and  many  supernumerary  captains. 
Colonel  Bossett  was  a good  officer  and  highly  esteemed  by 
general  Paez  ; who  likes  foreigners  generally,  better  than  does 
Bolivar,  or  any  other  Caraguin  chieftain.  Paez  thought  highly 
of  the  English  troops ; and  used  to  call  them,  Mis  Amigos  Los 
IngJesis  (my  friends  the  English.)  Colonel  Bossett,  however 
was  disliked  by  his  own  officers  and  soldiers.  They  attributed 
to  him  the  miserable  state  of  their  rations,  their  clothes,  and 
the  want  of  their  pay.  Chaguas  being  a small  place,  the  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  were  crowded  together.  They  had  nothing  but 
beef  for  their  rations  ; no  bread,  vegetables,  nor  spirits.  The 
soldiers  conspired  together  and  fixed  upon  St.  Simon’s  day  for 
meeting.  This  day  was  celebrated  throughout  Colombia  as  a 
festival  or  holiday,  because  general  Bolivar  bore  the  name  of 
this  saint. 

The  heat  being  excessive  in  these  plains,  parade  was  usually 
deferred  until  5 or  6 o’clock  at  evening,  and  St.  Simon’s  day- 
falling  this  year  on  Sunday,  and  the  Saturday  before  being 
given  up  to  the  soldiers,  that  they  might  have  time  to  clean 
their  arms,  the  division  was  excused  from  parade. 

Notwithstanding  this,  as  soon  as  the  clock  struck  five,  the 
soldiers  of  the  British  Legion  rushed  out  of  their  lodges  with 
their  arms,  and  placed  themselves  in  order  of  battle,  crying 
aloud  that  they  would  no  longer  be  commanded  by  their  co- 
lonel, that  they  would  prefer  any  other,  even  a Creole.  The 
officers  of  the  legion  immediately  repaired  to  the  parade  and 
endeavored  to  pacify  them.  Among  these  was  a lieutenant- 
colonel,  against  whom  they  had  taken  offence,  and  who,  as 
soon  as  he  approached  them,  received  four  or  five  bayonet 
wounds,  and  was  carried  off  mortally  wounded.  Colonel  Bos- 
sett, hearing  what  was  going  on,  came  before  the  mutineers  well 
armed,  and  determined  to  enforce  order  among  them.  But  as 
soon  as  he  began  to  speak,  the  soldiers  rushed  upon  him  with 
their  bayonets,  but  were  prevented  from  doing  him  any  serious 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


315 


injury  by  the  efforts  of  the  officers  to  appease  them.  General 
Paez  being  informed  of  the  mutiny,  ran  from  his  quarters,  with 
his  drawn  sword  in  his  hand,  fell  upon  the  mutineers,  killed 
three  of  them  instantly,  and  broke  his  sword  upon  the  body  of 
a fourth.  He  then  seized  some  of  the  most  rebellious,  took 
them  by  the  strength  of  his  own  arms  out  of  their  ranks,  and 
ordered  them  to  prison.  This  spirited  conduct  so  overawed 
the  mutineers,  that  they  separated,  and  retired  hastily  to  their 
quarters. 

A young  lieutenant,  and  three  soldiers,  all  English,  having 
been  denounced  as  the  most  seditious,  were  arrested  in  the 
night.  The  lieutenant  was  innocent  of  what  had  passed  the 
day  before,  but  was  denounced  by  his  enemy  the  adjutant-ma- 
jor of  the  legion.  The  next  day  he  and  the  three  soldiers, 
without  any  further  trial  were  shot. 

General  Paez  was  an  excellent  partizan  officer,  and  was 
very  useful  whilst  he  confined  himself  to  the  plains,  where  he 
was  perfectly  acquainted.  But  when  out  of  these,  he  became 
dull,  and  appeared  to  be  in  a manner  lost.  He  was  several 
times  in  this  state,  as  the  history  of  the  military  operations  in 
Venezuela  will  show. 

It  must,  however,  be  acknowledged,  that  of  all  the  Colom- 
bian generals,  Paez  has  uniformly  displayed  the  greatest  per- 
sonal bravery,  and  that  in  all  attacks,  he  has  been  at  the  head 
of  his  Llaneros,  over  whom  he  has  acquired  unlimited  power. 
He  divides  with  them  his  last  cent.  They  call  him  uncle  and 
father.  But  as  he  had  no  education,  and  could  form  himself  on- 
ly by  his  own  exertions,  he  has  no  accurate  knowledge  of  tac- 
tics, nor  indeed  of  any  branch  of  the  military  art,  of  which  he 
has  more  than  once  been  heard  to  speak  with  contempt.  His 
staff  officers  are  Llaneros,  and  form  his  regular  society.  He 
takes  his  hammock  in  the  midst  of  them,  and  smokes  and  drinks 
with  them.  He  talks  much,  and,  like  most  of  the  Caraguins, 
is  vain,  proud,  and  boastful. 

In  1819,  general  Paez  wished  to  take  possession  of  Guanare  ; 
and  on  his  march,  found  the  Spanish  lieutenant  colonel  Duran 
at  the  head  of  a detachment  of  200  infantry,  with  whom  he  was 
retiring  towards  the  hato  of  La  Guaz.  General  Paez  had  with 
him  1200  chosen  cavalry,  all  Llaneros,  with  whom  he  was  ac- 
customed to  march,  and  to  whom  he  gave  the  name  of  invinci- 
bles.  He  instantly  charged  Duran’s  little  party,  crying,  “ des- 
troy them,  cut  them  in  pieces.”  Duran  formed  a square,  and 
crossing  his  bayonets,  made  a successful  defence  against  the 


316 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


wild  attack  of  the  Llaneros.  He  then,  in  his  turn  made  a full 
charge  upon  them,  killed  many,  and  routed  the  rest.  Paez 
was  obliged  to  fly  ; and  escaped  with  but  a small  part  of  his 
invincibles. 

His  head  quarters,  since  1813,  have  been  in  Valencia  ; but 
he  has  a beautiful  country  seat  not  far  from  Caracas,  which  be- 
fore the  revolution,  belonged  to  the  marquis  of  San  Leon. 
When  his  time  permits  him,  he  passes  some  days  at  this  place, 
where  he  fattens  a great  many  cattle,  performs  operations  upon 
his  young  horses  and  bulls,  prepares  medicines  for  any  diseased 
animals,  and  trims  and  dresses  his  horses.  He  is  best  satisfied 
when  busily  engaged  in  these  occupations.  A considerable 
part  of  his  time  is  employed  in  lying  upon  his  hammock,  smok- 
ing, and  talking  with  favorites  of  his  past  campaigns. 

He  has  a great  predilection  for  hunting  wild  bulls,  and  par- 
ticularly for  the  kind  of  hunt  called  colear  un  toro.  It  con- 
sists in  taking  a bull  by  the  tail,  and  throwing  him  upon  the 
ground,  and  is  done,  particularly  by  the  Llaneros  of  Venezuela, 
in  the  following  manner.  The  hunters  are  all  on  horseback, 
each  carrying  in  his  hand  a piece  of  red  cloth.  At  the  sight 
of  this  color,  the  bull  becomes  enraged  ; and  runs  at  some  one, 
who  dexterously  throws  his  cloth,  and  fastens  it  upon  the  horns 
of  the  bull,  in  such  a manner  as  to  blindfold  him.  While  he 
is  roaring  and  plunging  to  clear  himself  of  the  cloth,  the  princi- 
pal hunter,  who  is  designated  beforehand,  seizes  the  animal’s 
tail  and  fastens  an  end  of  a strong  rope  to  it.  He  then  makes 
the  other  end  fast  to  a tree,  so  that  the  bull  cannot  escape. 
He  now  turns  the  tail  with  a strong  hand,  and  with  such  address, 
that  the  quick  motion  the  animal  naturally  makes  in  turning 
his  head  towards  his  captor,  is  made  to  assist  in  throwing  him 
flat  upon  his  side.  The  moment  he  is  got  into  this  position, 
the  principal  hunter  hamstrings  him  with  his  sabre,  and  the  rest 
pierce  him  with  their  spears.  The  carcass  is  then  dressed  and 
prepared  for  cooking. 

At  the  battle  of  Ortiz,  in  April,  1818,  where  Bolivar  com- 
manded, Paez,  with  his  cavalry,  made  several  successful  char- 
ges against  the  enemy,  who,  though  inferior  in  number,  were  su- 
perior in  discipline  and  skill  to  Bolivar.  The  general-in-chief 
had  so  entangled  matters  and  confounded  the  line,  that  his  in- 
fantry were  beaten  and  nearly  destroyed.  On  this  occasion, 
Paez  reproached  him  personally,  and  with  great  freedom  and 
severity. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


317 


At  Bolivar’s  request,  Paez  covered  the  retreat,  and  made 
one  or  two  charges,  which  saved  the  remnant  of  the  infantry 
from  destruction.  Soon  after  the  last  charge,  which  he  led 
himself,  he  retired  on  one  side,  and  having  dismounted,  was 
seized  with  a fit,  and  lay  upon  the  ground,  foaming  at  the  mouth. 
Colonel  English,  who  related  the  circumstance  to  me,  was  pre- 
sent. He  went  up  to  Paez,  but  was  warned  by  some  of  his 
people  not  to  touch  him  ; and  by  no  means  to  disturb  the  gen- 
eral. “ He  will  soon  be  well,”  said  they,  “ he  is  often  so,  and 
none  of  us  dare  touch  him  until  he  is  perfectly  recovered.” 
Colonal  English,  however,  approached,  and  having  sprinkled 
some  water  in  his  face  and  forced  a little  down  his  throat,  he 
soon  recovered  ; and  coming  to  his  recollection,  he  thanked 
him  cordially ; saying  that  he  was  a little  overcome  by  the  fa- 
tigue of  the  day,  having  with  his  lance  and  his  own  arm,  killed 
thirty-nine  of  the  enemy.  He  said  he  felt  his  illness  coming 
on,  as  he  was  running  the  fortieth  through  the  body.  The 
bloody  lance  lay  by  his  side,  and  he  presented  it  to  colonel 
English  as  a memorial  of  his  friendship  and  affection.  Paez 
soon  recovered  and  joined  his  legion,  and  when  colonel  Eng- 
lish departed,  he  presented  him  with  three  very  fine  horses 
from  his  own  stud. 

After  the  refusal  of  general  Morrillo  to  give  quarter,  Paez 
was  never  known  to  spare  the  life  of  a prisoner.  At  the  battle 
of  Calabozo,  having  been  successful  in  several  charges,  by 
which  he  forced  the  royalists  to  retreat,  he  was  in  the  height 
of  good  humor,  when  an  officer,  who  had  been  taken  by  his 
men,  was  brought  to  him.  The  officer  was  mounted.  The 
general  asked  him  a lew  questions,  and  then  directed  his  m m 
of  business  to  do  his  duty.  The  Spaniard  begged  hard  for  his 
life.  “Well,”  says  Paez,  “ride  to  yonder  tree,”  pointing  to 
one  at  some  distance,  “ and  when  you  get  there,  escape  as  fast 
as  you  can,  and  take  care  I do  not  come  up  with  you.”  The 
officer  obeyed,  and  when  he  arrived  at  the  tree,  casting  one 
glance  behind,  commenced  his  race.  Paez  pursued  and  soon 
overtook  him.  He  was  just  going  to  strike  his  lance  through 
him,  when  the  officer  with  some  presence  of  mind  said,  “ gen- 
eral Paez  is  too  noble  to  take  an  advantage  ; my  horse  was 
tired  ; but  if  you,  general,  will  give  me  your  horse,  and  the 
same  liberty,  I think  I could  save  my  life.”  “ Done  !”  an- 
swered Paez  ; and  immediately  the  Spaniard  was  mounted 
upon  his  horse.  The  distance  was  again  pointed  out.  The 
officer  rode  to  the  spot  and  started  afresh.  Paez  meanwhile 


318 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


mounted  the  jaded  horse.  He  started  also,  gained  ground,  and 
iv\  about  two  miles  actually  overtook  the  Spaniard,  and  pierced 
him  through  with  his  spear.  The  case  was  witnessed  by  hun- 
dreds; and  the  air  rang  with  the  applauses  of  the  sanguinary 
Paez  ! 

Juan  Bautista  Arismendy,  general  of  division,  of  the  order  of 
Liberators,  ex-governor  of  the  island  of  Margarita,  &:c.  &.c. 
was  born  in  1786  in  the  island  of  Margarita,  of  parents  in  as 
good  circumstances,  as  this  sterile  spot  could  make  them ; 
wThose  inhabitants  subsist  upon  fishing  and  navigation. 

Arismendy  is  one  of  those  men  who  are  said  to  form  them- 
selves, and  who  become  fit  for  the  station  they  occupy  in  the 
world,  by  the  force  of  genius  or  natural  ability.  He  possesses 
a natural  tact  or  disposition,  which  no  education,  though  it  may 
direct,  can  ever  give.  From  his  youth,  he  was  devoted  to 
hunting  and  fishing.  The  first  formed  his  coup  d'ceil  and 
taught  him  stratagem.  Both  hardened  his  body,  by  exercise 
and  privation.  His  figure  is  broad,  strong,  and  about  five  feet 
two  inches  high.  His  complexion  is  tawny  and  sun  burnt. 
His  hair  is  yellow,  his  eyes  are  small  and  piercing,  and  he  is 
probably,  the  most  active  chieftain  in  Colombia.  He  has  re- 
ceived no  education  and  can  scarcely  read  or  write.  His  pen- 
etrating genius,  and  his  insinuating  manners,  advanced  him  in  the 
army  ; and  when  Bolivar  created  himself  dictator,  he  appoint- 
ed colonel  Arismendy  governor  of  the  capital,  Caracas.  In 
this  post  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  vexations  and  cruelties  ; 
and  made  himself  many  enemies. 

In  1 S 1 4,  when  Venezuela  was  in  a declining  condition,  he 
left  Caracas,  and  went,  as  brigadier-general  and  governor  of 
the  island  of  Margarita,  into  his  native  country.  He  re-estab- 
lished order  in  this  province,  fortified  those  places  which  afford- 
ed a good  defence,  and  built  a number  of  small  forts,  redoubts 
and  batteries.  Here  he  made  himself  very  popular  by  his 
good  and  just  administration,  and  acquired  a great  ascendancy 
over  his  countrymen  ; so  that  after  the  battle  of  La  Puerta, 
which  was  lost  by  the  dictator  in  June  1814,  he  was  absolute 
master  of  Margarita,  where  he  acted  without  control;  insomuch 
that  when  the  two  dictators,  Bolivar  and  Marino,  in  IS  1 4 came 
to  his  island  for  shelter,  he  compelled  them  to  depart  without 
admitting  them  even  to  common  hospitality.  He  was  jealous 
of  his  authority,  and  determined  to  hold  the  supreme  command 
of  Margarita ; and  he  knew  that  Bolivar  had  a right  to  com- 
mand him  wherever  they  were  together.  Bolivar  knew  well 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


319 


the  character  of  Arismendy,  and  did  not  dare  to  remain.  From 
that  time,  general  Arismendy  remained  in  quiet  possession  of 
his  absolute  command,  and  organised  and  disciplined  his  army  ; 
and  administered  much  better  than  Bolivar  had  ever  done. 
By  his  kind  reception  of  foreigners,  he  attracted  many  priva- 
teers to  the  island  ; their  prizes  were  sold  there ; and  com- 
merce flourished  under  Arismendy’s  protecting  care  of  the 
merchants  and  their  interests.  He  contented  himself  with  a 
moderate  income,  the  product  of  regular  duties,  and  taxes. 
Margarita  was  then  the  entrepot  between  the  Venezulan  and 
Grenadan  patriots,  and  the  commercial  world  of  the  West-In- 
dies, and  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

In  March,  1815,  general  Morillo’s  mighty  expedition  arrived 
from  Cadiz,  at  the  island  of  Margarita,  on  the  same  day  with 
that  of  general  Morales,  from  Guiria.  Arismendy  and  the 
inhabitants  of  Margarita  saw  the  impossibility  of  resisting  this 
united  force  ; and  therefore  accepted  the  capitulation  offered 
them  by  Morillo.  It  was  clearly  stated  in  the  articles  of  capit- 
ulation that  none  of  the  inhabitants  should  be  molested  for  their 
political  opinions.  In  direct  violation  of  this  stipulation,  num- 
bers of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants  were  secretly  arrested 
in  the  night.  Arismendy  himself  found  means  to  escape,  and 
conceal  himself  in  the  mountains.  Morillo  offered  great  reward 
to  have  him  taken  and  delivered  up  to  him  ; and  strict  search 
was  every  where  made  for  him  ; but  in  vain. 

As  he  was  perfectly  acquainted  with  all  the  foot-passes  in 
the  woods  and  mountains,  and  as  the  inhabitants  were  devo- 
tedly attached  to  him,  he  soon  succeeded  in  uniting  about  fifty 
of  the  bravest  of  them,  whe  determined  to  drive  the  Spaniards 
from  the  island,  or  die.  He  lived  with  them  some  time  upon 
roots  and  wild  fruits,  and  the  pioduce  of  hunting.  He  anima- 
ted their  spirits  by  his  conversation  and  examples,  to  such  a 
degreee,  that  they  promised  to  follow  wherever  he  chose  to 
lead.  His  first  object  was  to  procure  arms  and  ammunition,  of 
which  his  party  were  entirely  destitute.  Knowing  all  the  Span- 
ish outposts,  he  began  by  surprising  one  of  them,  held  by  a cor- 
poral and  four  men,  Arismendy,  and  twelve  of  his  men  armed 
with  clubs  and  long  knives,  surprised  this  port  in  the  night, 
killed  the  five  men,  and  took  their  arms  and  cartridges.  Aris- 
mendy proceeded  in  this  manner  killing  the  Spaniards  in  the 
night  and  taking  their  arms  and  ammunition,  for  several  months. 
Before  any  assistance  could  arrive,  Arismendy  and  his  men 
were  again  in  the  mountains.  He  continued  in  this  manner  to 
weaken  the  Spanish  force,  until  he  obtained  not  only  a consid- 


320 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


erable  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition,  but  many  recruits  also. 
His  successful  enterprises  reanimated  the  fallen  spirit  of  the 
inhabitants. 

Arismendy,  though  already  enabled  to  act  upon  a larger  plan 
and  with  effect,  was  still  in  want  of  every  thing,  but  principally 
of  arms  and  munitions  of  war.  He  had  nothing  to  expect 
from  the  Main,  because,  after  the  flight  of  Bolivar  from  Cuma- 
na,  the  remaining  patriot  chieftains  were  reduced,  like  himself, 
to  provide  for  their  troops  as  they  could.  But  the  spirit  of  pat- 
riotism was  now  so  strong  in  Margarita,  that  the  women  joined 
with  their  husbands,  brothers  and  friends,  in  their  efforts  again 
to  become  free.  They  voluntarily  gave  their  jewelry,  pearls, 
golden  earrings,  crosses,  &c.  for  the  support  of  the  war.  They 
made  shirts  and  other  necessary  clothing  for  the  troops.  Aris- 
mendy was  unanimously  elected  supreme  chief.  Some  patriot 
clergyman  offered  golden  and  silver  vases  of  the  church,  which 
they  had  taken  the  precaution  to  bury  and  secrete  before  the 
Spaniards  landed.  These  valuables  were  secretly  sent  to  St. 
Thomas’,  to  be  exchanged  for  arms  and  munitions  of  war.  Aris- 
mendy is  very  sanguinary;  and  now  particularly,  was  extremely 
exasperated  against  the  Spaniards.  Morillo,  who  had  about 
3000  men  left,  lost  nearly  all  these  by  Arismendy’s  bravery. 
There  remained  not  GOO  in  the  city  of  Assumption,  and  the 
forts  of  Pompatar,  when  I arrived  with  general  Bolivar,  at  this 
island,  in  May,  1816.  The  Spanish  commander  had  embark- 
ed and  gone  to  the  Main,  sometime  before. 

Arismendy  constructed  long  perogues  to  carry  from  1 50  to 
200  men,  who  were  armed  with  guns  taken  from  the  Spaniards. 
The  inhabitants  of  Margarita,  being  sailors  from  their  earliest 
youth,  and  very  brave,  soon  filled  these  boats  with  their  best 
men.  Being  so  constructed  that  sails  and  rudders  could  be 
used,  they  took  a great  many  Spanish  vessels  by  boarding,  the 
crews  being  armed  with  muskets,  sw'ords,  (called  manchitas,) 
and  long  knives.  In  this  way  they  procured  important  means 
to  carry  on  the  war.  They  made  prizes  of  great  value,  and 
took  plenty  of  provisions.  The  Margaritans  had  never  attack- 
ed, or  taken  any  other  vessels,  than  those  with  Spanish  papers, 
and  under  Spanish  colors.  Arismendy  established  the  strict- 
est order  in  every  thing,  and  acted  with  great  probity  and  dis- 
interestedness, living  like  the  soldiers,  and  among  them.  The 
public  stores  were  full  and  well  preserved  by  the  commissa- 
ries. Arismendy  organised  his  little  republic  much  better  than 
any  of  his  countrymen  had  done  before.  Every  one  was  satis- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


321 


fied  and  ready  to  assist  him.  In  a short  time  lie  received  new 
supplies  of  muskets  and  warlike  stores.  Many  privateers  came 
to  offer  their  service,  and  his  seaports  were  soon  filled  with 
prizes. 

Arismendy  now  become  powerful  and  well  supported,  car- 
ried on  his  attacks  more  openly.  He  intercepted  a number  of 
convoys,  and  surprised  whole  corps  and  destroyed  them.  He 
erected  various  forts,  redoubts  and  batteries,  that  he  might  have 
different  points  of  attack  and  defence.  Old  and  young  of  both 
sexes  worked  day  and  night,  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  Span- 
iards, who  seeing  the  spirit  of  their  opposers,  lost  all  courage 
and  confidence.  General  Arismendy  pointed  out  to  me  vari- 
ous women,  who  fought  like  the  best  of  his  cannoniers,  and 
who  took  up  from  the  ground  a great  many  balls  and  grape 
shot  that  came  from  the  enemy,  loaded  them  into  their  own 
guns,  and  returned  them  to  the  Spaniards.  When  Arismendy, 
Bolivar  and  myself  made  the  circuit  of  these  forts,  the  former 
assured  me,  that  these  women  were  of  the  greatest  service,  by 
animating  their  friends  and  relations  to  fight,  and  by  carrying 
the  sick  and  wounded  on  their  shoulders.  They  would  not 
suffer  a man  to  leave  his  battery,  but  brought  them  food 
and  spirits,  handed  cartridges,  and  indeed  did  the  work  of 
brave  soldiers.  Whilst  they  performed  these  services,  they 
were  chanting  patriotic  songs,  and  that  amidst  the  heaviest  fire 
of  the  enemy. 

During  my  stay  in  Margarita,  general  Arismendy,  among 
many  instances  of  the  heroism  of  their  women,  related  to  me 
the  following  : 

The  wife  of  general  Arismendy  had  a rich  uncle,  who 
had  been  many  years  settled  at  Trinidad,  and  had  often  press- 
ed her  to  come  and  visit  his  family.  At  the  end  of  1815,  she 
suggested  to  her  husbend  the  plan  of  going,  herself,  to  Trini- 
dad, to  pay  the  long  desired  visit,  and  also  for  a more  import- 
ant purpose,  which  was  to  solicit  from  her  uncle,  by  way  of 
loan,  a large  sum  of  money  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  war. 
Her  husband  refused  his  consent  to  her  going,  and  pointed  out 
the  dangers  to  which  she  would  be  exposed  in  that  time  of  war 
and  trouble,  and  particularly  from  the  numerous  cruising  ves- 
sels of  the  enemy,  which  then  filled  the  seas,  in  almost  every 
direction  from  Margarita.  She  persisted,  however,  in  her  pur- 
pose, and  at  length  obtained  his  consent,  and  a proper  com- 
mission from  him,  for  obtaining  the  loan.  She  wras  young, 
handsome  and  well  educated.  She  embarked  in  a small 
41 


322 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


schooner,  without  even  a servant,  and  when  she  went  on  board, 
was  unknown  to  any  one  in  the  vessel.  After  sailing  some 
days  with  a fair  wind,  the  schooner  was  chased  and  overtaken 
by  a Spanish  privateer,  and  though  she  sailed  under  Dutch 
colors,  was  sent  into  Porto  Cabello. 

As  soon  as  she  arrived  in  this  city,  she  was  recognised  by  a 
number  of  persons,  as  the  wife  of  general  Arismendy,  and  was 
immediately  arrested  and  put  into  a dark  and  damp  dungeon 
in  the  citadel.  Arismendy,  who  almost  always  put  his  prison- 
ers to  death,  had  spared  three  Spanish  colonels  and  majors, 
whom  he  put  into  one  of  his  forts,  that  they  might  serve  him  as 
hostages,  in  case  of  need.  The  governor  of  Porto  Cabello 
knew  their  situation.  They  were  beloved  by  their  superior  of- 
ficers, and  the  governor  sent  one  of  his  officers  to  Arismendy’s 
wife,  with  his  word  of  honor,  that  she  should  he  immediately 
set  at  liberty,  if  she  would  write  a line  to  her  husband,  and  per- 
suade him  to  release  the  three  Spanish  officers,  in  exchange 
for  her.  She  feared  that  her  husband  would  be  weak  enough, 
as  she  expressed  it,  to  consent  to  the  proposal,  and  she  posi- 
tively refused  to  write.  By  the  urgency  of  the  governor,  she 
understood  the  importance  of  these  officers,  and  told  him  plain- 
ly that  she  would  not  wTrite.  She  received  a number  of  visits 
to  the  same  purpose.  At  length  the  governor  came  himself 
and  endeavored  to  persuade  her,  but  in  vain.  They  then 
threatened  her,  but  she  replied,  laughing,  that  it  would  be  cow- 
ardly to  torment  a defenceless  woman,  whose  only  crime  was 
being  the  wife  of  a patriotic  general.  They  next  employed 
more  rigorous  treatment,  with  regard  to  her  living,  hut  still 
treated  her  respectfully,  and  promised  her  immediate  liberty  if 
she  would  write  to  her  husband  to  release  the  officers.  At 
length  she  became  vexed  with  their  importunity,  and  told  the 
officer  who  came  to  her,  that  if  general  Arismendy  were  in- 
formed of  their  cowardly  treatment  of  her,  he  would  he  as  mad 
as  a tiger,  and  would  put  to  death  thousands  of  Spaniards,  men, 
women  and  children,  all  that  might  fall  into  his  power.  That, 
for  her  part,  she  was  determined  never  to  commit  so  weak  and 
vile  an  act  as  they  required  of  her,  and  that  she  would  suffer  a 
thousand  deaths  rather  than  attempt  to  persuade  her  husband 
to  forget  his  duty. 

During  three  months  she  was  treated  with  great  barbarity, 
but  she  remained  firm,  and  constantly  gave  the  same  answers. 
The  Spaniards,  at  last,  finding  that  nothing  could  alter  her  de- 
termination, permitted  her  to  pass  the  island  of  Trinidad,  fear- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


323 


ing  that  if  her  husband  should  hear  of  her  detention,  he  would 
do  as  she  predicted. 

Such  was  the  wife  of  general  Arismendy,  at  the  age  of  23 
years. 

General  Arismendy  now  lives  retired,  at  a beautiful  country 
seat,  not  far  from  Ocumare. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Recapitulation  of  Facts — General  Bolivar  as  he  is,  and  not 
as  he  is  commonly  believed  to  be. 

I have  shown  how  general  Bolivar  acted  from  1810  to  1814. 
His  campaigns  in  Peru  do  not  come  within  my  plan  ; but  they 
are  well  known,  as  are  also  his  political  transactions,  his  des- 
potism, and  the  Bolivian  Constitution,  which  is  his  own  work, 
and  by  which  his  principles  are  fully  developed. 

The  memoir  of  the  late  marquis  De  Torre  Tagle,  late  pre- 
sident of  Peru,  which  will  be  found  in  No.  9 of  the  Appendix, 
is  a remarkable  document  to  show  the  character  of  general 
Bolivar.  The  marquis  has  been  represented  as  a traitor,  be- 
cause he  stated  the  truth  in  a time  when  Bolivar’s  power  was 
at  a low  ebb.  The  truth,  however,  will  be  re-established  ; 
and  history  will  transmit  it  to  posterity. 

In  the  appendix,  No.  10,  will  be  found  another  document, 
a leaer  from  Mr.  Manuel  Vidaurre,  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished patriots  of  Peru,  which  places  the  character  of  Bolivar 
in  a just  light.  I will  endeavor  to  give  his  portrait. 

General  Bolivar  in  his  exterior,  in  his  phisiognomy,  in  his 
whole  deportment,  has  nojhing  which  would  be  noticed  as 
characteristic,  or  imposing.  His  manners,  his  conversation, 
his  behaviour  in  society,  have  nothing  extraordinary  in  them ; 
nothing  which  would  attract  the  attention  of  any  one  who  did 
not  know  him.  On  the  contrary,  his  exterior  is  against  him. 
He  is  five  feet  four  inches  in  height,  his  visage  is  long,  his 
cheeks  hollow,  his  complexion  a livid  brown.  His  eyes  are  of 
middle  size,  and  sunk  deep  in  his  head,  which  is  covered  thinly 
with  hair,  and  his  whole  body  is  thin  and  meagre.  He  has 


324 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


the  appearance  of  a man  of  sixty-five  years  old.  In  walking, 
his  arms  are  in  perpetual  motion.  He  cannot  walk  long,  but 
soon  becomes  fatigued.  Wherever  he  goes  his  stay  is  short, 
seldom  more  than  half  an  hour,  and  as  soon  as  he  returns,  his 
hammock  is  fixed,  he  sits  or  lies,  and  swings  upon  it  after  the 
manner  of  his  countrymen.  Large  mustachios  and  whiskers 
cover  a part  of  his  face,  and  he  is  very  particular  in  ordering 
each  of  his  officers  to  wear  them,  saying  that  they  give  a mar- 
tial air.  This  gives  him  a dark  and  wild  air,  particularly  when 
he  is  in  a passion.  His  eyes  then  become  animated,  and  he 
gesticulates  and  speaks  like  a madman,  threatens  to  shoot  those 
with  whom  he  is  angry,  steps  quick  across  his  chamber,  or 
flings  himself  upon  his  hammock ; then  jumps  off  it,  and  or- 
ders people  out  of  his  presence,  and  frequently  arrests  them. 
There  is  nothing  about  them  which  can  inspire  respect.  When 
he  wishes  to  persuade,  or  bring  any  one  to  his  purpose,  he 
employs  the  most  seducing  promises,  taking  a man  by  the  arm, 
and  walking  and  speaking  with  him,  as  with  his  most  intimate 
friend.  As  soon  as  his  purpose  is  attained,  he  becomes  cool, 
haughty,  and  often  sarcastic  ; but  he  never  ridicules  a man  of 
high  character,  or  a brave  man,  except  in  his  absence.  This 
practice  of  abusing  people  in  their  absence,  is  characteristic  of 
the  Caraguins  generally.  The  following  is  extracted  from 
colonel  Hippisly’s  ‘Narrative  of  the  Expedition  to  the  rivers 
Orinoco  and  Apure,  in  South  America.’  London,  1819.  p. 
382. 

“ I had  a full  opportunity  of  surveying  the  general  (Bolivar) 
while  he  was  conversing  with  captain  Beire.  From  what  I 
had  heard  of  him,  I was  led  to  expect  in  appearance,  a very 
different  man  from  the  one  I saw  before  me.  General  Boli- 
var is  a mean  looking  person,  seemingly,  though  but  38,  (il 
falliot  dire  que  34  ; parle  Col.  Hippisly  en  V an  ISIS,)  about 
50  years  of  age.  He  is  about  five  feet  six  inches  in  height, 
thin,  sallow  complexion,  lengthened  visage,  marked  with  eve- 
ry symptom  of  anxiety,  care,  and  I could  almost  add,  despon- 
dency. He  seemed  also  to  have  undergone  great  fatigue. 
His  dark,  and  according  to  report,  brilliant  eyes,  were  now 
dull  and  heavy,  although  I could  give  them  credit  for  posses- 
sing more  fire  and  animation,  when  his  frame  was  less  harrass- 
ed.  Black  hair  loosly  tied  behind  with  a piece  of  ribband, 
large  mustachios,  black  handkerchief  round  his  neck,  blue 
trowsers,  boots  and  spurs,  completed  his  costume.  In  my 
eyes  he  might  have  passed  for  any  thing  but  what  he  was. 


MEMORS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


325 


Across  the  chamber  was  suspended  one  of  the  Spanish  ham- 
mocks, on  which  he  occasionally  sat,  lolled  and  svvang,  whilst 
conversing,  and  seldom  remained  in  the  same  posture  for  two 
minutes  together,”  &c. 

General  Bolivar  occupies  himself  very  little  in  studying  the 
military  art.  He  understands  no  theory,  and  seldom  asks  a 
question,  or  holds  any  conversation  relative  to  it.  Nor  does 
he  speak  of  the  civil  administration,  unless  it  happens  to  fall 
within  the  concerns  of  the  moment. 

I often  endeavored  to  bring  him  into  serious  conversation  on 
these  subjects  ; but  he  would  always  interrupt  me  ; ‘ yes,  yes, 
mon  cher  ami , I know  this,  it  is  very  good  ; but  appropos ’ — and 
immediately  turned  the  conversation  upon  some  different  sub- 
ject. 

His  reading,  which  is  very  little,  consists  of  light  history  and 
tales.  He  has  no  library,  or  collection  of  books,  befitting  his 
rank,  and  the  place  he  has  occupied  for  the  last  fifteen  years. 
He  is  passionately  fond  of  the  sex,  and  has  always  two  or  three 
ladies,  of  which  one  is  the  favorite  mistress,  who  follows  him 
wherever  he  goes. 

Dining  is  an  amusement  of  which  he  is  also  passionately 
fond.  Whenever  he  stays  two  or  three  days  in  a place,  he 
gives  a ball  or  two,  at  which  he  dances  in  his  boots  and  spurs, 
and  makes  love  to  those  who  happen  to  please  him  for  the  mo- 
ment. Next  to  this  amusement  he  likes  his  hammock,  where 
he  sits,  or  lolls,  conversing  or  amusing  himself  with  his  favorite 
mistress,  or  other  favorites,  some  of  whom  I have  named  in  the 
course  of  this  work.  During  this  time,  he  is  inaccessible  to  all 
others. 

The  aid-de-camp  on  duty  says  to  those  who'have  important 
business  to  transact  with  him  : ‘ his  excellency  is  deeply  engag- 
ed at  present,  and  can  see  no  one.’  When  he  is  out  of  humor, 
he  swears  like  a common  bully,  and  orders  people  out  of  his 
presence  in  the  rudest  and  most  vulgar  manner.  From  his 
habits  of  life,  or  rather  from  his  love  of  pleasure,  it  happens 
that  many  pieces  of  business  are  heaped  together,  and  left  to 
his  secretary,  as  his  decree  of  Sth  March,  1S27,  fixing  the 
custom  house  duties  of  Venezuela,  which  is  attributed  to  Ra- 
venga,  and  which  has  destroyed  the  commerce  of  the  country. 
When  he  suddenly"  recollects  some  business,  he  calls  his  secre- 
tary, and  directs  him  to  write  the  letter  or  decree.  This  brings 
more  to  mind,  and  it  often  happens  that  in  one  day  he  hurries 
off  the  work  of  fifteen  or  twenty.  In  this  manner  it  often  hap- 


326 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


pens  that  decrees,  made  on  the  same  day,  are  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  each  other. 

General  Bolivar  has  adopted  the  habits  and  customs  of  the 
European  Spaniards.  He  takes  his  siesta,  (noon  nap)  regu- 
larly, and  eats  his  meals  like  the  Spaniards.  He  goes  to  tertu- 
lias , (coteries,)  gives  refusios,  and  always  dances  the  first  min- 
uet with  the  lady  highest  in  rank  in  the  company.  This  old 
Spanish  custom  is  strictly  observed  throughout  Colombia. 

Inasmuch  as  general  Bolivar  is  the  sport  of  circumstances, 
it  is  difficult  to  trace  his  character,  while,  in  the  same  ratio 
does  it  become  less  worth  tracing. 

Bolivar,  in  success,  differs,  not  circumstantially  alone,  from 
Bolivar  in  adversity ; but  he  is  quite  another  man.  When  suc- 
cessful, he  is  vain,  haughty,  ill  natured,  violent ; at  the  same 
time  the  slightest  circumstances  will  so  excite  his  jealousy  of 
his  authority,  that  he  arrests  and  sometimes  condemns  to  cap- 
ital punishment,  those  whom  he  suspects.  Yet,  under  the  po- 
liteness of  a man  educated  in  the  so  called  beau  monde,  he,  in 
a great  measure,  conceals  all  these  faults.  They  appear  in 
his  fits  of  passion;  but  never  then,  unless  he  is  sure  of  having 
the  strength  on  his  side,  the  bayonets  at  his  command. 

When  he  finds  himself  in  adversity  and  destitute  of  aid  from 
without,  as  he  often  did  from  1813  to  1818,  he  is  perfectly  free 
from  passion  and  violence  of  temper.  He  then  becomes  mild, 
patient,  docile,  and  even  submissive.  Those  who  have  seen 
him  in  the  changes  of  his  fortune  will  agree  that  1 have  not 
overcharged  the  picture. 

The  dominant  traits  in  the  character  of  general  Bolivar,  are 
ambition,  vanity,  thirst  for  absolute,  undivided  power,  and  pro- 
found dissimulation.  He  is  more  cunning,  and  undestands  man- 
kind better  than  the  mass  of  his  countrymen  ; he  adroitly  turns 
every  circumstance  to  his  own  advantage,  and  spares  nothing 
to  gain  those  he  thinks  will  be  of  present  use  to  him.  He  is 
officious  in  rendering  them  little  services  ; he  flatters  them, 
makes  them  brilliant  promises;  finds  whatever  they  suggest 
very  useful  and  important,  and  is  ready  to  follow  their  advice. 
A third  person  suggests  something  to  him,  or  he  meets  with 
some  unexpected  success.  Instantly  he  resumes  his  true  cha- 
racter, and  becomes  vain,  haughty,  cross  and  violent;  forgets 
all  services,  and  all  obligations,  speaks  with  contempt  of  those 
he  had  just  courted,  and  if  they  are  powerless,  abandons  or 
sacrifices  them,  but  always  manifests  a disposition  to  spare 
those  whom  he  knows  are  able  to  resist  him. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


327 


At  Aux  Cayes  general  Bolivai  and  I lived  very  much  and 
very  intimately  together.  Our  conversation  turned  one  day 
upon  general  Marino,  and  he  said,  laughing  to  me,  “ Oh  I 
despise  Marino.  He  is  a brute  and  not  able  to  command  four 
men.”  Marino  at  that  instant  came  in.  Bolivar  met  him  at 
the  door  and  embraced  him  warmly,  as  a dear  friend,  and  we 
remained  together,  an  hour  or  more. 

Bolivar  represented  general  Arismendy  to  me  as  a man 
without  an  education,  and  yet  as  a very  intriguing  and  dangerous 
man.  He  was  evidently  afraid  of  Arismendy.  He  remember- 
ed that  when  he  himself,  and  Marino,  came  as  fugitives  to  Juan 
Griego,  in  1814,  Arismendy  had  prevented  his  remaining  there 
at  all,  and  even  theratened  violence  if  he  attempted  to  do  so. 
Bolivar  had  not  forgotten  this  when  we  came  to  Margarita  after 
the  sea  fight  in  May,  1816,  and  would  probably  then  have 
been  afraid  to  venture  himself  on  shore  ; but  that  Brion  who 
on  account  of  his  wound  had  been  put  ashore,  and  Lad  made 
such  representations  to  Arismendy  as  had  reconciled  him  to 
Bolivar,  and  induced  him  to  come  on  board  our  vessel.  As 
soon  as  Arismendy  came  on  board, Bolivar  immediately  took  him 
down  into  the  cabin  and  conversed  with  him  for  a good  while. 
He  regained  Arismendy  by  giving  him  a'  formal  promise  to 
convene  a new  congress,  and  lay  aside  his  title  of  supreme 
chief,  which  was  very  offensive  to  the  republican  Arismendy. 
The  latter  relying  on  his  word,  engaged  again  to  recognise  him 
as  commander-in-chief.  The  day  after  Arismendy’s  formal 
recognition  of  Bolivar  as  commander-in-chief,  he  took  again 
the  title  of  supreme  chief.  And  when  I told  him  that  Arismen- 
dy would  be  offended,  he  said,  “ never  mind,  never  mind,  I 
care  not  much  for  Arismendy,  I have  gained  him  over,  and  he 
will  do  as  I wish ; and  then  he  is  a brute  and  sees  no  further 
than  the  end  of  his  nose. 

But  when,  in  1 SI 9,  at  Angostura,  Arismendy  had  compelled 
Zea  to  leave  the  place  of  vice-president,  and  had  taken  it  him- 
self, Bolivar  became  so  alarmed  for  his  own  supremacy,  that 
he  left  his  command  to  general  Paez,  and  marched  about  250 
miles  with  his  body  guard,  against  Arismendy,  and  reinstated 
Zea,  with  whom  he  could  indeed  do  as  he  pleased.  But  he 
could,  and  did  only  send  him  back  to  his  former  command,  at 
Margarita. 

Whilst  general  Bolivar  stood  in  need  of  the  military  skill  of 
general  Piar,  he  flattered  him  highly ; but  when  he  came  to 
fear  his  influence,  he  sacraficed  him.  He  would  not  at  that 


328 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


time  have  put  Piar  to  death,  if  he  had  not  been  so  advised  and 
supported  by  others  ; not  because  he  was  unwilling  to  have 
Piar  put  out  of  the  way,  but  because  ne  would  not  have  dared 
to  condemn  him. 

In  1820,  general  Paez  openly  raised  the  standard  of  rebel- 
lion against  the  lawful  authorities  ; and  he  was  not  only  not 
punished,  but  suffered  to  remain  in  command,  as  before.  His 
impunity,  like  that  of  Arismendy  was  owing  to  the  strength  of 
his  party. 

General  Bolivar’s  disposition  with  regard  to  money  is  the 
reverse  of  miserly,  and  he  is  thought  by  most  people  to  be  very 
generous.  His  disposition  in  this  respect  cannot  be  better 
described  than  by  saying  that  if  he  had  a hundred  thousand 
pounds  to  day,  he  might  very  probably  not  have  a cent  tomor- 
row. He  very  seldom  gives  money  to  those  that  are  in  want,  or 
to  those  who  from  delicacy'  refrain  from  asking  for  it,  hut  he 
bestows  profusely  on  his  flatterers. 

General  Bolivar  has  been  compared  to  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 
Bolivar  in  his  proclamations  imitates,  or  endeavors  to  imitate  the 
style  of  Napoleon.  He  began  with  a small  body  guard  and 
afterwards  greatly  increased  it,  like  Napoleon.  He  is  ambitious, 
absolute,  and  jealous  of  his  command,  like  the  other.  On  public 
occasions  he  is  simply  dresed,  while  all  around  him  is  splendid, 
like  Napoleon,  and  he  moves  quickly  from  place  to  place 
like  him.  With  respect  to  military  and  administrative  tal- 
ents, there  is  no  resemblance  between  them. 

Bolivar,  when  dictator  of  Venezuela,  ordered  the  execution 
of  1253  Spaniards  and  Islenos,  prisoners  of  war  and  others, 
who  were,  in  fact  put  to  death  in  February,  1814.  This  was 
done  in  cool  blood,  and  no  entreaties  would  save  them.  I have 
mentioned  an  instance  of  his  want  of  feeling,  which  I witnessed 
at  the  port  of  Juan  Griego  in  May  1814,  and  another  in  the  na- 
val combat  just  before.*  The  first  was  attended  by  an  additional 
circumstance  of  cruelty  ; that  the  prisoners  were  compelled  to 
dig  their  own  graves ! Admiral  Brion  was  on  shore  on  account 
of  his  wound,  but  as  soon  as  heard  of  this  execution,  he  sent 
positive  orders,  that  no  more  prisoners  should  be  taken  on  shore 
even  if  Bolivar  himself  ordered  it ; and  by  this  means  about 
120  lives  were  saved. 


* See  chapter  VII. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


329 


The  following  fact  was  related  to  me,  by  a respectable  eye- 
witness, whom  I would  name,  but  for  the  danger  of  exposing 
him  to  the  vengeance  of  the  dictator,  liberator.  The  relator, 
at  the  time  he  stated  the  fact  to  me.  I presume,  had  no  thought 
of  my  writing  the  history  of  Bolivar. 

During  a small  skirmish  which  general  Bolivar  had  with  a 
Spanish  detachment,  not  far  from  Araure,  in  1 S 1 4,  one  of  his 
officers  came  full  speed  and  reported  to  him,  that  an  isolated 
company  was  attacked  in  a bushy  hill,  a mile  from  his  head 
quarters,  and  that  they  were  in  great  want  of  cartridges. 
Twelve  soldiers,  who  heard  the  report,  immediately  offered 
themselves  to  carry  the  cartridges.  Bolivar  ordered  the  chief 
of  his  staff,  Thomas  Montilla,  to  send  with  each  of  these  sol- 
diers a box  of  cartridges.  But  as  there  was  no  road  at  all,  they 
were  obliged  to  seek  a passage  through  a very  thick  forest, 
full  of  briars  and  thorns,  in  order  to  ascend  the  hill.  After 
having  labored  to  force  their  way  until  they  found  there  was 
no  probability  of  penetrating  farther,  they  were  compelled  to 
return  to  head  quarters,  with  their  boxes  of  cartridges.  They 
explained  to  the  dictator  the  impossibility  of  going  further  and 
showed  him  their  clothes,  torn  in  pieces,  and  their  bodies  cov- 
ered with  blood  and  wounds.  Bolivar,  in  a furious  passion,  call- 
ed them  cowards,  rascals,  traitors,  &ic.  and  ordered  the  three 
first  who  arrived  to  be  shot.  His  major-general,  or  chief  of 
the  staff,  Thomas  Montilla,  who  is  a great  favorite,  his  com- 
mandant of  the  artillery  Joseph  Collat,  and  various  other  of 
the  surrounding  officers  of  the  staff,  entreated  him  to  revoke 
his  order.  The  men  fell  upon  their  kness  and  with  pathetic 
lamentations  entreated  him  to  spare  their  lives,  as  they  were 
innocent,  and  fathers  of  large  families.  All  wras  in  vain.  As 
they  came  into  his  presence,  two  or  three  together,  he  renewed 
his  order  ; and  the  whole  twelve  were  bound  and  shot.  On 
various  occasions  has  Bolivar  manifested  the  same  disposition, 
as  on  this,  as  I have  shown.* 

Colonel  Hippisley,  in  his  work  already  cited,  says,  p.  464, 

“ Bolivar  would  ape  the  great  man.  He  aspires  to  be  a second 
' Bonaparte,  in  South  America,  without  possessing  a single  talent 
for  the  duties  of  the  field  or  the  cabinet.  He  would  be  king 
of  New  Grenada  and  Venezuela,  without  genius  to  command, 
consequence  to  secure,  or  abilities  to  support  the  elevated  sta- 


* See  ciia  >tcr  XII. 

42 


330 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


tion  to  which  his  ambition  most  assuredly  aspires.  In  victory, 
in  transient  prosperity,  he  is  a tyrant,  and  displays  the  feelings" 
and  littleness  of  an  upstart.  He  gives  way  to  sudden  gusts  of 
resentment,  and  becomes,  in  a moment,  a madman,  and,  (par- 
don the  expression,)  a blackguard;  throws  himself  into  his  ham- 
mock, (which  is  constantly  slung  for  his  use,)  and  utters  curses 
and  imprecations  upon  all  around  him,  of  the  most  disgusting 
and  diabolical  nature.  In  defeat,  in  danger,  in  retreat,  he  is 
perplexed,  harrassed  and  contemptible,  even  to  himself,  weigh- 
ed down  by  disasters,  which  he  has  neither  skill  or  strength  of 
mind  to  encounter,  lighten  or  remove.  In  this  state  he  appear- 
ed to  me  at  the  retreat  to,  and  from,  San  Fernando,  when  he 
looked  the  image  of  misery  and  despair. 

“ He  has  (p.  4G2)  neither  talents  or  abilities  for  a general,  and 
especially  for  a commander-in-chief.  The  numerous  mistakes 
he  has  made  throughout  the  whole  of  his  campaigns,  for  the 
last  eight  years,  have  nearly  desolated  the  provinces  and  anni- 
hilated the  population.  The  repeated  surprises  he  has  expe- 
rienced from  the  enemy,  (already  seven,)  prove  my  assertion, 
and  bear  me  out  in  declaring  that  any  one  of  them  wTould  have 
disgraced  a corporal’s  guard. 

‘‘  Tactics,  movements  and  manoeuvres,  are  as  unknown  to  him 
as  to  the  lowest  of  his  troops.  All  idea  of  regularity,  system, 
or  the  common  routine  of  an  army,  or  even  a regiment,  he  is 
totally  unacquainted  with.  Hence  arise  all  the  disasters  he 
meets,  the  defeats  he  suffers,  and  his  constant  obligations  to  re- 
treat whenever  opposed  to  the  foe.  The  victory  which  he  gains 
to  day,  however  dearly  purchased,  (of  which  his  list  of  kdled 
and  missing,  if  he  calls  for,  or  keeps  such  deta'ls,  must  evident- 
ly convince  him)  is  lost  tomorrow,  by  some  failure,  or  palpa- 
ble neglect  on  his  part.” 

Thus  it  is  that  Paez  was  heard  to  tell  Bolivar  after  the  ac- 
tion at  Villa  del  Cura,  that  he  would  move  off  his  own  troops, 
and  act  no  more  with  him  in  command ; adding,  “ I never  lost 
a battle  wherein  I acted  by  myself,  or  in  a separate  command, 
and  I have  always  been  defeated  when  acting  in  concert  with 
you  and  under  your  orders.”  The  native  and  black  troops 
(freed  slaves)  can,  and  do  dash  on,  in  their  native  country. 
Yet,  under  the  name  of  courage,  they  will  rush,  without  order, 
regularity  or  discretion,  upon  the  enemy,  resolved  at  that  mo- 
ment to  conquer,  or  to  die  ; and  if,  in  this  onset,  they  are  beat- 
en or  repulsed,  and  find  themselves  “ able  to  go  about”  and  to 
retreat,  “ the  devil  take  the  hindermost”  appears  to  be  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


331 


general  cry ; for  they  all  continue  to  run  until  they  reach  a 
place  of  safety ; and  it  is  allowed  by  the  royalist  troops  them- 
selves, that  the  patriotic  army,  with  Bolivar  at  their  head,  was 
never  beaten  in  this  respect.”  “ The  final  slaughter  of  the 
prisoners,  after  the  battle,  or  during  the  retreat,  is  completely 
acquiesced  in  by  Bolivar,  who  has  himself  condescended  to 
witness  this  scene  of  butchery,  infamy,”  &c. 

These  passages  are  sufficient  to  confirm  what  I have  said  in 
the  course  of  these  memoirs,  of  general  Bolivar  and  his  troops. 

I could  cite  various  other  writers,  to  the  same  purpose. 

It  is  true  that  his  flatterers  and  courtiers  have  endeavored  to 
compare  general  Bolivar  with  Napoleon  ; but  none  of  them 
have  suggested  to  him  the  idea  of  aspiring  to  deserve  being 
compared  with  Washington.  All  who  have  compared  him  with 
the  latter  were  either  strangers,  or  those  who  have  seen  Boli- 
var, perhaps,  a few  hours,  or  not  at  all. 

Bolivar’s  conduct  as  dictator  in  Venezuela,  in  1813-14,  as 
supreme  chief  in  1S16-17-18,  his  project  of  a monarchical 
constitution,  in  which  he  proposed  the  creation  of  a senate  for 
life,  with  the  titles  of  dukes,  marquises,  counts,  barons,  Sic., 
in  1819,  the  constitution  of  Bolivia,  the  secret  history  of  his 
protectorate  in  Peru,  his  behaviour  in  Venezuela,  his  famous 
proclamation  directed  to  the  grand  convention  of  Ocuna,  and 
his  self  nomination  as  supreme  chief  or  dictator  of  Colombia, 
are  proofs  of  his  ambition,  his  hypocrisy,  and  his  secret  deter- 
mination to  become  an  absolute  monarch. 

A great  man  ivould  have  directed  the  efforts  of  the  ambitious 
and  ignorant  chieftains  of  Colombia  to  one  point,  driving  their 
common  enemies  from  the  country,  in  the  first  place,  and  then 
establishing  a free  government.  Bolivar’s  object  has  invariably 
been  his  own  personal  aggrandizement,  to  the  exclusion  of  every 
good  and  noble  purpose.  He  is  certainly  a rare  example  of 
great  ambition,  unaided  by  talents,  or  virtues  of 'any  kind. 
Yet,  such  are  the  inhabitants  of  Colombia,  that  they  are  ruled 
by  this  man. 

In  his  recently  published  organic  decree,  dated  August  27th, 
1828,  in  title  1,  he  says  : 

“Art.  1st.  The  attributes  of  the  supreme  chief  embrace  the 
maintenance  of  the  peace  in  the  interior,  and  the  defence  from 
abroad ; the  command  of  the  forces  by  land  and  sea  ; the  ne- 
gotiations, war  and  peace,  and  the  treaties ; the  nomination  of 
all  the  officers. 


332 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


The  right  to  give  decrees  and  the  necessary  roles,  ( regle- 
mcntos,)  of  whatever  nature  they  may  be  ; to  modify,  to  reform 
the  established  laws,  and  to  alter  them ; the  execution  of  the 
decrees  and  rules,  also  of  those  laws  which  shall  remain  in  force. 

The  collection  of  taxes,  the  administration  of  justice,  the 
execution  of  the  judgments,  the  approbation  or  the  alteration  of 
the  sentences  in  the  councils  of  war ; the  commutation  of  pun- 
ishments, with  the  advice  of  the  council  of  state,  and  upon  the 
proposal  of  the  courts,  or  having  previously  heard  them  ; the 
granting  of  amnesty  or  pardon,  for  public  or  private  offences, 
always  with  the  advice  of  the  council  of  state. 

The  delivery  of  commissions  or  lettres  de  marque.  The 
exercise  of  the  natural  power  as  chief  of  the  general  adminis- 
tration of  the  republic  in  all  its  branches,  and  in  virtue  of  being 
entrusted  with  the  supreme  power  of  the  state  ; finally  the  presi- 
dency of  the  council  of  state,  when  he  thinks  proper. 

Art.  2d.  The  supreme  chief  will  be  assisted  in  the  exercise 
of  the  executive  power,  with  the  light  and  the  advice  of  a coun- 
cil of  ministers.” 

This  famous  decree  speaks  so  much,  that  I may  safely  ap- 
peal to  it,  in  support  of  what  I have  said  of  its  author. 

I have  adverted  to  the  difficulty  of  tracing  the  character  of 
this  personage,  arising  from  his  being  so  much  the  creature  of 
circumstances.  He  has  not  sufficient  vigor  of  spirit,  nor  courage 
of  heart,  nor  talent,  to  escape  from  a critical  situation,  or  to 
rise  from  a fall,  without  help  from  abroad.  His  good  fortune 
in  receiving  such  help,  has  been  almost  uninterrupted  since 
1813.  But  the  great  secret  of  his  great  power  lies  in  the  char- 
acter of  the  people  over  whom  he  rules. 

Lieutenant  colonel  Simon  Bolivar,  whilst  he  was  governor  of 
the  fortress  of  Porto  Cabello,  in  June,  1812,  left  the  fortress 
and  embarked  clandestinely,  with  some  officers,  in  the  night, 
without  giving  any  previous  notice  to  the  garrison,  without  any 
order,  without  any  capitulation,  without  any  armistice,  or  pre- 
vious treaty  with  the  enemy.  He  embarked  for  fear  of  the 
prisoners  of  war  who  had  revolted  and  taken  possession  of  the 
citadel.  An  old  soldier  might  admit  the  place  to  be  no  longer 
tenable.  But  here  the  garrison  finding  that  their  commander 
had  deserted  without  leaving  them  any  order  or  advice,  actually 
retired  in  good  order,  and  reached  Valencia,  by  land  without 
losing  a man  ; and  without  any  attack  from  the  prisoners  in  the 
citadel.  It  is  an  invariable  rule  that  the  commander  of  a place, 
in  time  of  war  and  danger,  should  never  leave  those  who  have 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


333 


been  committed  to  his  care.  And  this  rule  is  reasonable,  and 
perfectly  just.  2d.  Simon  Bolivar,  the  dictator,  liberator  of 
the  West  of  Venezuela,  embarked  in  the  greatest  haste  in 
the  night  of  the  25th  August,  1S14,  at  Cumana,  and  fled  with 
San  Iago  Marino,  from  the  field  of  war.  He  so  completely 
lost  his  presence  of  mind,  that  in  spite  of  the  warmest  repre- 
sentations of  his  cousin  Ribas  and  many  others,  he  would  hear 
nothing,  and  remained  on  board  commodore  Bianchi’s  vessel. 
He  sent  various  messages  to  Marino,  urging  him  to  embark,  and 
as  soon  as  Marino  arrived,  he  ordered  the  commander  to  cut 
his  cables  and  sail.  Ribas,  and  a thousand  other  brave  men,  re- 
mained and  fought  for  their  independence  and  freedom.  We 
have  seen  how  Arismendy  and  Bermudes  forced  them  to  leave 
the  ports  of  Juan  Gerigo  and  Ocumare,  treating  them  as  fugitives 
and  cowards,  and  threatening  to  shoot  them  if  they  set  their  feet 
on  shore.* * 

U 3d.  General  Bolivar  came  suddenly  to  the  height  of  power, 
and  was  named  captain-general  of  the  armies  of  New  Venezuela 
and  New  Grenada  ; because  the  congress  ol  the  latter  country 
was  in  great  need  of  some  authority  to  subject  the  province  of 
Cundinamarca  and  to  occupy  Santa  Martha  ; (lS14and  begin- 
ning of  1815.)  He  felt  a second  time  his  absolute  inability, 
and  after  his  ill  fated  siege  of  Carthagena,  embarked  for  the 
island  of  Jamaica,  whilst  general  Palacio,with  the  remainder  of 
the  army  which  Bolivar  had  left,  fought  bravely  and  gained 
advantages  over  the  Spaniards. f 

4th.  The  occupation  of  Carthagena  and  Boca  Chica,  by 
the  patriots,  offered  a new  occasion  to  distinguish  himself.  He 
left  Aux  Cayes  for  Margarita,  and  in  the  naval  combat,  (May 
2d,)  chose  his  place  in  the  long  boat  of  commodore  Brion’s 
vessel,  (the  only  vessel  engaged,  and  which  took  the  Spanish 
royal  brig  Intrepida,)  through  mere  cowardice,  leaving  to  anoth- 
er the  command  of  the  officers  and  volunteers,  in  his  stead.  J 
In  consequence  of  this  action,  general  Arismendy,  ignorant 
of  the  part  Bolivar  had  taken  in  it,  not  only  became  reconciled 
to  the  latter,  but  placed  himself  again  under  his  orders.  If 
Arismendy  had  been  made  acquainted  with  Bolivar’s  conduct 

- 

* See  chapter  VIII. 
t See  chapters  IX.  and  X. 
t See  chapter  XIJ I. 


334 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


in  this  action,  it  would  been  the  destruction  of  the  projected 
expedition  against  Venezuela.* 

5th.  At  the  action  of  Ocumare,  (July  10th,  1S06,)  the  su- 
preme chief  left  the  field  in  a perfect  fright,  and  rode  full  speed 
(he  is  always  careful  to  have  the  best  runners)  two  leagues ; 
jumped  from  his  horse,  and  embarked  on  board  the  fast  sailing 
privateer,  Diana,  captain  Debouille.  As  soon  as  he  was  on 
board,  he  ordered  the  captain  to  cut  his  cables  ; and  arrived 
at  the  little  Dutch  island  Bonair.  General  McGregor  as- 
sembled the  remainder  of  the  troops  left  by  Bolivar,  and,  with 
them,  joined  general  Piar  at  Barcelona. f 

When  admiral  Brion  arrived  at  Bonair,  from  Curacao  he 
was  astonished  to  hear  of  the  flight  of  the  supreme  chief,  and 
reproached  him  severely.  Bolivar  received  his  reproaches 
with  great  docility,  feeling  at  this  time  his  entire  dependence 
upon  the  admiral.  Brion,  who  was  quick  tempered,  becoming 
cooler,  succeeded  at  last  in  persuading  Bolivar  that  Ins  honor 
absolutely  required  him  to  return  to  the  Main  and  rejoin  his 
troops ; and  he  ordered  captain  Uebouille  to  put  himself  at 
the  disposal  of  the  supreme  chief.  Bolivar  directed  his  course 
toward  the  coast  of  Cumana.  On  his  landing,  Marino  and 
Piar,  who  had  left  him  at  Carupano,  reproached  him  with  his 
cowardly  flight  from  Ocumare,  and  told  him  that  if  he  did  not 
embark  immediately  they  would  arrest  and  try  him  before  a 
court  martial.  He  embarked  speedily,  and  arrived  at  Jaque- 
mel,  whence  he  passed  to  Port  au  Prince.  J 

Brion  now  employed  all  his  influence  to  procure  Bolivar’s 
recal  to  the  Main.  After  long  and  great  exertions,  he  succeed- 
ed, chiefly  by  giving  his  word  that  Bolivar  would  assemble  a 
congress,  and  establish  a republican  government,  to  which  the 
latter  most  readily  consented.  In  consequence  of  this  stipula- 
tion, he  was  recalled,  and  arrived  at  Barcelona  in  the  latter 
part  of  1816.  As  soon  as  he  was  again  at  the  head  of  the  troops 
lie  disregarded  his  promise,  resumed  his  title  of  supreme  chief, 
and  proceeded  as  he  had  done  before. § 

6th.  The  supreme  chief,  in  the  night  of  the  5th  and  6th 
April  1817.  fled  from  the  fortified  place  of  Barcelona,  aban- 


* See  chapters  xiii.  amt  xiv. 
+ See  chapter  xiv. 

| See  chapter  xiv. 

Set? chapter  xiv.  and  xvi. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR.  335 

doning  his  aid-de-camp,  Chamberlain,  and  more  than  1000 
men.  The  latter  perceiving  that  the  Spaniards  had  gained  the 
walls,  killed  his  wife  and  himself.  All  the  rest  were  murdered 
by  the  Spaniards.  At  this  time,  the  supreme  chief  hid  himself 
in  the  remotest  part  of  the  plains  of  Ciunana,  where  he  remain- 
ed about  seven  weeks. 

7th.  The  supreme  chief  left  the  scene  of  war,  in  ISIS,  after 
his  unsuccessful  campaign  in  Venezuela.  The  details  of  this 
campaign  are  alone  sufficient  to  give  a correct  idea  of  his  mili- 
tary talents.  He  came  for  shelter  to  the  strong  place  of  Angos- 
tura in  Guayana. 

These  facts,  (and  many  more  might  be  adduced,)  sufficiently 
prove  that  Bolivar  frequently  lost  his  presence  of  mind,  and 
that  the  most  propitious  circumstances  concurred  to  restore  his 
fortune.  I have  said  enough  of  his  talents  for  administration, 
and  his  mode  of  proceeding  in  civil  matters,  in  the  course  of 
these  memoirs. 

But  how  is  it  possible  (the  questions  naturally  arise)  that 
general  Bolivar  should  have  liberated  his  country,  and  preserv- 
ed in  himself  the  supreme  power,  without  superior  talents  ? 

If  by  ‘ liberating  his  county’  it  be  meant  that  he  has  given 
his  country  a free  government,  I answer,  that  he  has  not  done 
so  ; and  this  question,  I think,  is  thus  fairly  disposed  of.  If  it 
be  meant,  that  he  has  driven  out  the  Spaniards,  I answer,  that 
he  has  done  little,  or  nothing,  towards  this  ; far  less,  certainly, 
than  the  meanest  of  the  subordiat.e  chieftains.  To  the  ques- 
tion, how  he  can  have  retained  his  power,  without  superior 
talents  ? I answer,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  reputation 
of  superior  talents,  goes  a great  ways.  But  I shall  not  desire 
the  reader  to  be  satisfied  with  this  answer. 

Before  the  revolution  of  Caracas  April  19th  IS  10,  and  ever 
since  that  time,  the  Spaniards  themselves  have  constantly  and 
powerfully  contributed  to  assist  the  patriots  in  all  their  enter- 
prises ; by  forcing  the  inhabitants  to  withdraw  themselves  from 
an  onerous  and  base  submission;  bydeaving  them  no  other  al- 
ternative but  to  resist  oppression,  cruelty  and  death,  by  force 
of  arms,  or  submit  to  them.  Without  any  disposition  to  dispar- 
age the  bravery,  the  constancy  of  the  Colombian  people,  I say 
that  the  policy,  and  the  whole  behaviour  of  the  Spanish  chief- 
tains, during  the  war  on  the  Main,  has  operated  powerfully  to- 
wards the  freedom  and  independence  of  the  people.  It  has 
been  a stimulous  applied  with  very  little  respite.  Their  ob- 
stinacy, their  hypocrisy,  their  barbarous  cruelties,  their  entire 


336 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


want  of  moderation,  of  even  the  semblance  of  liberal  policy,  of 
talents,  and  of  courage,  have  contributed  efficaciously  to  al- 
ienate from  them  the  confidence  and  favorable  opinion  of 
the  people.  These  inhabitants  naturally  chose  to  be  under  the 
dominion  of  their  native  chieftains,  rather  than  to  perish  under 
the  cruelties  and  vexations  of  the  Spaniards.  If  these  latter 
had  adopted  a liberal  system  for  administering  the  provinces  of 
Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,  as  soon  as  the  Americans  per- 
ceived the  precarious  situation  of  the  mother  country,  1 ven- 
ture boldly  to  pronounce,  that  none  of  them  would  have  thought 
of  separating  from  Spain.  This  opinion  is  supported  by  the 
well  known  fact,  that  not  one  of  the  patriotic  juntas  in  1810, 
had  dreamed  of  detaching  itself  from  the  adored  king  Ferdi- 
nand. The  stupid  management  of  the  Spanish  authorities 
has  facilitated  all  the  operations  of  the  patriots.  The  grievous 
faults  of  Bolivar,  and  some  of  his  generals,  have  been  exceed- 
ed by  those  of  his  adversaries.  It  is  not  strange,  therefore, 
that  Bolivar  should  have  been  able  to  do  all  he  has  done 
with  very  limited  talents. 

It  has  been  said,  long  since,  that  oppression  cannot  be  exer- 
cised upon  any  people  beyond  a certain  point;  that  passing 
this  point  certainly  produces  resistance,  and  at  length,  revolt 
and  revolution.  The  territory  of  Colombia  has  a vast  extent 
of  coast.  It  was  impossible  that  it  should  be  guarded  by  the 
Spanish  troops  that  were  sent  out.  Bolivar,  when  beaten  and 
driven  from  one  place,  had  only  to  go  to  another.  The  ad- 
vantage in  point  of  numbers,  was  vastly  against  the  Span- 
iards. Their  greatest  number  of  troops  never  exceeded  twenty 
thousand ; whereas,  on  the  part  of  the  patriots,  there  was  a 
great  majority  of  the  people  of  the  country  containing  about 
two  millions  of  souls.  Guiroxa’s  revolution,  in  favor  of  the  con- 
stitution of  1812,  occupied  Spain  at  home,  and  prevented  her 
sending  powerful  aid  to  Morillo.  The  Spaniards  generally, 
and  Morillo  among  the  rest,  became  tired  and  worn  out ; their 
troops  deserted  by  hundreds.  If  Morillo  had  sought  to  aid 
Bolivar,  he  could  not  have  done  it  more  effectually,  than  by  ap- 
pointing La  Torre  his  successor ; for  the  drooping  and  sickly 
state  of  the  Spaniards  at  that  time,  La  Torre  was  but  a poor 
physician.  A powerful  moral  cause  stood  also  in  aid  ol  Boli- 
var ; I mean  public  opinion  ; which,  if  not  unanimously  in  his 
favor,  was  certainly  so  against  the  cruel  deeds  of  the  Span- 
iards ; and  the  Colombians,  in  their  choice  between  two  evils, 
very  naturally  took  that  which  appeared  to  be  the  least. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


337 


By  examining  the  conduct  of  the  Spanish  chieftains,  both  in 
Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,  we  shall  find  that  they  afforded 
great  assistance  to  the  limited  talents  of  the  supreme  chief, 
liberator. 

In  Venezuela,  the  captain-general  Don  Juan  de  Casas,  as 
early  as  1S08,  began  to  irritate  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Caracas,  by  arresting,  in  a very  arbitrary  and  impolitic  man- 
ner, a great  many  inhabitants  belonging  to  the  first  and  most 
respectable  families  (mantuanos)  in  that  province.  There  was 
no  other  motive  for  his  arrest,  than  ill  founded  suspicion  ; and 
he  ivas  compelled  to  set  them  at  liberty.  But  the  impression 
remained,  and  stirred  up  many  enemies  to  his  government. 

Captain-general  Don  Vicente  Emparan,  his  successor,  was 
the  victim  of  his  own  obstinacy.  Without  regard  to  the  dispo- 
sition, or  feelings,  or  opinions  of  the  inhabitants,  he  blindly  fol- 
lowed the  orders  of  the  regency  at  Cadiz,  Avhich  continued  to 
dictate  and  maintain  laws  made  in  time  of  Ferdinand  the  Cath- 
olic, and  Philip  II.  Emparan,  by  refusing  to  be  advised,  lost 
himself  and  the  Spanish  cause.  His  great  security,  and  the 
idea  of  his  power,  joined  with  his  obstinacy,  gave  occasion  to 
the  revolution  of  the  19th  April  1810,  in  Caracas. 

The  junta  which  succeeded  him,  took  the  title  of  Provisional 
Junta  of  Venezuela,  conservators  of  the  rights  of  his  catholic 
majesty,  Ferdinand  7th,  which  proved  that  this  junta  and  its 
constituents,  had  no  idea  of  detaching  themselves  from  Spain. 
Its  detailed  official  report  explained  this  very  clearly,  and  con- 
cluded by  offering  the  Spanish  government  money  and  support 
of  every  description,  to  maintain  the  war  into  which  it  was  dri- 
ven, against  Napoleon.  The  regency  of  Cadiz  answered  their 
kind  offers  by  a vehement  decree,  dated  Aug.  3d,  1810,  by 
which  the  province  of  Venezuela  was  declared  to  be  in  a state 
of  blockade  ! thus  treating  its  inhabitants  like  enemies  of  the 
nation.  The  regency  ordered  every  means  to  be  employed 
to  turn  out  a junta  sincerely  attached  to  their  king ; and  to 
punish  them  as  rebels. 

The  mission  of  Don  Francisco  Cortavaria,  by  the  regency 
and  Cortes  of  Spain,  to  the  island  of  Porto  Rico,  was  the  con- 
sequence of  the  decree  of  August  3d.  He  had  a commission 
to  pacify  the  Main,  and  to  force  its  inhabitants  to  receive  a new 
captain-general  from  the  hands  of  those  who  ruled  in  Spain. 
This  mission  increased  the  fire  of  civil  war,  instead  of  extin- 
guishing it. 


43 


338 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


The  weak  and  cotvardly  captain-general  Millares,  who  suc- 
ceeded Emparan,  was  but  an  object  of  contempt  and  mockery 
to  this  subaltern,  Don  Domingo  Monteverde,  who  treated  him 
like  an  instrument  laid  aside,  wdien  it  becomes  useless  to  our 
purpose.  The  latter  audaciously  put  himself  in  place  of  the 
other,  and  violated  the  treaty  of  Vittoria,  made  July  12th  1812, 
with  Miranda. 

Monteverde’s  government  was  the  reign  of  Islenos,  friars, 
monks,  priests,  and  intriguers  of  various  descriptions.  Boves, 
Morales,  Suasola,  Antonanza,  Puy,  Rosette,  and  other  Span- 
ish Chieftains  of  this  sort,  had  the  upper  hand.  His  adminis- 
tration was  a series  of  perfidies,  cruelties,  and  persecutions ; 
one  of  the  most  complete  and  horrid  anarchy. 

Simon  Bolivar  with  a respectable  force  approached  the  lim- 
its of  Venezuela,  announced  its  deliverance,  and  promised  the 
inhabitants  relief  and  freedom.  These  wretched  people,  reduc- 
ed to  despair,  flocked  by  thousands  to  his  standard  for  refuge 
from  misery  and  death.  Desertion  became  general  in  the  loy- 
al army  ; and  these  troops  united  with  many  thousands  of  vol- 
unteers, augmented  Bolivar’s  legions,  and  reduced  the  forces 
of  the  enemy,  to  so  small  and  weak  a number,  that  he  had 
nothing  to  do,  but  to  march  forward,  assured  of  success  and 
victory.  The  confidence  of  the  country  in  the  Spanish  troops, 
and  the  dread  of  them,  declined  in  proportion  as  confidence  in 
the  patriot  troops  increased.  Thus  he  advanced  into  the  inte- 
rior of  Venezuela,  supported  by  a series  of  successes,  which 
cost  him  very  little ; and  thus  he  entered  the  capital,  Caracas, 
whence  the  enemy  had  fled.  Men,  money,  arms,  munitions 
of  every  description,  were  offered  him  from  every  corner,  and, 
united  with  the  zeal  of  about  a million  of  people,  desirous  in 
assisting  him  to  destroy  the  feeble  remnant  of  the  enemy, 
very  ordinary  talents  only  were  requisite  to  direct  this  power- 
ful mass  of  forces  and  means,  to  the  utter  extermination  of 
Spanish  despotism  and  cruelty. 

But  the  weak  Bolivar  was  so  elated  with  his  unexpected  suc- 
cess, that,  at  the  height  of  his  fortune,  he  lost  all  reflection  and 
imagined  that  every  thing  was  accomplished.  His  gross  faults 
were  the  only  cause  of  his  ruin.  They  brought  on  the  subse- 
quent misery  of  his  countrymen,  and  the  downfall  of  the  cause 
of  freedom  in  Venezuela. 

The  year  of  1813  saw  him  upon  the  summit  of  human 
grandeur  and  glory.  The  next  year  saw  him  a fugitive  in  dan- 
ger of  being  shot  for  desertion  like  the  meanest  soldier,  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


339 


forced  to  seek  shelter  ina  sister  republic,  Carthagena,  whom  he 
afterwards  treated  as  a foe  ; laying  siege  to  her  capital  in 
1815. 

General  Monteverde,  being  wounded,  left  Porto  Cabello  for 
Curacao,  where  he  lived  in  high  style,  from  the  plunder  and  vex- 
ations carried  on  against  the  inhabitants  of  Venezuela.*  He 
left  the  command  of  the  remaining  royal  troops,  to  colonel 
Salomon,  whose  conduct  we  have  noticed. 

After  Bolivar’s  flight  from  Cumana,  in  August  1814,  military 
despotism  began  again  to  hold  the  reins  of  the  royal  govern- 
ment. The  captain-general,  Cagigal,  had  the  nominal  power, 
but  Boves,  Morales,  Cevallos,  and  other  Spanish  chieftains, 
acted  throughout  Venezuela,  wherever  they  came,  as  masters 
and  conquerors.  The  best  proof  of  this,  is  the  massacre  of 
the  most  respectable  inhabitants  of  Valencia,  which  took  place 
in  presence  of  Cagigal,  and  went  unpunished.  Similar  ex- 
cesses were  committed,  unpunished,  in  all  the  other  provinces 
of  Venezuela,  and  throughout  its  whole  territory  persecutions 
and  the  most  barbarous  cruelties  were  multiplied  and  became 
the  order  of  the  day.  The  only  man  who  had  character  and 
firmness  enough  to  preserve  the  city  of  Caracas  itself,  from  pil- 
lage was  the  marquis  of  Leon.  And  this  he  did,  as  the  reader 
will  recollect,  by  overaweing  a mulatto  lieutenant  colonel, 
(Muchado)  who  had  been  a slave  of  the  count  of  La  Grange. 
But  the  marquis  was  not  a military  man  ; his  authority  was  per- 
sonal, limited,  and  momentary.  He  was  probably,  the  only  man 
at  that  time  on  the  Main,  qualified  by  character  to  re-establish  the 
royal  authority.  But  instead  of  giving  him  full  powers  for  that 
purpose,  the  king  of  Spain  sent  ten  thousand  bayonets,  with 
a chieftain  more  capricious,  hyorcitical,  despotic  and  sangui- 
nary, than  any  of  his  predecessors.  Such  was  Don  Pablo  Mo- 
rillo,  who  imagined,  that  to  overawe  every  one,  he  had  only  to 
present  himself.  He  took  the  title  of  “ pacificator  of  the 
new  world,”  and  arrived  on  the  Main  with  the  philanthropic 
principles,  which  characterise  him  in  many  of  his  letters.  He 
wrote  to  the  king  Ferdinand,  that  it  was  necessary  to  regenerate 
Spanish  America,  and  to  exterminate,  by  fire  and  sword  “ the 
present  population,  and  create  a new  one.”  He  began  by 
grossly  oppressing  the  only  man  capable  of  rendering  him 


* He  gave  to  a colored  woman  in  Curacao,  the  mistress  of  the  hotel  where  he. 
lived  every  day,  one  hundered  dollars  for  the  expense  of  his  table  only.  I have  this 
fact  from  the  woman  herself. 


340 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


great  service,  the  marquis  of  San  Leon.  Him  he  arrested  and 
took  with  him  as  a prisoner,  on  his  journey,  because  the  mar- 
quis could  not,  or  would  not,  pay  him  an  extraordinary  tax  of 
twenty  thousand  dollars.  Admiral  marquis  De  Euriles,  the 
friend  und  counsellor  of  Morillo,  greatly  assisted  Bolivar,  by 
the  advice  he  gave  Morillo,  after  he  knew  it  was  impossible  for 
him  ever  to  reconquer  the  Main. 

General  Morales,  who  succeeded  La  Torre,  was  better  quali- 
fied to  raise  the  royal  party,  but  his  barbarous  cruelty,  his  igno- 
rance of  policy,  and  his  despotic  principles,  alienated  from  him 
the  good  opinion  of  both  parties.  Such  was  the  general  state 
of  affairs  in  Venezuela,  from  1810  to  1824,  when  the  last  of 
the  Spaniards  were  driven  from  the  Main  by  the  capitulation  of 
Porto  Cabello.  Let  us  now  look  at  New  Grenada. 

The  viceroy  Don  Antonio  Amar,  was  an  honest  man  and 
desired  the  welfare  of  the  country,  but  he  was  too  old  and  too 
weak  to  Isold  the  reins  of  government  in  a time  of  revolution 
and  trouble.  He  hesitated,  and  then  gave  way. 

Don  Antonio  Soria  succeeded  him,  and  did  worse.  From 
that  time  there  had  been  no  viceroy  worjhy  of  notice.  Every 
province  had  its  junta  and  its  governor  or  president,  who  acted 
only  by  the  province  ; and  these  had  no  union,  no  understand- 
ing among  themselves.  They  died  away,  one  after  another. 

The  reader  may  perhaps  be  acquainted  with  the  atrocious 
deeds  of  the  bishop  of  Cuenca  and  his  army  of  death,  filled 
with  friars  and  priests.  He  was  another  Peter  the  Hermit  with 
his  fanatical  brethren  the  Crusaders. 

In  Carthagena,  Santa  Martha,  Porto  Bello,  &lc.  the  Spanish 
chieftains,  after  having  pillaged,  left  the  places  to  their  subal- 
terns and  fled. 

In  the  eight  provinces  of  Venezuela  and  the  twenty  two  of 
New  Grenada,  the  viceroys,  the  captain-generals,  governors, 
and  Spanish  leaders,  have  made  every  effort  to  alienate  the  af- 
fections of  the  Americans,  by  their  tyranny,  cruelty,  duplicity 
and  their  general  conduct  as  impolitic  as  it  was  barbarous. 
The  king,  the  regency,  the  cortes  and  the  juntas  of  Spain 
have  powerfully  seconded  the  patriots.  Ever  since  1810,  the 
Spaniards  have  done  all  they  could  do  in  favor  of  the  patriots. 
Besides  the  conduct  of  the  Spanish  chieftains  has  undoubtedly 
favored  the  enterprises  of  general  Bolivar,  and  assisted  his  fee- 
ble efforts.  His  generals  and  subalterns,  and  all  the  inhabitants 
of  Colombia  have  powerfully  supported  him.  Many  of  his 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


341 


generals  have  done  far  more  than  he  has  to  free  the  country 
from  the  Spaniards. 

Amongst  them  Louis  Brion  was  distinguished  ; as  were  also 
the  generals  Ribas,  Villapol,  Paez,  Zarasa,  Piar,  Palacios, 
Arismendy,  Gomez,  Sanander,  Padilla,  and  others.  None  of 
these  generals,  have  ever  abandoned,  or  in  any  respect  behaved 
so  meanly  as  Bolivar  has  done.  To  these  brave  men  Colom- 
bia, and  Bolivar  himself,  owe  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards  and 
the  salvation  of  the  country ; if  their  present  expulsion  may  be 
called  so.  Of  these,  Brion,  Ribas,  Villapol,  Piar,  and  Palacio, 
live  no  longer.  Sanander  and  Padilla  are  arrested,  and  will 
probably  be  condemned  to  death.* 

The  brightest  deeds  of  all  these  generals,  were  performed 
in  the  absence  of  Bolivar.  Abroad,  they  were  attributed  to  his 
military  skill  and  heroism,  while  in  fact  he  was  a fugitive,  a 
thousand  miles  Irom  the  scenes  of  their  bravery,  and  never 
dreaming  of  their  successes. 

What  has  he  done  in  Peru  ? He  has  destroyed  freedom  and 
independence  there,  as  in  Colombia. f His  protectorate  there, 
answers  exactly  to  his  dictatorship  in  Colombia ; a despotic, 
military  anarchy ; which  has  driven  the  best  inhabitants  from 
both  countries,  or  rendered  them  slaves,  and  which,  for  many 
years  to  come,  will  be  felt  as  the  pernicious  effect  of  Bolivar’s 
incapacity  and  despotism. 

General  Bolivar,  moreover,  has  never  in  person  commanded 
a regiment,  nor  four  soldiers.  He  has  never  made  a charge 
of  cavalry,  nor  with  a bayonet.  On  the  contrary,  he  has  ever 
been  careful  to  keep  himself  out  of  danger.  He  has  always 
taken  the  precaution  to  provide  himself  with  excellent  horses 
and  good  guides,  and  whenever  the  fire  approached  him,  has 
made  use  of  both.  The  plain  narration  of  fact  composing  these 
memoirs  proves  this  assertion. 

General  Bolivar’s  expedition  in  1813,  against  Monteverde, 
and  its  complete  success,  has  made  him  famous  abroad.  I have 
shown  how  easy,  in  his  situation,  success  was  ; that  he  had 
only  to  go  forward.  The  merit,  whatever  it  may  be,  of  con- 
senting to  go  forward  with  a hand  full  of  men  after  the  depic- 
tion of  colonel  Castillo,  is  general  Bolivar’s.  The  expedition 


* Written  November  10th;  1828. 

t The  two  battles  fought  in  Peru  were  gained  in  his  absence;  in  the  one  he  was 
a hundred  miles  from  the  field  of  action  ; in  the  second  at  Ayachuco;  he  was  sick. 
General  Sucre  gained  both,  and  Bolivar  had  the  honor  and  the  name. 


342 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


was  conceived  and  planned,  not  so  much  by  Bolivar  as  by  his 
cousin  Ribas,  who  was  not  only  the  soul,  but  the  friend  also  of 
Bolivar.  He  and  colonel  Brizeno  persuaded  Bolivar  to  per- 
severe and  go  forward,  when,  as  respectable  eye  witnesses  have 
assured  me,  Bolivar  himself  wished,  upon  the  defection  of  Cas- 
tillo, to  return  to  Carthagena. 

This  entry  into  Venezuela  was  the  most  brilliant  epoch  in 
the  military  career  of  general  Bolivar.  I have  shown  how 
easily  it  was  made.  Very  little  talent,  surely,  was  requisite  to 
drive  a handful  of  Spaniards  out  of  the  country,  and  by  so  doing, 
give  liberty  to  the  Venezuelans.  He  did  neither,  but  fled  for 
shelter  to  New  Grenada.  But  the  memory  of  his  grandeur 
remained,  and  having  been  the  tyrant  of  his  country,  he  was 
regarded  as  her  Liberator.  His  fame  procured  him  a good 
reception  at  Tunja,  in  November,  1814,  and  the  congress  of 
New  Grenada  named  him  captain-general  of  the  armies  of 
Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,  the  highest  military  charge  in 
the  Spanish  American  armies.  But  this  was  trifling  when  com- 
pared with  his  dictatorship  in  Venezuela. 

Congress,  and  all  true  friends  of  liberty,  now  entertained  san- 
guine hopes,  that  Bolivar  had  acquired  wisdom  by  experiencing 
adversity,  and  that  he  felt  an  ardent  desire  to  retrieve  his  faults 
and  deserve  the  confidence  of  congress. 

These  hopes  were  founded  upon  his  verbal  promises  made 
to  his  friends  in  Tunja,  and  upon  his  numerous  proclamations, 
and  solemn  promises,  to  give  freedom,  liberty  and  welfare  to 
the  Grenadans.  But  he  had  acquired  the  habit  of  acting  as 
master,  and  of  following  the  impulses  of  his  vain  and  haughty 
disposition.  He  entirely  disregarded  the  confidence  placed  in 
him,  and  the  obligation  he  was  under  to  the  congress  of  New 
Grenada,  which  placed  him  at  the  head  of  a strong  army,  that 
he  might  be  enabled  to  fulfil  the  important  and  double  commis- 
sion given  him.  He  took,  with  perfect  ease,  the  open  and  un- 
defended capital  of  Bogota,  but  suffered  his  troops  to  plunder 
it,  during  48  hours.  The  most  important  task  assigned  him, 
was  the  conquest  of  Santa  Martha,  which,  at  the  time,  could 
have  been  easily  completed ; but  he  preferred  the  gratification 
of  his  own  revenge,  in  besieging  Carthagena,  which  had  re- 
ceived him  within  her  walls,  with  distinguished  hospitality  whilst 
he  was  a fugitive,  and  proscribed  by  Arismendy  and  Bermudes. 
His  principal  aim,  in  besieging,  and  endeavoring  to  take  Car- 
thagena, was  to  avenge  himself  upon  Castillo,  who  commanded 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


343 


in  the  place.  The  dreadful  consequences  of  this  siege  have 
been  detailed  already. 

In  the  assembly  of  patriots,  held  in  the  beginning  of  1S16, 
in  the  city  of  Aux  Cayes,  (Hayti,)  its  members  named  general 
Bolivar  as  their  commander-in-chief,  because  commodore  Brion, 
upon  whom  the  expedition  depended,  had,  formally  and  open- 
ly, declared  that  if  Bolivar  should  not  be  appointed  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  projected  expedition,  he  would  not  ad- 
vance a single  dollar.  Brion  was,  at  that  time,  the  principal 
supporter  of  the  patriots ; commodore  Aury  was  the  next ; but 
the  former  had  more  money,  and  a more  extensive  credit  than 
the  latter,  and  was  animated,  by  the  great  promises  of  Bolivar, 
to  act  in  his  favor.  The  president  of  Hayti,  Alexander  Petion, 
was  also  in  favor  of  general  Bolivar,  and  assisted  him  power- 
fully in  the  projected  expedition.  Besides  all  this,  Bolivar  had 
sacrificed  his  fortune  in  favor  of  the  cause,  and  had  been  the 
most  elevated  chieftain,  in  rank,  since  1813. 

Commodore  Aury  was  the  only  member  of  this  assembly 
who  opposed,  not  the  nomination  of  Bolivar,  but  his  assuming 
the  civil  and  military  power,  alone.  He  proposed  a council  of 
government  of  three  or  five  members,  over  which  Bolivar  should 
preside.  Bolivar  rose  and  spoke  vehemently  against  a divis- 
ion of  power,  and  concluded  by  saying  that  he  would  rather  re- 
sign than  consent  to  Aury’s  proposal.  Bolivar  was  well  aware 
that  Brion  and  Petion  would  do  little  or  nothing,  if  any  other 
chieftains  were  elected  ; and,  therefore,  ventured  to  speak  of 
resignation.  Not  a voice  was  heard  in  support  of  Aury  ; and 
Bolivar  proposed  a loud  and  individual  vote  ; which  was  given 
for  his  being  commander-in  chief  of  the  projected  expedition. 
The  proceedings  were  reduced  to  writing  beforehand,  and 
were  signed  by  every  member  except  Aury ; upon  whom  Bo- 
livar avenged  himself,  as  we  have  seen. 

From  the  time  that  Aury  expressed  himself  so  strongly 
against  the  absolute  and  undivided  power  of  Bolivar,  the  latter 
began  to  fear  that  others  might  follow  Aury’s  example.  Since 

1813,  Bolivar  had  been  accustomed  to  have  all  around  him  ac- 
knowledge and  submit  to  his  authority  and  obey  implicitly  all 
his  orders,  however  arbitrary  or  despotic.  When  the  dictator 
ordered  the  execution  of  the  1200  Spaniards  in  February, 

1814,  more  than  a thousand  inhabitants  of  Caracas  and  Luguai- 
ra,  murmured  deeply  against  this  cruel  and  sanguinary  deed  ; 
but  no  one  dared  to  oppose,  or  even  to  speak  openly  against  it. 


344 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


When  Bolivar  heard  from  me  that  general  San  Iago  Marino 
had  given  a secret  commission  to  captain  Bouille,  a colored 
man,  to  recruit  300  choice  soldiers  from  Hayti,  he  became  very 
uneasy,  and  said  to  me  that  Piar  had  certainly  advised  Marino 
to  do  so.  He  added  that  Piar  being  a colored  man  was  a very 
dangerous  one,  and  that  he  had  the  greatest  influence  over  Ma- 
rino, and  that  Piar’s  object  was  to  enable  Marino  again  to  be- 
come his  rival,  as  he  had  been  in  1813  and  ’14.  He  then  re- 
quested me  to  find  some  means  of  defeating  Marino’s  object, 
without  having  it  known  that  he,  Bolivar,  cared  about  it.  This 
was  done  as  1 have  already  related. 

As  soon  as  the  supreme  chief  arrived  at  Carupano,  from  the 
island  of  Margarita,  his  body-guard  was  organised.  Twenty- 
five  men,  with  an  officer,  wTere  daily  placed  before  his  head- 
quarters, and  relieved  every  twenty  four  hours. 

In  December,  1817,  when  Bolivar  arrived  at  Barcelona,  he 
again  organised  a body-guard.  This  was  repeated  at  Angos- 
tura, and  since  that  time  this  corps  has  been  augmented  so  much 
that  he  appointed  the  general  of  division,  Raphael  Urdaneta, 
the  commander-in-chief  of  it.  He  had  various  generals  of 
brigades  under  his  orders  ; but  principally  general  Anzoatigui, 
who  was  always  blindly  devoted  to  him.  Since  that  time  this 
body-guard  has  accompanied  him  every  where. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  institution  of  this  body-guard 
has  been  the  ruin  of  liberty  in  Colombia  ; because  the  bayonets 
have  supplied  the  place  of  both  military  and  administrative  skill, 
ever  since  the  Spaniards  were  driven  from  the  territory.  These 
alone  have  kept  the  weight  of  argument  and  opinion  on  his  side. 
In  imitation  of  the  famous  motto,  “ Ultima  Ratio  Regum ,”  en- 
graved upon  the  cannon  of  Frederick  2d  of  Prussia,  Bolivar 
should  engrave  upon  the  muskets  of  his  body-guard,  “ Ultima 
Ratio  Dictatorum .”  Their  bayonets,  supported  by  the  money 
supplied  byr  English  stock  jobbers,  have  given  him  a suprema- 
cy over  the  congress,  which,  in  the  latter  times  of  his  presiden- 
cy, has  been  the  slave  of  his  will.  I may  ask,  has  any  one  of 
the  distinguished  patriots  ever  opposed  the  least  hint,  to  his 
known  will  ? These  patriots,  having  nothing  to  oppose  to  the 
bayonets  of  Bolivar,  have  always  the  majority  of  members 
against  them. 

Bolivar  has  several  times  offered  his  resignation,  but  never 
unless  he  knew  beforehand,  that  no  one  would  dare  to  appear 
in  favor  of  accepting  it.  He  has  a great  many  enemies,  but 
the  bayonets  are  all  on  his  side. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


345 


Iii  order  to  preserve  his  usurped  power,  he  is  careful  to  treat 
all  his  guards  well,  and  to  attach  their  officers  to  him  by  paying 
great  attention  to  them,  and  making  them  large  presents.  He 
took  his  Colombian  body-guard  to  Peru  ; and  when  he  left 
Peru,  in  1826,  he  brought  back  a body-guard  along  with  his 
Colombian  troops,  1 500  Peruvians,  under  the  plausible  pretext 
of  having  troops  sufficient  to  march  against  the  rebels  at  Valen- 
cia. 

His  being  in  power  simply,  attaches  many  to  him.  A great 
source  of  his  influence  is,  his  having  the  disposal  ot  all  the  offi- 
ces of  Colombia,  in  the  civil  and  military  departments,  and 
those  who  flatter  and  please  him  best,  get  the  best  offices,  with- 
out the  least  regard  to  their  qualifications.  He  is  a great  dis- 
sembler, and  possesses  such  easiness  of  manners,  that  he  charms 
those  whom  he  wishes  to  gain  to  his  purpose,  seldom  refusing 
their  requests,  and  never  meeting  them  with  rebuke.  The 
most  common  actions  of  men  in  power,  under  whatever 
name  they  may  rule,  are  generally  regarded  as  generous  and 
extraordinary  deeds.  Far  nobler  deeds  of  private  men  pass 
unnoticed.  This  is  the  case  with  Bolivar.  He  spends  20  or 
100,000  dollars,  without  hesitation,  when  he  can  immediately 
have  what  sum  he  pleases.  He  knows  well  that  so  long  as  he 
reigns,  he  shall  not  want  money. 

The  great  mass  of  the  people  are  ignorant,  bigoted,  and  rude, 
to  a degree  not  easily  conceived  by  one  educated  in  almost 
any  protestant  country,  particularly  in  the  North  American 
states.  Hence  it  is,  that  Bolivar’s  speeches,  proclamations, 
promises,  conversations,  are  thought  of  so  highly.  These  peo- 
ple once  getting  a notion  into  their  heads,  keep  it  fast.  They 
think  Bolivar  a great  man,  and  believe  that  his  monstrous  faults 
are  in  fact  the  faults  of  others,  because  he  tells  them  so.  Be- 
sides, he  generally  shows  only  the  fair  side  of  any  event  what- 
ever.* 

Whenever  he  is  about'to  appear,  on  solemn  occasions,  before 
the  public,  he  is  careful  to  prepare  his  friends  and  creatures, 
by  informing  them  what  he  intends  to  do,  and  how  they  are  to 
act.  He  then  goes,  surrounded  by  a numerous  body  of  offi- 
cers, all  devoted  to  him,  and  a large  number  of  troops,  who  re- 
main without,  under  arms.  Surrounded  by  this  force,  he  is 


*See  his  memoir  justificative  published  at  Carthagena  in  Sept.  1814  ; his  procla- 
mation before  he  embarked  for  Jamaica,  in  May,  1815 ; that  published  after  the  ex- 
ecution of  general  1’iar,  in  1817,  A c 

44 


346 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


always  sure  of  the  strongest  party.  This  military  show  imposes 
upon  all,  and  so  overawes  his  boldest  and  most  decided  ene- 
mies, that  they  are  forced  to  be  silent,  knowing  his  vain,  vin-. 
dictive  and  treacherous  character,  and  being  sure  that,  if  they 
opposed  him,  they  should,  sooner  or  later,  become  the  victims 
of  his  vengeance.  A more  striking  proof  of  his  vindictive  spir- 
it need  not  surely  be  required,  than  his  siege  of  Carthagena, 
carried  on  for  the  purpose  of  taking  vengeance  on  Morillo,  for 
an  insult  received  two  years  before,  and  to  avenge  Pineres’  de- 
feat, (and  his  own)  in  his  effort  to  be  elected  president  of  the 
government  of  that  province.*  What  senator  or  lepresentative 
could  be  rash  enough  to  oppose  him  ? He  could  not  be  op- 
posed, with  any  chance  ol  success,  but  by  some  military  chief- 
tain, who  should  have  at  command  a force  equal,  at  least,  to  his 
own.  All  the  present  chieftains  are  in  favor  of  Bolivar,  and  all 
hold  offices  of  a high  grade,  under  him.  The  power  and  the 
wealth  of  the  country  are  in  the  hands  of  those  who  are  inter- 
ested deeply  in  supporting  the  power  of  Bolivar. 

It  is  by  means  of  all  these  advantages  united,  that  general 
Bolivar  has  preserved  his  power  since  1 S 1 3.  His  security  is 
now  so  great  that  he  feels  himself  above  dissembling  any 
longer.  He  has  thrown  off  the  mask,  and  acts  the  part,  and 
speaks  the  language  of  an  independent  and  powerful  sovereign. 
He  will  preserve  his  power  as  long  as  those  who  surround  him 
remain  attached  to  him,  probably  as  long  as  he  lives.  His  re- 
moval, whether  it  happened  by  his  death  or  otherwise,  would 
produce  a civil  war. 

All  well  informed  men  who  are  acquainted  with  the  different 
manners  and  habits  of  thinking,  and  with  the  herteogeneous 
characters  of  the  provinces,  and  the  chieftains  now  composing 
this  colossal  mass,  called  a Republic  ; will  agree  with  me  that 
it  is  impossible,  so  to  unite  these  parts,  that  the  body  may  enjoy 
that  liberty  which  is  necessary  to  the  existence  of  a republic. 
If,  therefore,  Bolivar  should  be  suddenly  removed,  these  ambi- 
tious chieftains,  each  of  whom  has  his  partizans  and  admirers, 
would  place  themselves  at  the  head  of  armed  men,  and  march 
one  against  another.  The  hatred  of  which  I have  spoken  in 
my  introduction,  which  exists  in  a very  high  degree  between 
the  Caraguin  and  Grenadan  government ; and  the  jealousy  ex- 
isting among  all  he  chieftains,  would  soon  overturn  the  state. 


See  chapter  VIII 


MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


347 


Colombia  would  be  the  theatre  of  a desperate  and  bloody  war. 
The  strongest  would  reign  just  when  and  so  long  as  he  contin- 
ued to  be  so. 

I speak  freely  of  the  characters  of  the  principal  chieftains  in 
Colombia  ; and  I have  a right  to  do  so,  for  I know  them  well. 
My  acquaintance  with  them  has  been  sufficient  to  give  me  a 
knowledge  of  the  degree  to  which  their  minds  have  been  culti- 
vated and  enlightened,  as  well  as  of  their  distinctive  characters, 
and  their  actual  worth.  It  is  absurd  to  suppose  that  a people 
kept  in  ignorance,  slavery,  bigotry  and  superstition,  for  three 
centuries,  can  be  raised  at  once  to  the  degree  of  light,  knowl- 
edge and  virtue,  possessed  (for  example)  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  who,  perhaps  are  the  only  people  ripe  for  the 
blessings  of  true  liberty,  which  is  grounded  upon  wise  laws,  and 
supported  by  a liberal  and  virtuous  population.  Time  alone, 
and  that  well  improved,  by  giving  the  Colombians  good  schools, 
and  affording  them  good  examples,  and  a frequent  intercourse 
with  enlightened  strangers,  can  by  degrees  introduce  among 
them  the  elements  of  knowledge,  and  raise  them  to  that  high 
state  of  mind  which  is  capable  of  appreciating  freedom. 

Who,  in  Colombia,  is  able  to  give  wise  laws  ? Who  is  able 
to  make  the  people  see  their  use,  or  to  persuade  or  compel 
them  to  obey  such  laws  ? Who  can  be  found  there  to  support 
such  laws  in  opposition  to  his  own  individual  interest  ? Boli- 
var’s example,  had  he  been  capable  of  setting  it,  would  have 
gone  a great  way  toward  producing  the  happiest  results.  But 
unfortunately  for  Colombia,  and  indeed  for  all  the  other  Span- 
ish republics,  Bolivar  has  neither  virtue,  firmness  nor  talent  to 
raise  himself  above  bis  own  sphere  of  mediocrity,  passion,  am- 
bition and  vanity.  He  is  far  from  being  competent  to  lay  a 
foundation  for  good  laws,  schools,  useful  institutions  and  a flour- 
ishing commerce.  Had  he  been  fit  for  these  things,  he  would 
long  since  have  invited  and  protected  strangers  and  encouraged 
agriculture,  in  a country  where  soil  and  climate  combine  to 
lighten  the  labour  of  man,  and  to  multiply  the  comforts  of  life. 
He  would  have  encouraged  commerce,  instead  of  depressing 
it.  He  would  have  made  it  the  interest  of  the  clergy  to  inspire 
the  people,  who  are  devoted  to  them,  with  the  principles  of  a 
just  education,  of  morality,  union,  and  patriotism.  He  would 
have  insisted  upon  the  freedom  of  religious  opinion,  and  ha^e 
protected  the  people  in  the  use  of  all  the  means  necessary  for 
the  enjoyment  of  it.  He  would  have  consulted  men  of  expe- 


.MEMOIRS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


348 

rience  and  virtue  ; and  surrounded  himself  with  men  of  talents 
and  probity. 

But  what  has  this  man  done  during  the  last  four  years,  that 
is,  since  1824,  when  Colombia  was  cleared  of  the  last  Spanish 
soldier  ! Instead  of  remaining  in  his  native  country  and  em- 
ploying all  the  means  in  his  power  to  establish  a solid  govern- 
ment, we  see  him,  even  as  early  as  1S22,  seeking  a new  field 
for  his  ambition,  a new  scene  of  what  he  deems  glory.  He 
goes  to  the  South,  overruns  a new  country,  destroys  the  con- 
gress in  Peru,  and  places  himself  there,  at  the  head  of  a des- 
potic military  government,  and  there  renews  the  dictatorial  vil- 
lages of  1813  and  14  in  Venezuela.  By  force  of  arms  he 
detaches  a portion  of  Peru,  calls  it  the  republic  of  Bolivia,  giv- 
ing it  a monarchical  constitution,  of  which  he  is  the  president 
and  protector.  When  he  saw  that  his  protectorship  was  going 
the  wrong  way,  he  thought  of  no  remedy,  but  a timely  retreat ; 
the  same  he  had  always  been  accustomed  to  resort  to. 

He  retired  to  Guayaquil,  whence,  as  I have  been  well  in- 
formed, he  secretly  sent  out  emissaries  to  Valencia,  Caracas, 
Porto  Cabello  and  Carthagena.  Paez  having  openly  raised 
the  standard  of  revolt  against  the  existing  constitutional  form 
of  government,  Bolivar  adroitly  seized  this  pretext,  named  him- 
self dictator,  annulled  all  congressional  forms,  and  took  all  the 
powers  to  himself ; and  passing  over  to  Valencia,  held  secret 
conferences  with  Paez,  and  his  old  and  intimate  friend,  Dr. 
Miguel  Pena,  and  not  only  left  Paez  unpunished,  but  confirm- 
ed him  in  his  post. 

Bolivar  is  suddenly  struck  with  conviction  of  the  necessity  of 
a reform  and  a change  in  the  constitution  of  Colombia ! The 
national  convention  assembles  at  Ocana.  During  their  session, 
Bolivar,  some  leagues  off,  with  an  anxious  and  jealous  eye,  sur- 
veys their  operations.  The  result  is  too  well  known.  The 
convention  expires,  and  Bolivar,  become  its  heir,  is  compen- 
sated for  all  his  restless  nights  and  his  sorrow  ; and  sits  upon 
his  throne,  with  the  title  of  “ Supreme  Chief,  President  Libera- 
tor !'’* 

Such  is  the  political  life  of  the  cunning  Simon  Bolivar.  His 
favorite  rule  is,  to  do  every  thing  by  himself ; and  he  has  act- 
ed upon  it,  overturning  or  transforming  every  thing.  At  the 
head  of  the  twelve  departments,  he  placed,  under  the  name  of 


* See  Appendix,  documents  Nos.  11  and  12. 


MEMORS  OF  BOLIVAR. 


349 


intendants,  military  chieftains,  the  greatest  part  of  whom  were 
totally  unacquainted  with  any  kind  of  administration  whatever. 
He  made  Soublette  intendant  of  Caracas  ; Marino,  ot  Maturin, 
and  so  on.  He  has  destroyed  the  little  commerce  of  the  coun- 
try by  heavy  imports,  by  his  famous  decree  on  patents,  by  his 
not  admitting  of  the  Colombian  vales  in  the  public  treasury, 
by  imposing  arbitrary  taxes  upon  merchants,  by  incarcerating 
foreigners,  which  he  did  at  Laguaira  and  Caracas  in  the  be- 
ginning of  1816,  and  refusing  to  hear  their  just  representations. 
Agriculture  and  national  industry  have  been  destroyed  by  his 
campaigns  in  Peru,  and  by  the  numerous  levies,  recently  made, 
by  way  of  preparation  against  a new  attack  of  the  Spanish,  ex- 
pected from  Cuba,  against  Colombia. 

The  finances  are  so  ruined  that  Bolivar  knows  not  how',  any 
longer,  to  pay  the  interest  of  the  English  loan,  and  keep  the 
national  credit  even  up  to  its  present  sunken  state.  Thus  has 
Bolivar  destroyed  the  welfare  of  Colombia,  and  ruined  Peru, 
and  should  he  appear  elsewhere,  his  appearance  would  produce 
the  same  result. 

But  the  worst  of  Bolivar’s  acts  is  the  last,  where  he  has  impu- 
dently thrown  off  his  flimsy  mask,  and  declared  that  “ bayo- 
nets are  the  best,  the  only  rulers  of  nations.”  This  pernicious 
example,  it  is  to  be  feared,  will  be  followed  by  other  chieftains, 
in  the  new  Spanish  Republics. 


' 


- 


* 


. 


APPENDIX. 


NO.  I. 

FUNDAMENTAL  LAW  OF  TIIE  REPUBLIC  OF  COLOMBIA. 

The  sovereign  Congress  of  Venezuela,  whose  authority  has 
been  voluntarily  recognized  by  the  people  of  New  Grenada,  lib- 
erated by  the  arms  of  the  republic,  considering, 

1.  That  the  provinces  of  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada,  united 
in  a single  republic,  possess  all  the  requisites  for  attaining  the 
highest  degree  of  power  and  prosperity  : 

2.  That  if  formed  into  distinct  republics,  and  even  united  by 
the  closest  ties,  far  from  profiting  by  their  great  advantages,  they 
could,  with  difficulty,  give  stability  to,  and  command  respect  for 
their  sovereignty : 

3.  That  these  truths,  being  deeply  impressed  upon  the  minds 
of  all  men  of  superior  talents,  and  sound  patriotism,  have  deter- 
mined the  governments  of  the  two  republics,  to  agree  upon  their 
union,  hitherto  obstructed  by  the  vicissitudes  of  war. 

Wherefore,  actuated  by  necessity  and  mutual  interest,  and  con- 
forming to  the  report  of  a special  committee  of  deputies  from  New 
Grenada  and  Venezuela, 

In  the  name,  and  under  the  protection  of  the  Almighty,  they 
have  decreed,  and  do  hereby  decree,  the  following  Fundamental 
Law  of  the  republic  of  Colombia  : 

Art.  1.  The  republics  of  Venezuela  and  New  Grenada  are 
henceforth  united  in  one,  under  the  glorious  title  of  the  Republic 
of  Colombia. 

2.  Its  territory  shall  comprehend  the  former  captain-generalship 
of  Venezuela,  and  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Grenada,  comprehend- 
ing an  extent  of  a hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  square  leagues, 
the  precise  limits  whereof  shall  be  fixed  hereafter. 

3.  The  debts  contracted  separately  by  the  two  republics,  are 
hereby  consolidated  as  a ntaional  debt  of  Colombia,  for  the  pay- 
ment of  which  all  the  property  of  the  state  is  pledged,  and  the 
most  productive  branches  of  the  public  revenue  shall  be  appropri- 
ated. 


352 


APPENDIX. 


4.  The  Executive  power  of  the  Republic  shall  be  vested  in  a 
President;  and,  m the  case  of  vacancy,  in  the  Vice -President, 
both  to  be  provisionally  appointed  by  the  present  Congress. 

5.  The  Republic  of  Colombia  shall  be  (pro  tern.)  divided  into 
the  three  great  departments  of  Venezuela,  Quito,  and  Cundina- 
marca,  comprising  the  provinces  of  New  Grenada,  which  de- 
nomination is  henceforth  abolished  ; and  their  capitals  shall  be  the 
cities  of  Caracas,  Quito,  and  Bogota,  the  adjunct,  Santa  Fe,  be- 
ing annulled. 

6.  Each  department  shall  have  a superior  administration,  with 
a chief,  to  be  appointed  for  the  present  by  the  Congress,  and  en- 
titled a Vice  President. 

7.  A new  city,  to  be  called  Bolivar,  in  honor  of  the  assertor  of 
the  public  liberty,  shall  be  the  capital  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia. 
The  [dace  and  situation  to  be  fixed  on  by  the  first  general  Con- 
gress, upon  the  principle  of  adapting  it  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
departments,  and  to  the  future  grandeur  to  which  nature  has  des- 
tined this  opulent  country. 

8.  The  General  Congress  of  Colombia  shall  assemble,  on  the 
first  day  of  January,  1821,  in  the  town  of  Rosario  de  Cucuta, 
which,  from  various  circumstances,  is  considered  the  most  eligi- 
ble situation.  It  shall  be  convened  by  the  President  of  the  Re- 
public, on  the  first  day  of  January,  1821,  who  shall  communicate 
such  regulations  concerning  elections,  as  may  be  found  by  a spe- 
cial committee,  and  approved  by  the  present  Congress. 

9.  The  constitution  of  the  republic  of  Colombia  shall  be  formed 
by  the  general  congress  ; to  which  shall  be  submitted,  in  the  form 
of  a plan,  the  constitution  decreed  by  the  present  congress,  which, 
together  with  the  laws  enacted  by  that  body,  shall  be  provisional- 
ly carried  into  execution. 

10.  The  arms  and  flag  of  Colombia  shall  be  determined  on  by 
the  general  congress,  and  in  the  mean  time  those  of  Venezuela 
being  most  known,  shall  continue  to  be  used. 

11.  The  present  congress  shall  adjourn  on  the  15th  January 
1820,  after  which  the  new  elections  to  the  general  congress  of 
Colombia  shall  be  made. 

12.  A committee  of  six  members  and  a president  shall  replace 
the  congress,  whose  particular  power  and  duties  shall  be  regula- 
ted by  a decree. 

13.  The  republic  of  Colombia  shall  be  solemnly  proclaimed 
throughout  the  towns  and  armies,  accompanied  by  public  festivals 
and  rejoicings,  and  this  ceremony  shall  take  place  in  the  capital 
on  the  25th  of  the  present  month,  in  commemoration  of  the  birth 
of  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  through  whose  especial  favor  this 
wished  for  union,  regenerating  the  state,  has  been  obtained. 

14.  The  anniversary  of  this  political  regeneration  shall  be  per- 
petually celebrated  with  the  solemnities  of  a national  festival,  at 


APPENDIX. 


353 


to  citizens  distinguished  by  their  virtues  and  their  talents.  T ie 
present  fundamental  I vv  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia  shall 
be  solemnly  promulgated  throughout  the  towns  and  armies ; in- 
scribed on  all  the  pul  lie  records  and  deposited  in  all  the  ar- 
chives of  societies,  municipalities,  and  corporations,  both  clerical 
and  secular. 

Given  at  the  Palace  of  the  Sovereign  Congress  of  Venezuela, 
in  the  city  of  St.  Thomas  de  Angostura,  on  the  17th  day  of  De- 
cember, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1819,  and  ninth  of  independence. 

Francisco  Antonio  Zea,  President  of  the  Congress',  Juan 
Germar  Rosico,  Antonio  M.  Briceno,  Ignacio  Munas  Manuel 
Sedeno,  Eusel  io  Afanador,  Onofre  Bazal,  Juan  Martinez,  Fian- 
cisco  Conde,  Domingo  Arzura,  Jose  Espana,  Diego  Bautista  L'r- 
baneja,  Jose  Thomas  Machado,  Luis  1 hontas  Poraza,  Juan  Vin- 
cente Cardoso,  Ramon  Garcia  Gadiz.  Diego  De  Valltnilla , Dep- 
uty and  Secretary. 


NO.  II. 

FUNDAMENTAL  LAW  OF  THE  UNION  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  COLOMBIA. 

We  the  Representatives  of  the  People  of  New  Grenada  and 
Venezuela,  in  general  Congress  assembled, 

Having  carefully  considered  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Re- 
public of  Colombia,  passed. by  the  Congress  of  Venezuela  at  the 
city  of  St.  Thomas  de  Angostura,  on  the  J 7th  day  of  December 
A.  D.  1819,  are  of  opinion, 

1.  That  united  in  one  Republic,  the  provinces  of  Venezuela 
and  New  Grenada,  possess  all  the  means  and  faculties  necessary 
to  place  them  in  the  most  elevated  state  of  power  and  prosperity. 

2.  That  constituted  into  separate  Republics,  however  closely 
bound  by  the  ties  of  union,  they  would  find  it  difficult  to  give  sta- 
bility to  their  sovereignty,  or  inspire  respect  for  it. 

3.  That  deeply  penetrated  by  these  advantages,  all  men  of  su- 
perior intelligence,  and  distinguished  patriotism,  have  declared, 
that  the  governments  of  the  two  Republics  should  form  an  union, 
which  the  vicissitudes  of  war  have  hitherto  prevented. 

4.  Finally,  that  the  same  considerations  of  reciprocal  inter- 
course, and  a necessity  most  manifest,  had  made  it  obligatory  on 
the  congress  of  Venezuela,  to  anticipate  this  measure,  which  has 
been  approved  in  the  most  authoritative  manner  by  the  unanim- 
ous votes  of  the  people  of  both  countries. 

In  the  name,  and  under  the  auspices  of  the  Supreme  Being, 
they  have  decreed,  and  do  boldly  decree,  the  solemn  ratification 
of  the  Fundamental  Law  oj  the  Republic  of  Colornbia,  wnich  has 
been  before  mentioned,  in  the  following  manner  : 

45 


354 


APPENDIX. 


Art  1.  The  people  of  New  Grenada  and  Venezeula,  being  uni- 
tea in  one  national  body,  ibunded  on  a compact,  which  deter- 
mines that  the  government  is  now,  and  ever  shall  be,  popular  and 
representative. 

2.  This  new  nation  shall  be  known  and  denominated,  by  the 
title  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia. 

3.  The  Colombian  nation  is,  and  shall  forever  be,  irrevocably 
free  and  independent  of  the  Spanish  monarchy,  and  of  every  oth- 
er foreign  power  or  domination  ; nor  shall  it  ever  be  the  patrimo- 
ny of  any  family  or  person. 

5.  The  supreme  national  power  shall  always  be  separately 
exercised,  and  divided  into  legislative,  executive  and  juridi- 
cal. 

5.  The  territory  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia  shall  compre- 
hend all  that  was  within  the  ancient  captain-generalship  of  Ven- 
ezuela, and  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Grenada;  but  reserving  fora 
more  suitable  time  their  precise  demarcation. 

6.  For  the  more  advantageous  administration  of  the  Republic, 
its  territory  shall,  for  the  present,  be  divided  into  six  or  more  de- 
partments, each  bearing  a particular  name,  with  a subordinate 
administration,  dependent  on  the  national  government. 

7.  The  present  congress  of  Colombia  shall  form  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  republic,  in  conformity  with  the  sentiments  here  ex- 
pressed, upon  those  liberal  principles  which  have  been  consecra- 
ted by  the  wise  practice  of  other  free  nations. 

8.  They  recognise  in  consolidvm  as  the  national  debt  of  Colom- 
bia, all  the  debts  which  the  two  people  have  separately  contracted, 
and  for  which  they  make  responsible  all  the  property  of  the  re- 
public. 

9.  The  congress  shall,  in  the  mode  that  maybe  found  conven- 
ient, appropriate  the  most  productive  branches  of  the  public  rev- 
enue, the  taxes,  and  a special  sinking  fund  created  for  the 
purpose,  for  the  redemption  of  the  principal,  and  paying  the  in- 
terest of  the  public  debt. 

10.  In  more  favorable  circumstances,  there  shall  be  erected  a 
new  city,  with  the  name  of  the  Liberator,  Bolivar,  which  shall 
be  the  capital  of  the  republic  of  Colombia.  The  plan  and  scite 
shall  be  determined  by  congress,  founded  on  the  principle  of  ac- 
commodation to  the  convenience  of  the  different  parts  of  this  vast 
territory,  and  the  grandeur  to  which  this  territory  is  destined  by 
nature. 

11.  Meanwhile,  until  congress  shall  establish  the  distinc- 
tive insignia,  and  the  flag  of  Colombia,  the  actual  flags  of  New 
Grenada  and  Venezuela  shall  be  continued  in  use. 

12.  The  ratification  of  the  establishment  of  the  Colombian 
Republic,  and  the  publication  of  the  Constitution  shall  be  cele- 


APPENDIX. 


355 


brated  in  the  towns  and  in  the  armies,  with  festivity  and  public 
rejoicings,  making  known  in  all  places,  the  solemnity  of  the  day 
on  which  the  Constitution  is  promulgated. 

13.  There  shall  be,  perpetually,  a national  festival,  for  three 
days  in  each  year,  upon  which  shall  be  celebrated  the  Anniver- 
sary : 

1,  Of  the  emancipation  and  independence  of  the  people  of  Co- 
lombia : 

2,  The  union  in  one  republic,  and  the  establishment  of  the  con- 
stitution : 

3,  To  the  great  triumphs  and  splendid  victories  by  which  we 
have  conquered  our  enemies,  and  secured  these  blessings. 

Art.  14.  The  national  festival  shall  be  celebrated  every  year 
on  the  25th,  26th  and  27th  of  December,  consecrating  each  day 
to  the  special  remembrance  of  one  of  those  three  glorious  causes, 
and  in  particular,  to  that  of  the  virtues,  the  intelligence  and  the 
services  rendered  to  the  country. 

The  present  fundamental  law  of  the  union  of  the  people  of  Co- 
lombia, shall  be  solemnly  promulgated  in  the  towns,  and  in  the 
armies;  inscribed  on  the  public  registers  and  deposited  in  all  the 
archivesofthe  cabildos  and  corporations^  civil  and  ecclesiastical, 
and  shall  be  communicated  to  the  supreme  executive  power  by  a 
special  deputation. 

Done  in  the  place  of  the  general  Congress  of  Colombia,  in  the 
town  of  Rosario  de  Cucuta,  the  12th  of  July,  A.  D.  1S20,  twelfth 
year  of  independence. 

Jose  Ignacio  Marques,  President , 
Antonio  M.  Briceno,  Vice  President . 

Felix  Restrepo,  Manuel  M.  Guijano,  Pedro  F.  Carbajal,  Jose 
Cornelius  Vallaria,  Casimiro  Calvo,  Miguel  Ibanez,  Francisco  de 
Orbegogo,  Carlos  Alvarez,  Diego  F,  Gomez,  Lorenzo  St.  Ander, 
Juan  B.  Esieves,  Jose  Antonio  Yanes,  Andreas  Rojas,  Bernar- 
dino Tovar,  Jose  Antonio  Paredes,  Gabriel  Briceno,  Louis  Igna- 
cio Mendoza,  Toaguin  Plata,  Jose  Prudencia  Lanz,  Jose  Manuel 
Restrepo,  Francisco  Jose  Olero,  Miguel  Tobar,  Jose  J.  Borrero, 
Salvador  Camacho,  Jose  A.  Mendoza,  Vincente  Azuero,  Nic.  Bal- 
len  de  Guzman,  Sinforoso  Mutis,  Domingo  B.  Briceno,  Jose  Fe- 
lix Blanco,  Ildefonso  Mendez,  Vincente  Borrero,  Mariano  Esco- 
bar, Diego  B.  Urbaneja,  Francisco  Coade,  Jose  M.  Ilinestrosa, 
Arbellon  Urbina,  Jose  Ignacio  Balbuena,  Jose  Gabriel  de  Alcala, 
Francisco  Gomez,  Miguel  Pena,  Fernando  Penalver,  Ramon  Ig- 
nacio Mendez,  Toaquin  F.  Soto,  Pacifico  Taime,  Juan  Ronderos, 
Manuel  Reuiles,  Policarpo  Uricoichea,  Alexandro  Osorio,  Pedro 
Gual  Miguel  de  Zarraga. 

The  Deputy  and  Secretary,  Miguel  Santamaria, 

The  Deputy  and  Secretary,  Francisco  Soto. 


356 


APPENDIX. 


This  instrument  was  further  signed  by  the  ministers  of  the  in- 
terior, and  the  Vice  President,  H.  Ander,  and  so  promulged — the 
constitution  being  formed  in  conformity  thereto. 


NO.  III. 

The  territory  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia,  is  divided  by  the 
last  law  of  Bogota,  June  23,  1834,  in  12  departments,  49  prov  in- 
ces,  and  218  cantons,  which  division  is  maintained  until  the 
present  day,  namely  : 


Department . 

Capital,  or  resi- 
dence of  the  In- 
tendant. 

Provinces. 

Residence  of  the 
Governor. 

No. 

of 

Cant. 

1 Orinoco 

Cumana 

Cumana 

Barcelona 

Margarita 

Guayana 

Cumana 

Barcelona 

Asuncion 

Angostura 

25 

2 Venezuela 

Caracas 

Caracas 

Carabobo 

Caracas 

Valencia 

21 

3 Apure 

Barinas 

Barinas 

Obispos 

Mijagual 

Guanarito 

Nu  trias 

San  Jaime 

Guanare 

Barinas 

4 

Ospinos 

Araure 

Pedraza 

4 Zulia 

Maraeaybo 

Maraeaybo 

Coro 

Merida 

Trujillo 

Maraeaybo 

Coro 

Merida 

Trujillo 

21 

5 Boyaca 

Tunja 

Tunja 

Pamplona 

Socorro 

Casanare 

Tunja 

Pamplona 

Socorro 

Pore 

4 

G Cundinamarca 

Bogota 

Bogota 

Antioquia 

Mariquita 

Neyva 

Bogota 

Antioquia 

Mariquita 

Neyva 

25 

7 Magdalena 

Carthagena 

Carthagena 
Santa  Martha 
Ilio  liacha 

Carthagena 
Santa  Martha 
Rio  Hacha 

23 

8 Cauca 

Popayan 

Popayan 

Choco 

Pasto 

Buenaventura 

Popayan 

Quibdo 

Pasto 

Iscuande 

21 

9 Istmus 

Panama 

Panama 

Veragua 

Panama 

Veragua 

10 

APPENDIX. 

357 

Departments. 

Capital,  or  resi- 
dence of  the  In- 
tendant. 

Provinces. 

Residence  of 
the  Gover- 
nor. 

No. 

Cant. 

10  Equator 

Quito 

Pinehinca 

Imbabura 

Chimborazo 

Quito 

Ibarra 

Riobamba 

13 

1 1 Assuay 

Cuenca 

Cuenca 

Loja 

Bracamoros  y ) 
Mainas  $ 

Cuenca 

Loja 

Jaen 

11 

12  Guayaquil 

Guayaquil 

Guayaquil 

Manabi 

Guayaquil 
Puerto  Viejo 

9 

NO.  IV. 

Decree  to  unite , in  the  departments  and  provinces,  tliz  military 
command  with  the  civil  authority , fyc.  in  one  and  the  same 
person. 

Simon  Bolivar,  &,c. 

As  it  is  highly  requisite,  for  the  solidity  and  the  honor  of  the 
Republic,  to  avoid  expenses  in  the  present  state  in  which  the 
public  revenues  suffice  not  to  cover  the  public  expenses  of  the  ad- 
ministration, and  wishing  to  end,  or  put  a stop  to  disputes  which 
embarrass  the  public  service,  and  the  good  administration  in  the 
departments,  and  both  aims  being  attainable,  by  assigning  the 
military  command  to  the  individual  entrusted  with  the  civil  au- 
thority in  the  departments  and  provinces,  and  in  virtue  of  the  ex- 
traordinary power  granted  to  the  executive  of  the  Republic  by 
the  decree  of  the  23d  inst. ; I have  decreed  the  following  : 

Art.  1.  The  military  command  shall  be  un  ited  to  the  civil  au- 
thority in  all  the  departments  and  provinces,  in  which  the  gov- 
ernment judges  it  to  be  convenient. 

Art.  2.  If  the  government  should  not  have  named  the  person 
who  should  have  the  civil  authority  in  the  departments  and  prov- 
inces, in  which  case  the  laws  name  the  receivers  of  the  depart- 
ments, and  the  political  chiefs  (ge/es  politico'! ) in  the  capitals,  as 
authorised  to  take  the  military  command  ; if  they  should  not  ex- 
ist, then  the  civil  authorities  shall  be  conferred  on  the  judges,  or 
in  their  absence,  on  the  political  chiefs  of  the  capital,  &,c. 


NO.  V. 

Decree  by  ivhich  Simon  Bolivar  assumed  the  dictatorial  power. 
Simon  Bolivar,  Libertador,  President  de  Colombia,  &c.  Ten- 
iendo  in  consideracion  : 

1.  El  estado  de  agitacion  en  que  actualmente  se  evcuentra  la  Re- 
publica  despues  de  lossucesos  de  Venezuela,  dividida  en  opiniones 


■358 


APPENDIX. 


sobre  el  regimen  politico  y alarmada  con  el  temor  de  una  guerra 
civil,  y de  una  invasion  exterior  de  parte  de  los  enemigos  com- 
mies ; 

2.  Que  positivamente  hay  datos  fundados  para  temer  que  el 
gobierno  espanol  intente  renovar  las  hostilidades  con  las  fuerzas 
que  reune  en  la  isla  de  Cuba. 

3.  Que  la  mayor  parte  de  los  departainentos  ha  manifestado  su 
opinion,  deque  el  Presidente  de  la  Republica  se  revista  decuantas 
facultades  extraordinarias  sean  indispensables  para  restablecer  la 
integridad  nacional  y salvara  Colombia  de  la  guerra  civil  y de  la 
guerra  exterior. 

4.  Que  ya  el  poder  executivo  ha  declarado  en  el  caso  del  arti- 
'culo  128  de  la  constitucion,  y,  en  consecuencia  ha  convocado 
oportunamente  el  Congrero  ; y descando  par  una  parte  correspon- 
der  a la  confianza  de  los  pueblos,  y por  otra  conservar  la  constitu- 
cion actual,  hasta  tanto  que  la  nacion  por  los  medios  legitimos  y 
competentes  provea  a su  reforma,  oido  el  consejo  de  gobierno  ; 
•venido  en  decretar  y decreto. 

Art.  1.  Desde  en  adelante,  estoy  como  presidente  de  la  repub- 
lica, ea  el  caso  delarticulo  28  de  la  constitucion  y en  el  ejercicio 
de  todas  las  facultades  extraordinarias  que  de  el  emanan,  tanto 
para  restablecer  la  tranquilidad  interior  como  para  asegurar  la  re- 
publica contra  la  anarquia  y la  guerra  exterior. 

Art.  2.  En  mi  ausencia  de  esta  capital,  el  vice  presidente  de  la 
republica,  como  que  queda  encargado  del  poder  ejecutivo,  ejerce- 
radichas  facultades  extraordinarias,  entodo  el  territorio  en  que  yo 
no  las  pudiere  ejercer  immediatamente. 

Art.  2.  Fuera  de  los  objetos,  y casos  que  se  determinaran  para 
el  ejercicio  de  las  expresadas  facultades  extraordinarias,  la  consti- 
tucion y las  leyes  tendran  su  debido  cumplimiento. 

Art.  4.  Se  dara  cuenta  al  Congreso  proximo  de  todo  lo  que  se 
ejecutareen  virtud  del  presente  decreto  segun  lo  dispone  el  men- 
cionado  articulo  128  de  la  constitucion. 

El  secretario  de  Estado  del  despacho  del  interior  queda  encar- 
gado de  comunicarloy  de  velar  en  su  ejecucion. 

Dado  y firm  ado  de  mi  mano  y refrendado  por  el  secretario  de 
estado  del  despacho  del  interior  en  Bogota  a 23  de  Noviembre  de 
1826.  Simon  Bolivar. 

El  seeretario  de  estado  del  despacho  del  interior,  Jose  M.  Res- 
trepo. 


NO.  VI. 

Simon  Bolivar,  &c. 

No  bastando  las  rentas  de  propios  de  los  diferentes  cantones  de 
la  Republica  para  los  gastos  ordinarios,  y no  conviniendo  por 
ahora  yravar  a los  pueblos  con  nuevas  imposiciones  municipales 


APPENDIX. 


359 

que  ezcitan  qi/ejas  por  todas  partes,  en  uso  de  las  facultades  ex- 
traordinarias  que  residen  en  el  Gobierno,  he  venido  en  decretar 
lo  que  sigue : 

Art.  1.  Queda  suspenso  el  establecimiento  de  jueces  letrados 
de  primera  instancia  en  todos  los  cantones  de  la  Republica  y los 
nombrados  por  el  Poder  Ejecutivo  cesaran  en  sus  funciones. 

2.  Los  Alcaldes  municipales  continuaran  con  arreglo  a la  ley 
administrando  lajusticia  civil  y criminal  en  primera  instancia,  lo 
mismo  que  lo  hacian  antes  de  que  hubiera  jueces  letrados,  y con- 
forme  a lo  prevenido  enlaleyde  11  de  Mayo  de  1825, para  el caso 
de  que  no  los  haga. 

3.  Los  Alcaldes  municipales  pondran  el  cuayor  cuidado  en  ad- 
ministrar  pronta,  y cumplidamente  la  justicia  tanto  civil  conio  crim- 
inal y en  perseguir  los  reos  para  que  se  les  imponga  cl  condigno 
castigo,  sobre  lo  cual  velara  may  cuidadosamente  -el  Poder  Eje- 
cutivo para  que  se  les  castigue  a los  omisos  o negligentes. 

4.  El  presente  decreto  se  cumplira  sin  embargo  de  cuales  quie- 
ra  disposiciones  que  sean  contrarias. 

El  secretario  de  estado  del  despacho  del  interior  queda  encar- 
gado  de  la  ejecucion  de  este  decreto.  Dado  en  Bogota  a 24  de 
Noviembre  de  1826.  Simon  Bolivar.  El  secretario  de  estado 
del  despacho  del  interior.  Jose  M.  Restrepo. 


NO.  VII. 

Decree  urging  the  execution  of  the  law  of  22  d Map,  1827 , in  favor 
of  the  public  credit. 

Simon  Bolivar,  &c. 

Siendo  uen  deber  sagrado  en  que  esta  constiluida  la  Republica 
es  de  asegurar  el  pago  de  los  intereses  de  su  deuda  para  restablecer 
su  credito  y coniribuir  a su  prosperidad  y engrandecimiento  y 
teniendo  en  consideracion  que  nada  puede  contribuir  tanto  a la 
consecucion  de  estos  fines  saludables  como  el  ilenar  a efecto  la 
ley  sancionada  en  22  de"  Mayo  de  este  ano,  que  ha  mandado  hacer 
una  anticipacion  a los  fondos  del  credito  nacional  ; he  venido  en 
decretar  y decreto  lo  que  sigue. 

1.  La  ley  de  22  de  Mayo  de  este  ano  sera  exacta  y rigidamente 
ejecutada  en  todos  los  departamentos  de  la  Republica,  de  modo 
que  las  sumas  mandadas  anticipar  esten  entegramente  colectadas 
en  todo  el  mes  de  Diciembre  proximo,  a mas  tardar. 

2.  Los  intendentes  y gobernadores  cuidaran  de  evitar  en  sus 
respectivos  distritos,  todo  fraude  contra  la  ley,  y toda  parcialidad 
en  las  asignaciones. 

3.  Los  encargados  de  su  ejecucion  en  todas  sus.partes,  sul'riran 
en  el  caso  de  no  Ilenar  sus  respectivas  obligaciones  las  penas  con- 
tenidas  en  decreto  de  esta  fecha. 


360 


APPENDIX. 


El  secretario  de  estarlo  del  despacho  de  Hacienda  queda  encar- 
gado  de  la  ejecucion  de  este  decreto.  Dado  en  Bogota,  capital  de 
la  Repul  lica,  a 23  de  Noviembre  de  1826.  Simon  Bolivar.  El 
secretario  de  estado  del  despacho  de  hacienda.  Jose  M.  del  Cas- 
tillo. 


NO.  VIII. 

Decree  to  suppress  the  frauds  committed  against  the  public  treasury. 

Simon  Bolivar,  &c. 

Siendo  como  son  tan  comvnes  y escandolosos  los  fraudes  que  se 
comctin  contra  las  renlas  nacionales,  y convihiendo  refrenar  una 
propension  que  tanto  relaja  la  moral  puhlica  y disminuye  tan  con- 
siderablemente  los  ingresos  del  tesoro ; he  venido  en  decretar  y 
decreto  lo  que  sigue. 

Art.  1.  Todo  defraudador  de  lasrentas  del  Es'ado  queda  sujeto 
a la  pena  de  perdimiento  de  las  mercaderias,  generos  delectus  en 
que  haga  o pretenda  hacer  la  defraudacion,  y en  la  de  presidio 
de  seis  b.Reta  diez  anos  con  las  costas  del  proceso. 

Art.  2.  Son  defraudadores  en  el  sentido  del  articulo  anterior  : 

1st.  Los  que  importaren,  exportaren  o internaren  mercaderi- 
as, frutos  y efectos  extrangeros,  eludiendo  su  presentacion  en  las 
aduanas  para  no  pagar  los  derechos  establecidos. 

2d.  Los  que  introdujeren  por  los  puertos  le  la  Republica  mer- 
caderias, frutos  o efectos  de  prohibida  introducion. 

3d.  Los  que,  contra  la  prohibicion  de  las  leyes,  pretendan  ex- 
portar  furtivamente  los  metales  prohibidos. 

4th.  Los  cultivadores,  vendedores  y conductores  de  tabacos 
contra  las  instrucciones  del  ramo,  o sia  los  requisitos  que  ellas  pre- 
scriben. 

5th.  Los  destiladores  clandestinos,  y sendedores  por  menor  de 
aguardientes,  sin  las  licencias  que  determina  la  ley. 

Art.  3.  En  la  pena  de  perdimiento,  se  comprende  el  buque,  car- 
ruage  o caballerias,  y la  de  los  utensilios,  vasijas  y apara.  Los  en 
que  se  cometa  el  l'raude.  Los  encubridores,  lautores  o receptadores 
del  l’raude  estan  sujetos  a las  mismas  penas. 

4.  Los  aprehensores  de  cualquiera  clase,  sean  o no  empleados, 
liacen  suyo  quanto  aprehendan,  deduciendose  unicamente  las 
costas  procesales,  y los  derechos  de  aduanas.  Si  lucre  tabaco  lo 
aprehend  do,  lo  tomara  la  renta  al  precio  a que  cueste  en  cada  ad- 
ministracion,  elcual  sera  pagado  fiel  e inmedialamente  al  aprehen- 
sor. 

5.  Los  juicios  pa  la  imposicion  de  estas  penas,  seran  sumarios  : 
e instruira  los  procesos  el  adrninistrador,  o colector  del  .ramo,  o el 
comandante,  o uno  de  los  ayudantes  del  resguardo  ; y se  redu- 
cira  al  acto  de  aprehension  debidamente  calificado  con  un  numera 


APPENDIX. 


3GJ 


plural  de  testigos,  debenser  examinados  en  un  solo  acto. 

Art.  6.  En  virtud  de  estas,  deliquencias  que  se  pasaran  imme- 
diatamente  al  juez  de  hacienda,  pronunciara  este  la  sentencia 
que  sera  ejecutada,  y llevada  a efecto. 

Art.  7.  Todo  descuido  o connivencia  de  parte  de  los  emplea- 
dos  o del  juez,  sera  viremisiblemente  castigado  con  las  penas  que 
perscribe  el  decreto  de  esta  fecha. 

El  secretario  de  estado  del  despacho  de  hacienda  queda  encar- 
gado  de  la  ejecucion  de  este  decreto.  Dado  en  Bogota,  capital 
de  la  Republica  a 23  de  Noviembre,  de  1826.  Simon  Bolivar. 

El  secretario  de  estado  del  despacho  de  hacienda,  Jose  M.  Bel 
Castillo. 


NO.  IX. 

Memoir  of  the  Marquis  of  Torre  Tagle,  late  President  of  Peru* 

The  public  man  is  not  master  of  his  actions;  he  is  obliged  to 
answer  for  his  proceedings,  and  give  an  account  of  his  conduct. 
The  country  in  which  he  has  served,  is  deserving  of  his  consider- 
ation, and  of  his  best  wishes.  Mine  will  always  be  directed  to- 
wards the  felicity  of  Peru. 

At  the  time  when  I received  the  supreme  command  of  Peru, 
called  independent,  many  remarkable  circumstances  took  place, 
for  the  explanation  of  which  it  is  painful  to  my  feelings  of  delicacy 
to  find  it  indispensable  to  publish  some  confidential  communica- 
tions of  general  Bolivar,  which  never  would  have  been  divulged, 
had  the  attempt,  not  been  made  through  them  to  sully  my  honor.  In 
such  a case  I am  not  constrained  to  maintain  a reserve  and  deli- 
cacy which  would  dishonor  myself,  and  which  has  not  been  ob- 
served towards  me.  I shall  not  detain  myself  in  showing  the 
strong  interest  I have  felt  in  endeavoring  to  prevent  the  misfor- 
tunes of  Peru.  I received  the  supreme  military  command  in  Cal- 
lao, in  July,  1823,  and  this  was  the  greatest  proof  of  my  devotion 
to  the  felicity  of  the  country.  I considered  it  absolutely  a sacri- 
fice, from  tbe  time  general  Bolivar  ordered  forces  to  occupy  it, 
before  they  had  been  required  by  Don  Jose  de  La  Riva  Aguero, 
since,  on  the  arrival  of  general  Portacarrero  at  Guayaquil, 
transports  w'ere  ready  with  troops  to  be  disembarked  at  Callao, 
without  consulting  the  wish  of  the  Peruvians.  From  that  time 
the  extermination  of  the  country  was  decreed,  and  it  was  my  du- 
ty to  omit  no  means  to  free  her  from  slavery.  I accepted  on  this 


* This  remarkable  document  will  prove  by  facts,  how  general  Bolivar  has  acted 
in  Peru.  The  author  is  generally  known  as  an  honest,  upright,  and  respectable  man, 
whom  Bolivar  and  his  adherents  have  tried  to  pass  as  a traitor,  and  an  agent  of  the 
holy  alliance. 

46 


3G2 


APPENDir; 


account,  provisionally,  the  command,  although  there  were  scarce- 
ly any  resources  in  the  capital  to  maintain  the  troops,  or  sustain 
the  civil  list,  notwithstanding  I attended  to  every  thing  in  the  best 
manner  possible.  I was  exceedingly  desirous  that  the  congress, 
selecting  a worthy  citizen,  would  relieve  me  from  the  administra- 
tion, from  which  it  had  exonerated  Don  Jose  de  La  Riva  Ague- 
ro.  But  this  body  having  been  violently  dissolved  in  Truxillo,  I 
conceived  it  my  duty  to  continue  at  my  post,  in  order  to  re-estab- 
lish, at  all  hazards,  the  legislative  assembly. 

But  how  could  this  be  effected  without  Peruvian  forces,  and 
only  with  auxiliaries,  who  would  take  no  part  in  internal  dissen- 
sions? I was  persuaded  that  it  should  be  done,  and  immadiate- 
ly  effected  it,  without  any  other  protection  than  that  of  my  own  cour- 
age and  that  of  my  friends.  I re-established  the  congress,  I saved 
several  of  the  deputies,  and  I secretly  gloried  in  actions  which  I 
conceived  to  be  good,  and  at  that  time  most  useful  to  the  country. 

Bolivar  arrives  at  Callao  the  1st  September,  and  thetorchof  civ- 
il discord  is  immediately  lighted ; every  thing  appears  to  him  wrong, 
and  he  does  not  hesitate  to  declare  to  the  committee  of  the  con- 
gress, who  wished  to  congratulate  him,  that  “ general  and  radical 
reform  urns  necessary that  is  to  say,  that  he  considered  himself 
capable  of  dictating  the  law  to  the  congress.  He  did  not  deceive 
terror  is  disseminated,  and  this  body  only  thought  of 
discovering  the  will  of  IJolivar,  in  order  to  comply. with  it.  He  is 
invested  with  the  supreme,  military,  civil  and  dictatorial  com- 
mand, degrading  the  authority  which  the  same  congress  had  con- 
ferred upon  me,  and  scattering  the  seeds  of  division  between  the 
executive  power,  and  a foreign  and  absolute  authority.  Large 
contributions  are  decreed  beyond  the  capacity  and  fortune  of  the 
inhabitants  ; extensive  loans  are  received,  which  are  all  employ- 
ed in  procuring  excellent  clothing  for  the  auxiliary  troops,  and 
supplying  punctually  their  wants  and  their  pay,  these  troops  be- 
ing constantly  attended  to  in  preference  to  the  Peruvians. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  how  much  I had  to  suffer  and 
dissemble,  from  the  imperious  and  overbearing  manner  of  Boli- 
var, in  carrying  into  effect  all  his  ideas,  without  regard  to  the 
means ; and  how  much  I was  compelled  to  tolerate,  not  only  from 
him,  but  colonels  Heres  and  Perez,  the  two  springs  which  he  con- 
stantly moved  to  molest,  at  every  moment,  the  government,  studi- 
ous to  observe  towards  him  the  greatest  obsequiousness. 

Notwithstanding  I conceived  myself  obliged  to  make  these  sac- 
rifices for  Peru,  in  order  to  preserve  a semblance  of  her  proper 
authority,  which  might  hereafter  be  opposed  to  the  dreadful  meas- 
ures which  were  commencing  against  the  natives  of  the  country, 
and  which  every  day  would  increase. 

Before  Bolivar  went  to  the  northern  coast  to  pacify  those  pro- 
vinces, he  verbally  charged  me  to  be  most  rigorous  towards  all  the 
party  of  Rivas  Aguero,  and  to  spare  none  of  their  lives;  he  ordered 


APPENDIX. 


363 


that  all  this  party  should  instantly  disappear,  to  avoid  the  evilsre- 
sulting  from  delay. 

Don  Jose  de  La  R.  A.  being  taken  with  some  others,  in  Trux- 
illo,  by  colonel  La  Fuente,  he  imparted  the  event  to  the  govern- 
ment, who  transmitted  it  to  the  congress,  without  asking  any  pun- 
ishment. The  congress,  by  their  reply  and  former  decrees,  placed 
me  under  the  necessity  of  giving  an  order  for  the  execution  of  R. 
A.  and  some  of  his  principal  followers ; but  I consoled  myself 
with  the  idea  that  they  would  have  left  Truxillo  before  the  order 
would  have  reached  there. 

I communicated  my  sentiments  to  Bolivar  on  this  subject,  in 
a letter  which  I wrote  him  the  5th  of  December,  and  which  is 
amongst  the  justificatory  documents,  No.  1. 

The  resolutions  on  the  fate  of  De  LaRiva  Aguero,  and  the  oth- 
er prisoners,  emanated  from  congress,  and  not  from  myself.  I 
gave  them  sufficient  opportunity  to  reverse  the  decreee,  which 
the  legislative  body  had  passed  on  the  8th  of  August,  and  I did 
not  oppose  the  idea  of  La  Fuente,  that  they  should  be  banished  to 
Chili.  The  congress  resolved  to  enforce  the  punishment  of  a 
crime  which  had  been  classified  by  the  law,  and  it  was  not  in  my 
power  to  prevent  it. 

On  this  occasion  I shall  merely  state  that  the  imputation  cast 
upon  the  government  of  having  sent  an  individual  to  Truxillo, 
for  the  purpose  of  poisoning  R.  A.  is  false.  Whatever  this  indi- 
vidual said,  or  was  compelled  to  say,  is  false,  and  no  member  of 
the  government  had  any  share  in  it.  The  said  individual  was 
only  known  by  his  activity  in  introducing  communications,  as  he 
had  done  in  Lima,  when  Callao  was  besieged  by  the  Spanish  ar- 
my. He  was  afterwards  sent  for  to  convey  four  letters  to  Truxil- 
lo, for  the  purpose  of  exciting  an  insurrection  in  that  city,  for 
which  he  received  only  fifty  dollars,  drawn  from  the  public  treas- 
ury. 

Who  could  believe  that  for  so  small  a sum  ho  could  be  induced 
to  undertake  such  an  enterprise  as  this?  who  could  believe  that 
the  government  would  for  a moment  suppose  that  an  individual 
unknown  to  R.  A.  could  obtain  an  easy  introduction  into  his  do- 
mestic service.  This  very  contemptible  calumny  did,  notwith- 
standing, at  the  time,  obtain  general  currency. 

General  Bolivar  having  been  informed  of  the  immediate  exe- 
cution he  had  commanded  of  the  orders  of  congress  against  R. 
A.  and  the  other  principal  persons  taken  with  him,  replied  to  the 
minister  of  war,  who  at  that  time  also  filled  the  department  of 
state,  on  the  liberal  terms  which  appear  from  paper  No.  2,  dated 
Caxamarca,  14th  of  Dec.  1823. 

From  this  letter  we  will  make  the  following  observations  ; that 
general  B.  wished  not  only  all  the  partizans  of  R.  A.  but  all  the 
Spaniards  who  should  be  found  in  the  capital  to  be  immediate- 
ly put  to  death.* 


364 


APPENDIX. 


Secondly,  that  he  ordered  the  battalion  of  Vargas  to  march  out 
immediately  to  the  mountains,  and  to  be  replaced  in  Callao  by  that 
of  the  Rio  de  La  Plata.  That  body  was  in  the  mountains  where 
the  negotiations  commenced  with  the  Spaniards.  General  B. 
suggested  the  idea,  but  did  not  wish  to  appear  publicly  in  it,  per- 
haps in  order  to  induce  the  belief  that  the  government  was  selling 
the  country,  and  he  saved  it  by  triumphing  over  the  Spaniards, 
without  fulfilling  any  promises  towards  them.  But  the  govern- 
ment sustained  its  character  of  justice,  honor,  and  interest  for  Peru 
which  might  be  expected. 

Under  date  of  the  18th  of  January,  general  Bolivar  wrote  me 
the  letter,  number  3,  by  which  he  recommends  to  my  notice  most 
strenuously,  a very  important  affair  which  he  had  communicated, 
under  the  same  date,  to  colonel  Heres.  It  was  this  that  was 
contained  in  the  letter  of  his  then  secretary,  Espinar,  number  4, 
the  orignal  of  which  was  confided  to  me  by  the  said  colonel,  in 
confidence,  and  which  was  returned  to  him  after  being  copied. 

As  soon  as  I was  informed  of  all,  the  minister  of  war,  colonel 
Heres,  and  myself  endeavored  to  carry  into  effect  the  project  of 
general  Bolivar,  as  he  did  not  wish  to  appear  publicly  in  it ; I 
wrote  with  their  common  consent,  to  the  president  of  the  congress, 
the  note  number  5,  which  was  replied  to  by  a note  of  approbation, 
under  the  supposition  that  the  government  was  acquainted  with 
the  wish  of  Bolivar  in  this  particular.  The  letter  which  I wrote 
to  Bolivar  on  the  16th  January,  refers  to  this  circumstance,  and 
is  marked  number  6,  and  that  of  colonel  Heres  of  the  15th  of  the 
same  month,  number  7,  is  a farther  corroboration  of  all  that  has 
been  said,  and  shows  my  wish  to  agree  with  him  in  this  business, 
even  in  the  most  minute  points. 

Under  such  circumstances,  and  charged  with  accelerating  the 
said  negociation,  colonel  Perez  arrived  at  Lima  from  Pativilca,  the 
secretary  of  general  Bolivar,  who  had  a conference  with  myself 
and  the  secretary  of  war,  on  the  17th  of  January,  according  to  the 
document  number  8.  He  then  observed,  if  the  Spaniards  should 
not  wish  to  treat  on  the  preliminary  convention  of  Buenos  Ayres, 
the  said  general  proposed  a particular  one  with  Peru ; and  thus  it 
was  confidentially  resolved  upon.  In  consequence  of  all  this,  the 
respective  persons  were  delegated  under  this  date,  and  the  official 
letter,  number  9,  written  to  general  La  Soma,  and  instructions 
were  given  to  the  minister  plenipotentiary,  as  appears  from  the 
papers  number  10  and  11. 

The  minister  set  off  to  Xauja  at  that  time,  and  entered  that 
town  on  the  26th  of  January.  He  learnt  there  from  field-marshal 
Don  Juan  Antonio  Monet,  that  on  the  following  day,  general  So- 


* This  corroborates  perfectly  what  I have  stated  in  chapter  vii,  of  these  memoirs, 
of  eold  blooded  bntcherv  of  more  than  1200  Spaniards  and  Isleno  in  Laguaira  and 
Caracas,  executed  by  Bolivar’s  order.  Arthur. 


APPENDIX. 


365 


riga,  chief  of  the  staff,  would  come  from  Ituancayo,  from  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, to  have  an  interview  with  said  minister,  and  to 
receive  the  despatches,  two  of  which  were  in  fact  delivered  to  him, 
for  the  viceroy  La  Serna,  number  9 and  12,  accompanied  by  the 
official  despatch  and  letter  for  his  Excellency  general  Canterac, 
nnmbers  13  and  14,  the  replies  to  which  are  numbers  15  and  16. 

The  conference  with  general  Soriga  was  altogether  of  a private 
nature,  as  he  declared  from  the  beginning,  that  La  Serna  alone 
could  give  a definitive  answer.  In  this  conference,  as  in  all  the 
others,  the  minister  proceeded  to  establish  negociations  exclusive- 
ly on  the  basis  of  independence,  and  he  there  solicited,  as  had 
been  proposed  by  general  Bolivar,  in  case  of  being  refused  an  as- 
sent to  the  preliminary  convention  of  Buenos  Ayres,  a particular 
treaty  of  union  and  friendship,  might  be  concluded  with  Peru,  on 
the  basis  of  independence. 

II  aving  punctually  given  an  account  of  all  that  had  been  doing 
to  general  Bolivar,  lie  wrote  me  a letter  of  approbation,  number 
17.  By  this  letter,  it  appears  that  all  that  I did  on  this  subject 
was  with  his  knowledge  and  concurrence  ; and  all  that  the  minis- 
ter proposed  had  been  previously  arranged  without  his  deviating 
in  the  slightest  respect  from  his  instructions. 

There  was  only  one  difference,  general  Bolivar  was  not  desi- 
rous that  a convention  should  be  formed  with  the  Spaniards,  even 
upon  the  basis  of  independence;  he  wished  to  propose  a thing 
that  was  not  to  be  fulfilled,  whilst  I was  always  resolved  to  proceed 
with  good  faith,  to  comply  exactly  with  my  duty  and  to  restore 
peace  to  Peru  by  the  sincere  union  of  Spaniards  and  Peruvians. 

Who  would  not  esteem  this  conduct  the  most  honorable  and 
beneficial  to  the  country?  If  the  end  of  this  war  was  to  gain  in- 
dependence, if  tlris  could  be  obtained  without  the  effusion  of  blood, 
and  without  aggerating  the  sacrifices  of  a devastated  territory, 
why  did  general  Bolivar  wish  to  risk  the  object  by  the  uncertain 
result  of  a battle?  Why  was  the  greatest  part  of  the  Peruvian  ar- 
my to  perish,  which  should  serve  as  thedefenceof  this  soil?  Why, 
in  case  that  the  forces  of  Colombia  should  triumph,  should  this 
country  remain  at  the  mercy  of  Bolivar,  for  him  exclusively  to  de- 
cide on  its  fate  and  destiny  ? What  honorable  man,  in  my  case, 
would  have  performed  so  rash  and  desperate  a part? 

My  desire  was  to  terminate  the  war.  The  congress  wished  the 
same  thing,  manifested  sufficiently  in  the  order  of  the  14th  of  last 
January,  number  8. 

I am  certain  that  my  conduct  in  this  particular  could  only  ap- 
pear bad  to  general  Bolivar,  and  to  his  ambitious  satellites,  but  to 
no  other  people  or  inhabitant  of  the  world.  Before  God  and  man, 
my  conscience  tells  me  I have  proceeded  with  rectitude,  I owed 
much  to  the  people  for  having  reposed  their  confidence  in  me.  I 
fulfilled  my  obligations  on  this  account,  by  exerting  myself  for 
their  good  and  prosperity,  at  the  expense  of  a thousand  risks  and 


3C6 


APPENDIX. 


sacrifices.  At  some  future  period,  my  actions  will  be  properly  es- 
timated, and  an  impartial  posterity,  not  agitated  by  the  passions  of 
deluded,  ungrateful  and  intrigueing  men,  will  do  me  justice. 

I was  anxiously  expecting  a reply  from  bis  excellency  the  vice- 
roy, on  the  negociations  above  mentioned,  when  the  troops,  which 
garrisoned  the  castles  of  Callao,  refused  obedience  to  the  inde- 
pendent authorities.  This  happened  three  days  after  the  minis- 
ter of  war  had  returned  from  Xauja  to  Lima ; and  the  enemies  of 
order,  well  satisfied  that  the  government  had  no  part  in  this  rev- 
olution, endeavored  to  throw  the  suspicions  on  him.  As  I had  no 
previous  intimation  of  this  charge,  I confidently  believed,  and  ma- 
ny others  believed,  that  it  was  a political  and  military  stratagem 
general  Bolivar  made  use  of,  with  the  double  object  of  overthrow- 
ing the  government,  which  he  could  not  decorously  attack,  and  to 
beat  the  Spanish  forces  which  might  advance  to  the  assistance  of 
the  castles. 

Many  circumstances  concurred  to  give  plausibility  to  this  pre- 
sumption. General  Bolivar  not  only  charged  me  expressly  from 
Caxamarca,  under  date  of  the  12th  of  last  December,  that  the  bat- 
tallion  Vargas,  should  leave  Callao  to  he  replaced  by  that  of  Buenos 
Ayres,  but  in  his  letter  of  the  7th  of  January  of  the  same  year,  No. 

19,  in  which  he  mentions  his  having  been  informed  of  the  insur- 
rection of  the  grenadiers  of  that  body  in  Lima,  he  orders  the  bat- 
talion Vargas,  to  be  ready  to  march,  as  was  afterwards  done,  and 
that  Callao  should  be  defended  by  the  troops  of  Peru  and  the  Rio 
de  La  Plata. 

Colonel  Heres,  on  the  9th  of  the  same  month,  in  his  letter,  No. 

20,  recommends  to  me  very  particularly  from  Bolivar,  his  orders 
contained  in  his  official  letter  of  the  14th  December,  from  Caxa- 
marca, that  is  to  say,  the  same  orders’witli  regard  to  the  charge  of 
battallions;  and  that  all  the  royalists,  all  factious  individuals,  and 
the  followers  of  Riva  Aguera,  should  be  shot — not  only  were  the 
troops  distributed  according  to  the  directions  of  general  Bolivar, 
hut  some  days  previous  to  the  insurrection  at  Callao,  general  Al- 
varado was  named  by  him  governor  of  that  place.  Colonel  Val- 
divieso,  who  was  really  the  governor,  was  removed,  without  cause, 
or  any  just  motive.  The  same  thing  had  happened  a few  days 
previously  at  the  request  of  the  general-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the 
centre,  Don  Henriguez  Martinez,  to  the  commander  of  one  of  the 
forts,  Don  Francisco  Cabero  and  Sifuentis. 

This  extraordinary  combination  of  simultaneous  changes,  offered 
presumptive  evidence  to  my  suspicion;  and  other  things  occurred 
to  confirm  it.  Not  being  able  to  conceive  that  there  was  any  ne- 
glect in  the  service  of  the  castles,  or  in  the  administration  of  the 
corps,  I was  astonished,  at  not  having  received  any  information  of 
it  from  the  governor  of  the  place,  and  that  no  commander  or  offi- 
cer had  made  any  discovery  on  this  subject ; and  finally,  that  the 
generals  of  the  Andes  were  constantly  encouraging  expectations 


APPENDIX. 


367 


of  recovering  the  castles.  All  this  induced  the  belief  that  the  two 
fold  object  of  the  revolution  was  to  depose  the  government,  and 
to  beat  the  Spaniards  ; but  principally  so,  when  the  Colombian  offi- 
cer, Ugarte,  the  aid  to  colonel  Heres,  in  passing  over  to  the  Span- 
iards,was  found,  with  either  a true  or  forged  passport  from  his  co- 
lonel. Such  a casualty  induced  a suspicion  that  Ugarte  was  car- 
rying over  an  insidious  and  detailed  information,  and  that  the 
Spanish  forces  were  speedily  coming  to  Callao.  Ultimately  it  has 
become  notorious,  that  the  authors  of  the  movements  in  Callao 
were  only  colonel  Moyano,  and  lieutenant  colonel  Oliva,  who  had 
formed  their  plan  without  depending  on  any  external  assistance  to 
realise  the  undertaking.  After  the  loss  of  Callao,  general  Boli- 
var, trampling  upon  my  authority,  commissioned  general  Martinez 
to  execute  the  premature  measures  which  are  contained  in  the  co- 
py No.  21,  directed  to  the  ministers  at  war,  with  the  note,  No.  22. 
As,  according  to  received  orders,  Martinez  was  to  cause  the  in- 
fantry to  march  instantly,  the  capital  remaining  unprotected  and 
without  the  power  of  being  garrisoned  in  a proper  manner,  I sum- 
moned a Junta  of  generals ; and  after  having  read  the  said  instruc- 
tions, I was  of  opinion  the  troops  should  not  march,  which  was 
agreed  upon  by  the  Junta.  I thus  saved  the  capital  from  the  dread- 
ful catastrophe  which  it  would  have  suffered  from  the  revolutions 
of  general  Bolivar — a service  which  is,  perhaps,  not  properly  ap- 
preciated, from  its  not  being  generally  known. 

In  the  meantime  Bolivar,  separating  himself  entirely  from  the 
conduct  of  the  government,  which  still  subsisted,  and  without  any 
regard  to  the  congress,  directed,  under  date  of  the  10th  of  Febru- 
ary, to  general  Martinez,  the  scandalous  note,  No.  23,  which  he 
sent  to  the  government  with  the  official  note,  No.  24.  The  con- 
gress being  consulted  in  all  that  had  occurred,  resolved  upon  what 
is  contained  in  the  order,  No.  25. 

The  fulfilment  of  the  determinations  of  Bolivar,  was  still  sus- 
pended, when  general  Gamarra  appears,  commissioned  to  carry 
into  effect  the  orders  given  to  Martinez.  The  legislative  body 
was  informed  of  this  circumstance,  the  only  superior  authority 
whom  I would  acknowledge,  and  they  issued  an  order  of  suspen- 
sion, which  appears  in  the  paper  No.  26.  There  was  no  remedy  ; 
the  president  of  Colombia  required  his  mandates  should  be  obey- 
ed in  Peru  , and  it  was  to  be  done.  Invested  now  with  a dictatorial 
character,  without  paying  the  least  attention  to  the  sanction  of 
the  representative  authority,  he  names  general  Necochea,  civil  and 
military  chief  of  the  capital,  commanding  him  to  fulfil  his  orders  ; 
in  virtue  of  which  appointment,  with  the  consent  of  the  congress, 
I delivered  up  the  command  to  Necochea  on  the  17th  of  Februa- 
ry, after  having  received  the  note  No.  27. 

I thus  terminated  my  career  in  the  supreme  government  of  Pe- 
ru, called  independent,  which  I had  maintained  with  so  much  re- 
pugnance, and  with  the  object  alone  of  freeing  the  country  from 


36S 


APPENDIX. 


an  obstructive  authority.  It  was  on  this  account  I received  the 
command  at  Callao  from  general  Sucre,  and  that  I did  not  re- 
nounce it  on  the  arrival  of  Bolivar,  although  I was  strongly  urged 
to  it  by  the  deputy  Carrion. 

When  the  congress,  in  naming  Bolivar  dictator,  sent  to  know 
my  wish,  by  Don  Arce,  I replied,  that,  as  a public  man  I would 
fulfil  immediately,  whatever  the  Peruvian  congress  should  resolve 
upon,  in  order  that  they  should  not  think  me  ambitious  of  the  com- 
mand. In  fact,  I preserved  the  command  whilst  I thought  it  in- 
dispensable to  preserve  the  country  from  being  sacrificed.  Last- 
ly, when  the  government  of  the  capital  was  offered  me  by  the 
Spanish  authorities,  I refused  it,  since  there  is  at  present  no  dan- 
ger whatsoever,  or  absolute  necessity,  for  my  services. 

I,  being  separated  from  the  government,  Bolivar  determined  to 
crown  his  works,  by  ordering  me  to  be  arrested  and  shot,  as  well 
as  many  illustrious  and  respectalffe  Peruvians,  who,  according  to 
his  opinion,  might  oppose  his  design.  The  Supreme  Being  has 
saved  us  and  placed  us  under  the  protection  of  the  national  army. 
We  will  continually  exert  ourselves  for  the  felicity  of  our  country, 
always  contributing  to  its  increased  prosperity,  and  to  prostrate  the 
progress  of  the  tyrant.  His  immeasurable  ambition  shall  find  no 
aliment  in  Peru,  nor  shall  he  ever  domineer  over  its  illustrious 
citizens. 

It  is  as  true  that  Bolivar  has  endeavored  to  persecute,  without 
cause,  every  Peruvian  of  talents,  or  who  could  make  a figure,  as 
that,  when  general  La  Fuente  caused  the  last  change  in  Truxil- 
lo,  and  was  called  the  Pacificator  of  the  North,  Bolivar  immedi- 
ately determined  to  destroy  him.  La  F unete  caused  the  Peruvian 
cuirassiers  to  sustain  themselves  against  the  hussars  of  the  guard 
of  Bolivar,  who  wished  to  trample  upon  them.  From  that 
time  he  determined  to  deprive  him  of  the  Presidency  of  Truxillo, 
separate  him  from  the  army,  and  send  him  to  Chili,  under  the  mis- 
erable and  puerile  pretexts  which  appears  in  his  letter,  No.  28. 
In  this  letter  he  also  disapproves  of  the  conduct  observed  towards 
Riva  Aguero ; yet  it  had  his  entire  approbation,  and  he  ever 
wished  it  more  rigorous,  as  appears  from  his  official  letter  of  the 
1 1th  December,  No.  2.  As  to  general  Santa  Cruz,  the  said  let- 
ter evinces  sufficiently  the  ancient  hatred  that  the  president  of 
Colombia  felt  for  him,  and  which  he  has  after  expressed  and  man- 
ifested, by  the  repeated  entreaties  that  general  Sucre  has  made 
to  me,  to  cause  himself  and  Santa  Cruz  to  be  tried  by  a coun- 
cil of  war,  on  account  of  the  late  events  of  the  South.  The  ob- 
ject  of  this  was  the  destruction  of  Santa  Cruz  ; and  on  this  account 
I refused  acceding  to  the  proposal.  I cherish  the  flattering  idea 
that,  during  my  government,  in  the  most  turbulent  times,  and  in 
the  midst  of  a civil  war,  Providence  has  not  permitted  a drop  of  hu- 
man blood  to  be  shed.  Some  rigid  measures  were  indispen- 
sably taken  to  prevent  our  being  devoured  by  anarchy  ; but  every 


APPENDIX. 


309 


Peruvian  was  set  at  liberty,  and  restored  to  his  house  before  I gave 
up  the  command.  I maintained  this  without  receiving  a real  of  sal- 
ary as  supreme  chief,  in  order  that  the  most  necessitious  might  be 
relieved,  and  assisting  many  with  my  own  fortune,  and  burthening 
myself  to  sustain  the  lustre  of  the  rank  which  I had  obtained.  I 
believe  my  administration  has  been  marked  by  mildness,  justice  and 
disinterestedness,  and  if  my  government  was  not  the  best,  my  inten- 
tions were  perfectly  correct  and  pure.  United  now  to  the  national 
army, our  fates  will  always  be  the  same.  I shall  never  be  dazzled 
by  the  false  glare  of  chimerical  ideas,  which  bewildering  the  de- 
luded people  only  lead  to  their  destruction,  and  to  make  the  for- 
tunes and  satiate  a borde  of  adventures.  On  every  side  we  see 
nothing  but  ruin  and  misery.  In  the  course  of  the  war,  who  but 
those  who  called  themselves  defenders  of  the  country  had  ruined 
our  fortunes,  devastated  our  fields,  relaxed  our  morals,  oppressed 
and  distressed  the  people?  What  has  been  the  fruit  of  this  rev- 
olution. What  is  the  positive  good  that  has  resulted  to  the  coun- 
try ? The  total  insecurity  of  property  and  individuals.  I detest 
a system  which  has  not  for  its  object  the  general  good,  and  which 
does  not  conciliate  the  interests  of  all  the  citizens. 

Oh  Peru  ! peaceable  country,  in  which  I first  beheld  the  day  ; 
delightful  country  ! that  appears  destined  for  the  residence  of  the 
Gods  ! Do  not  permit  temples  to  tyranny  to  be  raised  within  your 
limits,  under  the  false  pretext  of  liberty.  Do  not  believe  that  your 
happiness  is  intended  by  a show  of  a false  equality. 

From  the  instant  that  you  shall  succumb,  a colossal  power  will 
oppress  you  with  the  weight  of  a most  cruel  despotism.  Already 
the  people  governed  by  Bolivar,  groan  under  it ; and  if  fate  is  fa- 
vorable to  him,  all  the  other  stales  of  America  will  follow  their 
unhappy  example. 

From  the  cordial  and  sincere  union  of  Spaniards,  every  good  may 
be  expected  ; from  Bolivar  desolation  and  death. 

The  Marquis  of  Torre  Tagle. 

Lima,  March  16,  1824. 


JUSTIFICATORY  DOCUMENTS. 


No.  1] — Extract  of  a letter,  of  the  5tli  December,  1823,  written  by  Don  Joso 
Benardo  de  Tagle,  to  general  Simon  Bolivar. 

I laid  the  communication  of  La  Fucnte  before  the  congress,  without  giving  any 
opinion  respecting  Riva  Aguero,  but  only  requesting  their  resolve  in  cider  to  com- 
municate it.  The  congress  does  not  approve  that  Riva  Aguero,  should  go  to 
Chili  ; and  says  that  you  and  myself  should  determine  on  this  subject.  The  law 
is  clear,  and  the  crimes  of  this  unfortunate  man  determine  his  punishment.  I 
complied  with  what  is  due  to  justice,  but  I assure  you  that,  after  having  been  for 
many  years  a public  character,  and  experienced  the  pain  of  being  obliged  to  decide 
upon  the  fate  of  men,  a day  of  greater  unhappiness  than  was  occasioned  by  deci- 
ding upon  that  of  Riva  Aguero,  1 have  never  in  my  life  experienced.  I believed 

47 


370 


APPENDIX. 


that  he  must  have  set  off  for  Chili  ; for  certainly  he  would  not  have  thought  it 
prudent  to  wait  there  (Truxillo)  the  determination  of  the  congress.  Anxiously 
do  I wish  to  know  the  fate  of  that  man. 

No.  2.] — Head  Quarters  of  the  Libertador  Caxamarca,  December  J4,  1823.  To 
the  minister  of  war.  As  I arrived  yesterday  without  my  secretary,  he  having 
been  taken  ill  on  the  road,  I addressed  myself  directly  to  your  Excellency.  I 
last  night  received  the  communications  of  his  Excellency  to  the  30th  of  last 
month  by  which  I have  learnt  the  dislodgement  of  the  expedition  of  Aiica, 
and  the  suspicion  that  was  entertained  against  the  vice  admiral  of  Peru* 

As  the  brig  Boyaca,  with  captain  Coro,  has  arrived  on  the  west  of  Huanchaco, 
with  the  object  of  sending  assistance  to  the  party  of  Riva  Aguero,  there  is  not 
the  least  doubt  that  hopes  are  entertained  of  keeping  that  party  alive,  which  appears 
almost  extinct.  Consequently,  I have  dictated  measures  for  securing  the  vessels  of 
Peru  and  Colombia,  which  might  be  attached  by  the  partizans  of  Riva  Aguero,  or 
by  the  Spanish  squadron,  consisting  of  four  sail,  of  which  I have  been  informed 
by  the  captain  of  the  port  of  Callao,  and  by  an  original  letter  from  his  Excellency, 
the  president  of  the  Republic.  The  communications  of  yesterday  have  not  failed 
to  produce  a very  dsingreeable  impression  upon  me  ; they  show  me  that  obsta- 
cles are  multiplying  on  every  side  to  the  liberty  of  Peru.  The  expedition  of 
Chili  is  dispersed,  and  even  returned  to  its  country.  Santa  Cruz  and  ! his  par- 
tizans entertain  very  sinister  ideas  ; Guise  the  same.  The  factions  of  Lima  are 
making  great  progress  in  Canta  and  Huarochiri.  The  expedition  of  Herrera, 
sufficiently  manifests  the  nyalist  party  that  predominates  in  Lima,  in  the  most 
extraordinary'  manner. 

Finally,  the  combination  of  yesterday’s  news  is  terrible,  and  scarcely  leaves 
me  any  hopes  of  a favorable  result  to  be  wrested  from  misfortune,  even  by  force ; 
every  thing  threatens  ruin  in  this  country.  Whilst  I advance  towards  the  North, 
the  South  falls  into  confusion  ; and  when  I return  to  the  South,  I am  certain 
this  part  of  the  North,  will  inevitably  be  thrown  in  the  utmost  disorder,  because 
Peru  has  become  the  camp  of  Argamant,  where  no  one  is  understood.  Whatever 
direction  I take,  I meet  with  opposition.  Who  w'ould  have  conceived  that  the 
party  of  Riva  Aguero,  should  be  able  to  recruit  accomplices  by  the  attraction  of 
an  infamous  piece  of  treason  ? Yet  such  is  the  situation  of  things.  It  is  my  opin- 
ion, that  if  the  government  does  not  establish  terrible  measures  against  the  royal- 
ists, and  against  factious  individuals  ; that  Peru  will  be  the  victim  of  its  own 
clemency.  The  orders  of  the  government  upon  Riva  Aguero,  and  his  accompli- 
ces, are  very  just  and  very  much  to  the  point,  and  ought  to  be  rigorously  complied 
with;  besides,  lam  of  opinion  that  the  same  orders  should  be  extended  to  the 
other  accomplices  of  Lima,  and  others  of  Riva  Aguero' s party,  or  that  of  the 
Spaniards.  The  government  should  demand  from  the  congress  terrible  laws 
against  conspirators,  of  whatever  party  they  may  be;  and  the  government 
should  cause  these  laws  to  be  executed  with  inexorable  rigor.  Peru  is  under- 
mined by  her  enemies,  and  only  a countermine  can  save  her.  I do  not  ve  nture 
to  dictate  measures  which  I judge  salutary,  because  I am  not  a Peruvian  ; and 
every  thing  I do  is  attributed  to  Colombia  and  sinister  views.  Let  the  relation 
of  Herera  speak  for  itself,  which  declares  that  the  contributions  create  enemies'to 
Colombia,  as  if  the  contributions  were  for  the  use  of  Colombia  alone,  and  did  not 
belong  to  the  expenses  of  Peru  and  its  authorities.  Before  now  I have  repeated 
that  I wished  that  the  government  of  Peru  would  incur  the  odium  which  will 
fall  on  me  for  these  strong  measures,  and  that  I would  do  the  rest.  In  proof  of 
which,  I have  taken  charge  of  this  civil  war,  which  certainly  has  been  attended 
with  its  share  of  odium  and  calumny  ; but  it  was  my  duty  to  take  charge  of  it, 


* The  government  of  Peru  always  entertained  the  best  opinion  of  the  vice  admiral. 
He  was  not  accused  of  any  thing  in  the  communication  to  general  Bolivar.  It  was  only 
stated  to  him  that  a serjeant-major,  who  had  come  from  the  Chili  expedition  at  Arica  to 
Lima,  had  reported  that  the  r ice-admiral  had  burnt  the  provisions  at  that  place,  and 
was  on  his  way  to  Huanchaco,  with  general  Santa  Cruz. 


in  order  to  save  this  country.  Thanks  to  God  ! it  has  had  a speedv  result ; but 
there  will  certainly  be  a reaction,  if  strong  caustics  are  not  applied  to  the  gang- 
rene that  this  domestic  war  has  left.  To  destroy  the  hostile  and  factious  gueril- 
las, the  battalion  Vargas  should  immediately  march  from  Callao,  towards  Can- 
ta,  to  be  replaced  by  the  battalion  of  Rio  de  La  Plata,  or  Chili,  or  by  both,  for 
the  better  preservation  of  the  castles.  Let  colonel  Cordero  take  the  command 
of  the  guerillas  of  Sierra,  against  Xauj a and  Pasco,  and  let  every  assistance  be 
given  him  for  the  subsistence  and  movement  of  his  troops,  or  ample  orders  to 
supply  wherever  he  may  he. 

In  this  way  the  parties  of  Mancebo,  Rinavilca,  Carreuo,  and  Vidal,  will  he  de- 
stoved,  and  the  opponents  of  Villar  will  be  silenced,  who  on  account  of  the  hatred 
which  is  borne  to  him,  in  the  country,  have  been  found  by  Rinavilca,  the  oppo- 
nents of  legitimate  government,  I always  thought  Mancebo  and  Villar  were  bad 
men,  and  prejudicial  to  the  country.  If  colonel  Cordero  does  not  find  sub- 
sistence for  his  battalion,  let  him  scour  the  country  to  Caxatamba,  and  leave  the 
force  necessary  to  maintain  order.  From  Huarochiri,  some  troops  of  the  line 
from  Chili,  should  proceed  with  the  same  object,  which  would  also  prevent ‘the 
destruction  of  the  Chilian  in  the  climate  of  the  coast.  It  is  incredible  how  neces- 
sary it  is  to  throw  all  our  army  amongst  the  mountains,  to  accustom  them  to 
march,  and  to  the  climate  of  the  country,  which  is  to  he  the  scene  of  war.  On 
the  same  account  I ardently  desire  that  all  troops  of  Chili,  which  may  arrive  on 
the  coast  of  Peru,  should  move  towards  the  mountains  in  any  way  and  in  any  di- 
rection. Afterwards  they  can  be  reunited  and  organised  in  the  most  convenient 
and  best  way  possible.  By  this  operation  the  salvation  of  the  Chilian  troops  will 
be  obtained,  and  an  expense  saved  the  government  which  it  is  not  able  to  sustain 
on  account  of  its  present  state  of  penury.  As  to  Messrs.  Santa  Cruz  and  Guise, 
the  government  will  take  such  measures  as  will  be  dictatated  by  their  wisdom — 
for  my  part,  I shall  soon  be  in  Truxillo,  from  which  place  I can  communicate  to 
the  government  whatever  occurs  to  me  upon  these  and  other  subjects  of  much 
importance.  Before  terminating  this  official  letter,  I must  add,  that  the  corps 
commanded  by  Raboa  have  now  acknowledged  the  legitimate  government,  who 
wore  the  most  obstinate;  they  are  in  this  city  in  a most  lamentable  state,  on  account 
of  their  small  force  and  miserable  condition.  But  I shall  attempt  to  improve  it 
as  far  as  lies  in  my  power  Within  six  days  I shall  be  in  Truxillo,  and  there  I 
shall  dictate  measures  to  regulate  every  thing  according  to  the  views  of  the  con- 
gress, and  the  government.  The  promotion  of  general  La  Fuente  has  appeared 
to  me  just  and  proper  on  account  of  his  good  conduct  in  such  critical  circumstan- 
ces. May  God  preserve  your  Excellency.  (Signed)  Bolivar. 

No.  3.] — Pativilca,  January  11th,  1824.  My  dear  President — At  last  I am 
convalescent  from  my  indisposition,  which  appears  terminated,  and  has  only  left 
me  a little  debilitated.  I cannot  exactly  mention  the  day  when  I shall  set  off  for 
the  capital,  but  it  will  be  as  soon  as  I am  a little  stronger.  Colonel  Heres  will 
speak  to  you  about  a very  important  affair,  which  I communicate  to  him,  under  this 
date.  I think  it  is  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  recommend  it  to  you  most  earn- 
estly. I charge  you  with  secrecy  and  promptitude  in  the  execution  of  it.  I am 
your  affectionate  friend  and  servant,  Bolivar. 

To  His  Excellency  Don  Jose  Bernardo  Tagle. 

No.  4.] — Pativilca,  January  11th,  1824.  To  Colonel  Heres.  My  esti- 
mable Colonel — On  account  of  the  arrival  at  Lima  of  Mr.  Alzaga,  and  the  pressing 
requests  which  have  been  made  to  the  government  to  commence  negociations  on 
the  convention,  celebrated  between  the  commissioners  of  his  Catholic  Majesty  and 
the  government  of  Buenos  Ayres,  His  Excellency,  the  Liberator,  thinks  that  an 
armistice  can  take  place  between  general  La  Serna  and  the  government  of  Peru, 
which,  lasting  six  months  or  more,  shall  protect  us  from  being  invaded  by  the 
Spanish  army,  which,  at  present,  has  a great  numerical  preponderance  over  that 
of  Colombia.  In  effect,  His  Excellency  desires  that  the  convention  of  Buenos 
Ayres  should  be  ratified  with  the  Spaniards  of  Cuzco  before  it  is  ratified  by  our 
side,  because  it  will  be  the  means  of  obtaining  more  favorable  terms;  when,  on 
the  contrary,  if  we  ratify  it  before  La  Serna,  he  being  sure  of  our  assent,  would 


372 


APPENDIX. 


increase  his  pretensions  excessively,  and  all  the  disadvantages  would  fall  upon  us. 
The  Libertador  is  of  opinion,  that  the  government,  in  accordance  with  the  con- 
gress, should  send  a flag  of  truce  to  Cuzco,  or  wherever  La  Serna  may  be,  inviting 
this  general  to  enter  upon  a conference,  the  basis  of  which  shall  be  the  said  ar- 
mistice. This  being  agreed  to  by  La  Serna,  he  will  send  commissioners  to  Xauja, 
fully  authorised  to  treat  with  us  upon  the  armistice,  a rule  of  demarcation,  and  other 
particulars,  which  his  excellency  proposes.  His  excellency  desires  that  the  lan- 
guage which  the  government  makes  use  of,  may  be  in  these,  or  other  similar  terms, 
indicating  frankness  of  principle,  liberality  of  ideas,  and  absolute  confidence  in  the 
liberating  armies  and  its  chiefs.  La  Serna  must  be  addressed  with  noble  pride, 
and  without  discovering,  in  any  manner,  our  state  of  present  debility.  The  Liber- 
tador is  so  satisfied  with  the  result  of  this  negotiation,  that  his  excellency  is  re- 
sponsible for  the  liberty  of  Peru,  after  an  armistice  of  six  months.  All  the  diffi- 
culty rests  in  the  affair  being  well  managed,  in  order  that  its  motive  may  never 
transpire. 

His  excellency,  the  Liberator,  does  not  wish  to  give  his  countenance  to  the 
commencement  of  this  negotiation,  because  it  would  indicate  a state  of  debility  in 
the  army,  and  a want  of  confidence  in  our  own  forces,  that  would  cause  the  illu- 
sion of  opinion  to  vanish,  which  the  Spanish  now  entertain  of  his  excellency,  and 
every  thing  would  fall  through.  La  Serna,  and  the  other  chiefs,  would  not  con- 
sent to  any  thing  to  accelerate  their  march  towards  us,  and  the  result  of  a battle 
would  be  uncertain.  As  soon  as  the  auxiliaries  arrive,  which  his  excellency  has 
asked  from  Colombia,  and  which  he  expects  within  six  months,  the  fears  which  at 
present  surround  us,  will  be  dissipated.  The  greatest  address  is  necessary  in  the 
management  of  this  affair,  and  the  most  inviolable  secrecy.  The  proposal  which 
the  government  will  make,  always  in  its  own  name,  ( and  by  no  means  in  that  of 
the  Libertador,)  may  be  divulged  to  a few  persons,  but  the  causes  from  which 
they  originate  must  remain  absolutely  a secret,  even  to  those  who  assist  in  the  ne- 
gotiation. On  this  account,  his  excellency  has  not  permitted  me  to  reply,  offi- 
cially, to  the  government,  respecting  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Alzaga,  his  presentation 
to  the  convention,  &c.  &c.  and  you  will  mention  this  to  his  excellency,  the  presi- 
dent, in  the  name  of  the  Libertador.  The  president  must  write  with  a certain 
frankness  to  the  chief,  of  the  vanguard,  or  to  the  viceroy,  La  Serna,  in  these  or 
similar  terms:  “that  he  has  been  informed  that  La  Serna,  animated  by  the  most 
noble  sentiments  of  philanthropy,  was  desirous  of  terminating  the  war  of  America 
by  a pacific  negotiation;  that  there  has  been  sufficient  blood  shed;  that  the  en- 
lightened world  is  scandalized  at  this  fratricidal  contest;  that  the  cannons  have 
thundered  long  enough ; that  American  blood  has  flowed  too  long  by  the  hands 
of  brothers;  that  being  all  sons  of  liberty,  and  defending  the  rights  of  humanity,  it 
appears  that  this  sanguinary  war  is  more  monstrous  from  its  inconsistency,  than 
from  the  disasters  which  it  causes;  that  we  are  men,  and  should  employ  reason 
before  force;  that,  let  us  once  come  to  an  understanding,  and  the  good  of  Ameri- 
ca, and  that  of  Spain,  w ill  concentrate  in  the  same  point;  the  peninsular  govern- 
ment, the  Cortes,  and  the  king,  have  acknow  ledged  the  independence  of  all  Ameri- 
ca; that  Buenos  Ayres  has  already  concluded  her  treaties,  Mexico  the  same,  and 
Colombia  has  already  set  on  foot  at  Bogota  a negotiation  with  the  Spanish  agents, 
on  the  preliminaries  of  an  armistice  and  peace.  It  thus  appears  that  Peru  aione  is 
unfortunate  in  not  enjoying  repose,  as  the  contending  parties  have  not  come  to  an 
understanding;  that  the  government  of  Spain  could  derive  many  advantages  from 
the  actual  position  of  Peru ; and  that  human  prudence  would  dictate  that  Spain 
should  make  use  of  the  last  hope  which  remains  to  her,  of  treating  advantageously 
with  us.”  La  Serna  must  farther  be  told,  “that,  on  account  of  the  mission  of  Mr. 
Alzaga,  from  the  government  of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  that  a convention  having  been 
proposed,  which  has  been  concluded  between  the  commissioners  of  his  Catholic 
majesty  and  Buenos  Ayres,  his  excellency,  the  president,  invites  general  La  Ser- 
na to  declare,  explicitly,  his  intentions,  his  will,  his  assent,  or  his  rejection,  of  these 
treaties.”  The  government  should  make  it  appear,  in  directing  this  communica- 
tion, that  the  Libertador  has  no  concern  in  it;  that  he  has  not  merely  withheld  his 
assent,  but  that  he  has  not  even  the  least  knowledge  of  the  beneficent  intentions 
of  the  government.  In  fine,  not  a word  must  be  spoken  in  the  said  communica- 
tion, of  his  excellency,  the  Libertador.  Adieu,  my  dear  friend;  this  letter,  al- 


APPENDIX. 


373 


though  private  in  its  form,  has  virtually  all  the  character  of  an  official  letter.  Let 
it  be  considered  so  in  case  of  necessity.  I am  entirely  yours, 

Jose  de  Espinar  Rabricado. 

No.  5.] — Lima,  January  13th,  1824.  Most  Excellent  Sir — I believe  most  firm- 
ly, that  every  step  towards  a convention  with  the  Spaniards,  will  be  useless,  until 
we  shall  know  from  them  whether  they  are  disposed  to  negotiate.  To  this  effect, 

I think  it  of  immense  importance,  that  all  responsibility  resting  upon  me,  a chief 
of  Peru,  whom  I shall  name,  possessing  distinguished  civil  and  military  knowledge, 
shall  proceed  to  general  Cantarac,  or  to  general  La  Serna,  in  case  the  former  shall 
not  possess  sufficient  power.  This  previous  step,  I think,  vpry  important  to  the 
salvation  of  Peru  ; it  will  mark  out  the  path  we  are  to  pursue  in  out  ulterior  ar- 
rangements, and  I am  resolved  upon  it.  I only  wait  for  the  approbation  of  the 
sovereign  congress,  which  is  to  be  obtained  by  your  excellency,  to  whom  I re- 
iterate the  assurances  of  my  high  consideration  and  esteem. 

(Signed)  Jose  Bernardo  de  Tagle. 

To  the  President  of  the  Congress. 

No.  6.] — Lima,  January  16th,  1824.  To  the  most  excellent  Simon  Bolivar. 
My  dear  Libertador  and  friend — In  consequence  of  what  you  informed  me  in  your 
estimable  letter  of  the  11th  of  the  present  month,  and  by  the  letter  under  thp  same 
date,  directed  to  colonel  Heres,  by  your  secretary,  I proceeded  to  lay  before  con- 
gress the  communication,  a copy  of  which  I transmit  to  you,  marked  No.  1,  with 
the  reply,  which  is  marked  No.  2.  I have,  in  accordance  with  colonel  Heres, 
determined  to  direct  a communication,  in  which,  besides  the  general  points,  which 
are  contained  in  the  letter  of  your  secretary,  are.  comprehended  those  which  have 
been  suggested  and  almost  dictated  by  the  said  colonel,  and  are  copied  and  mark- 
ed No.  3.  The  plenipotentiary  of  Buenos  Ayres,  to  whom  it  was  suggested  by  the 
minister  of  war,  that  general  Guido  should  convoy  this  communication,  on  account 
of  its  importance,  and  in  order  better  to  explore  the  political  attitude  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  Spanish  army,  as  appeared  most  proper  to  Heres,  he  refused  his  consent  to  the 
nomination,  thinking  it  would  be  better  to  send  some  Peruvian  of  character,  de- 
signating, at  the  same  time,  the  said  minister  of  war.  Colonel  Heres  told  me, 
that,  in  case  of  necessity,  he  should  approve  of  this  nomination;  and  I am  now 
seeking  a person  to  whom  I can  entrust  this  important  commission ; under  the  de- 
termination that,  should  I not  meet  with  any  other  Peruvian  than  the  minister  of 
war,  who  could  fulfil  this  commission,  I shall  send  him,  notwithstanding  the  great 
loss  he  will  be  to  me.  Colonel  Heres  tells  me,  that  the  express  must  immediate- 
ly set  off,  so  that  I have  no  time  to  write  more  fully.  Your  most  affectionate  friend 
and  obedient  servant,  Jose  Bernardo  de  Tagle. 

No.  7.] — To  the  most  excellent  Don  Bernardo  Tagle.  My  general  and  my 
friend — After  I left  your  house,  I reflected  at  my  leisure  on  the  letter  which  you 
should  write  to  La  Serna.  The  minister  of  war  is  right  in  his  opinion.  It  is  bet- 
ter to  say  nothing  of  the  transmission  of  the  papers.  It  appears  to  me  all  those 
should  be  sent  which  are  received  from  Europe,  merely  saying  that  they  are  en- 
closed; but  as  you  have  more  judgment  than  myself,  you  may  resolve  upon  what 
you  may  think  most  proper.  I am  your  affectionate  friend. 

(Signed)  J.  de  Heres. 

No.  8.] — 4 o’clock  P.  M.  of  the  17th  of  January.  My  esteemed  general — Have 
the  goodness  to  defer  our  interview  with  Mr.  Berindoaga  to  this  night,  at  7 o’clock, 
in  your  palace,  as  I am  at  present  occupied  with  Mr.  Alzaga.  I am,  general,  your 
obedient  servant,  J.  G.  Perez. 

No.  9.] — Lima,  January  17th,  1824.  Most  excellent  sir — General  Heres, 
named  by  the  government  of  Buenos  Ayres,  to  convey  to  your  excellency,  in,  be- 
half of  the  deputies  of  Spain  on  this  continent,  the  preliminary  convention,  must 
have  reached  you  about  the  same  time  that  Don  Felix  Alzaga,  the  minister  pleni- 
potentiary, arrived  here,  soliciting  the  government  of  Peru  to  accede  to  this  con- 
vention. 


374 


APPENDIX. 


This  government  has  been  informed  of  the  favorable  desire  of  your  excellency 
to  terminate  a sanguinary  war,  more  monstrous  by  its  inconsistency  than  by  the 
disasters  which  it  occasions.  The  enlightened  world  is  scandalized  at  this  fra- 
tricidal contest,  in  which  the  sons  of  liberty,  in  both  hemispheres,  fight  against 
each  other,  without  the  Spaniards  on  their  side  being  able  to  determine  the  object. 
Cannon  have  resounded  too  long  ere  the  imperious  voice  of  justice  and  humanity 
have  been  heard,  through  the  means  of  a formal  negotiation.  The  Cortes  and  the 
king,  far  from  revolting  at  the  independence  of  America,  have  authorised  their 
commissioners  to  the  northern  and  southern  continents,  to  treat  with  them  on  this 
basis.  Buenos  Ayres  and  Mexico  have  already  concluded  their  treaties.  A ne- 
gotiation in  Bogota  is  already  set  on  foot  by  the  Spanish  agents,  on  an  armistice  and 
preliminaries  of  peace,  with  respect  to  Colombia.  Why,  then,  shall  Peru  alone  be 
the  scene  of  the  most  dreadful  w ar,  when  the  Spanish  troops  in  her  territory  are 
directed  by  your  excellency,  whose  sentiments  of  philanthropy,  as  well  as  the 
liberal  principles  which  animate  the  chiefs  of  your  army,  are  so  well  known  ? Let 
the  effusion  of  blood,  then,  cease;  let  reason  regain  her  rights;  and  let  us  preserve 
those  forces  which  should  give  subsistence  and  life  to  the  country.  The  govern- 
ment of  Peru  invites  your  excellency  to  declare  explicitly  your  intentions  and 
will,  respecting  the  preliminary  convention,  celebrated  between  the  commission- 
ers of  his  Catholic  majesty  and  Buenos  Ayres.  To  this  effect  your  excellency 
might  appoint  deputies  to  proceed  to  Xauja,  the  same  thing  taking  place  on  the 
part  of  this  government.  In  order  to  commence  a conference,  and  to  establish 
some  points  which  may  contribute  to  give  formality  to  this  negotiation,  the  briga- 
dier-general, Don  Juan  de  Berindoaga,  minister  of  state,  of  war,  and  marine,  and 
also  charged  with  the  department  of  foreign  relations,  is  now  despatched  to  your 
excellency.  Peru  may  hope,  that  the  day  will  soon  dawn,  which  is  to  behold  the 
Spaniards  and  Peruvians  again  linked  together  with  the  indissoluble  ties,  produced 
by  good  faith,  perpetual  friendship,  and  the  advantageous  union  formed  by  recipro- 
cal rights.  I have  the  honor  to  offer  to  your  excellency  the  sentiments,  &c. 

From  the  most  excellent  Jose  Bernardo  Tagle  to  the  most  excellent  Don  Jose 
de  La  Serna. 

( This  is  a copy , Tagle.)  Hipolito  Unanue. 

No.  10.] — Instruction  which  the  president  of  the  republic  of  Peru  gives  to  Don 
Juan  de  Berindoaga,  brigadier:general,  minister  of  state,  of  war  and  marine,  and 
charged  with  the  department  of  foreign  relations,  for  the  fulfilment  of  his  commis- 
sion, to  the  most  excellent  Don  Jose  de  La  Serna,  or  to  his  excellency  Don  Jose 
de  Cantarac,  in  the  case  pointed  out  in  these  instructions. 

1st.  General  Don  Juan  de  Berindoaga,  must  proceed  to  the  most  excellent  Don 
Jose  de  La  Serna,  or  to  his  excellency  general  Don  Jose  Cantarac,  should  he  pos- 
sess all  the  necessary  powers,  with  the  object  of  declaring  the  favorable  disposi- 
tion of  the  government  of  Peru,  to  terminate  the  present  scandalous  war  in  which 
we  find  ourselves  engaged. 

2d.  The  commissioned  general  can  make  the  necessary  explanations  on  this  mat- 
ter, and  regulate  every  thing  according  to  the  manner  he  may  deem  most  proper, 
in  order  that  deputies  may  be  named  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Spanish  troops,  to  treat 
on  the  armistice  that  is  mentioned  in  the  preliminary  convention  of  Buenos  Ayres, 
keeping  always  in  mind,  that  in  this,  as  in  every  other  negociation  with  the  Span- 
iards, the  independence  of  America  must  be  the  basis. 

3d.  The  deputies  being  nominated,  the  said  general  Berindoaga  can  return  to 
Lima,  or  communicate  from  Xauja,  there  waiting  the  orders  which  may  be  for- 
warded to  him. 

4th.  The  contents  of  the  note  under  this  date,  which  is  directed  to  his  excellen- 
cy Don  Jose  de  La  Serna,  and  the  copy  of  which  accompanies  these  instructions, 
will  be  the  guide  of  his  proceedings. 

5th.  In  all  that  may  occur,  not  comprehended  in  these  instuructions,  he  will 
proceed  conformably  to  the  peculiar  circumstances  which  may  present  themselves, 
and  according  to  the  previous  knowledge  that  he  has  of  the  government  of  Peru, 
always  consulting  its  greatest  advantage.  Jose  Bernardo  de  Tagle. 

Lima,  January  17th,  1824.  Hipolito  Unanue. 


APPENDIX. 


375 


No.  11.] — An  additional  and  very  confidential  article  to  the  instructions  given 
under  this  date,  to  the  minister  plenipotentiary,  Don  Juan  de  Berindoaga. 

In  case  the  Spaniards  should  be  averse  to  treating  on  the  preliminary  conven- 
tion of  Buenos  Ayres,  the  minister  can  propose  Jo  them  on  the  basis  of  indepen- 
dence a particular  treaty  with  Peru.  Jose  Bernardo  de  Tagle. 

Lima,  January  17th,  1824. 

No.  12,] — Xauja,  27th  January  1824.  Most  Excellent  Sir — Having  yester- 
day arrived  at  this  town,  with  the  credentials  of  minister  plenepotintiary  of  inde- 
dependent Peru,  near  your  excellency,  or  his  excellency  Don  Jose  de  Cantarac, 
should  he  posses  powers  to  commence  a negotiation,  this  general  yesterday  sent 
to  the  said  town  field-marshal  Don  Juan  Loriga,  and  general-in-chief  of  the  statf, 
with  instructions  to  have  an  interview  with  me  and  to  receive  the  letters  directed 
to  your  excellency,  and  that  I should  wait  a reply  in  Lima,  or  some  intermediate 
point,  without  your  jurisdiction;  since  in  your  excellency  alone  the  powers  of  fulfill- 
ing my  commission  reside.  These  things  having  taken  place  in  pursuance  of  the 
philanthropic  ideas  of  my  government,  and,  I being  obliged  to  proceed  to  Lima, 
as  I am  not  permitted  to  speak  to  your  excellency,  it  is  my  duty  to  propose  a sus- 
pension of  hostilities  for  the  necessary  time  to  treat  on  the  expediency  of  the  pre- 
liminary convention  of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  other  reciprocal  interests  : Your  excel- 
lency will  please  to  command,  if  you  should  think  proper,  twm  deputies  to  proceed 
to  Xauja,  or  any  other  point,  where  the  same  number  will  immediately  be  sent 
by  Peru.  I hope  that  your  excellency  penetrated  with  the  necessity  of  putting 
an  end  to  the  w'ar,  opposed  to  the  views  of  this  enlightened  age,  and  to  all  liberal 
principles,  will  be  pleased  to  accede  to  these  measures  proposed  by  my  govern- 
ment, anxious  to  enjoy  peace,  as  the  greatest  good  that  any  triumph  could  obtain. 
I have  the  honor,  &c. 

From  the  most  Excellent  Juan  de  Berindoaga,  to  the  most  Excellent  Don  Juan 
de  La  Serna. 

No.  13.] — Xauja,  27th  January  1824.  Most  Excellent  Sir — To  field-marshal 
Don  Juan  Loriga,  general-in-chief  of  the  staff,  sent  by  your  excellency  to  have 
an  interview  with  me,  and  to  receive  the  letters  I had  to  deliver  to  him,  I have 
shown  my  credentials  as  Minister  plenepotentiary,  near'your  excellency,  or  near 
his  excellency  Don  Jose  de  La  Serna.  Not  having  the  pleasure  of  speaking  to 
your  excellency,  as  I am  obliged  to  return  to  Lima,  or  wait  for  a reply  in  some  in- 
termediate point  without  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Spanish  arms,  I enclose  to 
your  excellency  two  parcels  for  the  most  excellent  La  Serna,  one  from  his  excel- 
lency the  president  of  the  republic  of  Peru,  the  other  to  me,  opened,  relative  to  the 
objects  of  my  commission  ; will  your  excellency  order  that  they  be  sent  to  their 
direction,  and  accept  the  particular  consideration,  &c. 

From  the  most  Excellent  Juan  de  Berindoaga  to  the  most  excellent  Don  Jose 
de  Cantarac. 

No.  14.] — Xauja,  27th  January  1824.  To  the  most  excellent  Don  Jose  Can- 
tarac. Most  excellent  Sir — Much  have  I regreted  not  having  spoken  with  you 
in  Huancayo,  as  I expected,  I think  my  mission  would  have  had  a more  speedy 
and  satisfactory  result  to  our  reciprocal  interests.  Notwithstanding,  I flatter  my- 
self that  your  excellency  will  contribute  as  much  as  is  in  your  power  to  the  con- 
clusion of  all  the  differences  that  subsist  between  Spain  and  Peru.  Until  this  hap- 
py day  shall  arrive,  it  is  with  pleasure  I assure  your  excellency  of  the  considera- 
tion, &c.  From  the  Most  excellent  Juan  de  Berindoaga. 

No.  15.] — I have  received  the  letter,  under  date  of  yesterday,  which  your  ex- 
cellency directed  to  me  from  Xuaja,  enclosing  two  parcels  for  the  viceroy  of  Peru, 
Don  Jose  de  La  Serna;  one  from  Don  Bernardo  Tagle,  and  another,  open,  from 
your  excellency,  which  w ill  be  forwarded  to  day,  by  express,  to  their  destination. 
As  I am  not  authorised  to  commence  any  negotiation,  your  arrival  at  this  place 
would  have  been  useless.  I will  esteem  it  as  a favor  if  your  excellency  will  cause 


376 


APPENDIX. 


the  parcel  to  be  delivered  which  I send  to  you  for  colonel  Aldunati.  May  God 
preserve  your  excellency  many  years.  (Signed)  Jose  Cantarac. 

Head-quarters  at  Huancayo,  January  27th,  1824. 

No.  16.] — Huancayo,  January  28th,  1824.  To  Don  Juan  de  Berindoaga. 
Esteemed  sir — 1 reply  to  your  excellency’s  letter  of  yesterday,  by  assuring  you 
that  my  desires  are,  and  always  will  be,  for  the  conclusion  of  the  disagreement, 
now  existing  between  some  parts  of  Peru  and  the  mother  country ; and  1 shall  take 
a particular  pleasure  in  co-operating  to  this  end.  As  I have  already  officially  in- 
formed your  excellency,  not  being  empowered  to  commence  any  negotiation,  your 
desire  would  be  of  no  avail  in  personally  proceeding  to  uiy  head  quarters. 

Yours,  &c.  Jose  Canterac. 

No.  17.] — Pativilca,  February  7th,  1S24.  My  dear  president — I have  seen, 
with  the  greatest  satisfaction,  the  result  of  the  mission  of  general  Berindoaga,  as  it 
was  perfectly  well  managed  by  the  negotiator.  By  this  step  we  have  been  able 
to  sound  the  feelings  and  state  of  the  enemy.  General  Berindoaga  has  done  very 
well  in  giving  the  enemy  the  idea  of  a new  treaty,  which  might  be  favorable  to 
them ; thus  they  may  be  led  to  expect  something  from  the  negotiation.  On  the 
whole,  every  thing  has  appeared  to  me  perfectly  right.  I understand  that  you 
have  desired  to  have  a document  from  me,  showing  my  approbation  of  the  mea- 
sure of  entering  into  the  negotiation  with  the  enemy.  This  document  is  justly 
desired,  and  I am  ready  to  give  it  in  the  most  solemn  manner;  but  1 will  observe 
to  you,  with  frankness,  that  a doubt  of  my  probity  has  never  yet  occurred  but  to 
my  enemies,  and  I have  never  considered  you  as  one  of  them.  The  proposal  of 
Carrion,  for  a minister,  was  a piece  of  forgetfulness  on  my  part,  not  recollecting, 
at  the  time,  that  there  was  a minister  appointed,  and  in  the  exercise  of  his  func- 
tions. I knew  that  Mr.  Valdiviero  was  in  the  territory  of  Riva  Aguero,  and  that 
before,  he  had  been  minister,  and  nothing  more.  I have,  for  Mr.  Valdiviero,  the 
esteem  and  consideration  which  he  deserves.  Have  the  goodness  to  make  this 
public.  To  general  Berindoaga,  to  whom  I am  going  to  write  very  fully,  have 
the  goodness  to  present,  in  the  mean  time,  the  expressions  of  my  satisfaction  for 
his  excellent  conduct  in  the  mission  he  has  just  fulfilled.  Accept,  for  yourself, 
the  expression  of,  &c.  Bolivar. 

No.  18.]  Secretary  General’s  office  of  the  Constitutional  Congress  ) 

of  Peru,  Lima,  January  14th,  1824.  ) 

To  the  acting  Secretary  of  His  Excellency  the  Libertador.  Mr.  Secretary — 
We  have  the  honor  of  directing  to  your  excellency,  lor  the  information  of  his  ex- 
cellency the  Libertador,  the  annexed  notes,  originals  and  copies,  forwarded  on  ac- 
count of  the  arrival  of  the  minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  state  of  Buenos  Ayres, 
near  this  government,  Don  Felix  Alzaga,  with  the  principal  object  of  soliciting 
the  accession  of  this  government  to  the  preliminary  convention,  held  between 
Buenos  Ayres  and  the  commissioners  of  his  Catholic  majesty,  on  which  important 
affair  the  sovereign  congress  has  determined  to  suspend  their  resolution,  until  they 
learn  the  opinion  of  his  excellency  the  Libertador.  Touching  this  matter,  the 
congress  have  vacillated  between  conflicting  reasons;  for  if  on  one  side  they  are 
urged  by  the  primary  object  of  securing  the  independence  and  liberty  of  the  re- 
public against  the  intrigues  of  bad  faith,  and  the  spirit  of  domination  profoundly 
rooted  in  the  breasts  of  all  Spaniards,  who  are  always  ready  to  violate  the  most  sa- 
cred stipulations; — on  the  other  side,  they  are  urged  by  the  desire  of  terminating 
a contest,  which,  infallibly,  must  be  very  bloody,  not  only  on  account  of  their 
prosperity  and  repeated  success,  during  the  two  preceding  years,  and  the  impro- 
per conduct  which  many  of  our  countrymen  have  pursued  in  the  towns  they  have 
occupied,  and  in  the  incursions  they  have  made;  which  conduct,  according  to  re- 
port, has  alienated  the  minds  of  the  people,  to  the  prejudice  of  themselves,  as  well 
as  to  the  great  American  cause.  To  which  may  be  added,  the  state  of  annihila- 
tion of  the  public  treasury,  wholly  unable,  at  present,  to  give  assistance  and  ac- 
tivity to  a numerous  army,  which  is  required  in  order  that  the  result  may  not  be 
doubtful,  and  this  deficiency  of  the  treasury  can  only  be  supplied  by  violent  ex- 
tortions, which  would  probably  be  frustrated  on  account  of  the  poverty  of  indi- 


APPENDIX. 


377 


vidual  fortunes.  Under  these  circumstances,  and  because  the  congress  have  in- 
trusted to  the  Libertador  the  salvation  of  the  country,  and  deposited  in  his  military 
skill,  prudence  and  knowledge  of  the  human  heart,  unlimited  confidence,  they 
hope  to  hear  his  thoughts  on  this  delicate  subject  before  proceeding  to  any  resolu- 
tion. May  God  preserve  your  excellency.  (Signed)  Makuel  Terreyeos. 

To  Joaquin  Arrese,  Deputy  Secretary. 

No.  19.] — Copy  of  the  articles  2d  and  9th,  of  the  letter  of  the  7th  of  January, 
1S24,  from  general  Bolivar  to  Don  Jose  Bernardo  de  Tagle. 

2d.  Much  do  I regret  the  affair  of  the  grenadiers  of  the  Rio  de  La  Plata,  since 
it  indicates  a continued  state  of  anarchy.  Have  the  goodness  to  tell  general  Mar- 
tinez, from  me,  that  I should  be  much  pleased,  if,  for  the  honor  of  the  arms  of  his 
country,  an  examplary  punishment  should  be  made  among  the  accomplices  in  this 
affair.  That  if  they  belonged  to  Colombia,  I would  show  him  how  they  ought  to 
be  punished,  as  I did,  when  a military  tumult  took  place  in  Truxillo,  between  the 
cuirassiers  of  general  La  Fuente  and  the  hussars  of  my  escort,  a few  hours  before 
I left  that  place.  This  all  happened  on  account  of  the  hatred  borne  us  by  all  those 
of  the  party  of  Riva  Aguero,  who  always  look  upon  us  as  the  usurpers  in  Peru, 
having  previously  calumniated  their  government  to  us  as  guilty  of  corruption. 

9th.  I am  desirous  of  having  a great  army  near  Huanuco,  to  prevent  the  enemy 
from  getting  to  Lima.  On  this  account,  I desire  that  the  battalion  Vargas  should 
be  ready  to  march  to  the  mountains,  in  order  that  our  troops  may  be  augmented 
on  that  side.  The  troops  of  Peru  and  the  Rio  de  La  Plata,  are  more  than  sufficient 
to  defend  Callao.  Let  new  recruits  be  made  in  Lima,  and  the  coast  of  its  depart- 
ment, to  augment  the  battalion  of  Pardo  Zelo,  which  should  reside  in  Callao  to  se- 
cure the  recruits.  This  battalion  should  not  be  less  than  a thousand  strong,  and 
he  is  decidedly  the  best  chief,  that  is,  as  I have  been  informed  by  every  one.  Let 
all  the  recruits  be  from  the  coast,  or  else  they  will  die.  You  can  send  recruiting 
parties  to  this  department,  or  that  of  Lima,  to  raise  troops  to  augment  the  defence 
of  Callao.  I should  observe  to  you,  that  all  Peruvian  troops,  not  employed  in  a for- 
tress, will  infallibly  desert,  and  thus  all  the  expense  and  trouble  will  be  lost.  You 
cannot  imagine  the  difficulty  I have  had,  to  retain  in  the  ranks  the  troops  of  the 
north.  Every  day  the  battalions  are  renewed,  and  are  always  composed  of  re- 
cruits. Whenever  they  sleep  in  the  open  air,  or  perform  long  marches,  they  all 
desert.  Such  troops  are  not  worth  a groat.  Their  own  chiefs  proposed  to  me  to 
send  them  to  Callao,  but  as  they  were  all  mountaineers,  I know  that  they  would 
die.  I prefer  sending  them  to  Caxamarca,  where  their  subsistence  will  cost  noth- 
ing, and  they  will  be  in  a good  climate.  Their  muskets  are  good  for  nothing. 
Finally,  I frankly  tell  you,  that  I only  depend  upon  the  troops  of  Colombia,  and, 
on  this  account,  I am  obliged  to  draw  the  last  which  remain  in  Callao  and  Lima, 
to  enable  me  to  do  something  of  importance. 

0 

No.  20.] — Extract  of  a letter  from  colonel  Tornas  heres,  to  Don  Jose  Bernardo 
Tagle,  of  the  9th  of  January,  1824:  “ The  Libertador  enjoins  me  very  particular- 
ly to  write  to  you  about  having  carried  into  effect  the  measures  which  he  commu- 
nicated to  you  in  his  official  letter  of  the  14th  of  December,  from  Caxamarca.  In 
the  state  of  this  diseased  body,  amputations  only  can  save  it. 

No.  21.]  General  Secretary’s  office,  Head-quarters,  ) 

Pativilca,  February  8th,  1824.  5 

To  the  general-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  Centre.  General — The  army  of  the 
enemy  may  approach  the  capital,  and  your  excellency,  on  account  of  the  inferiori- 
ty of  the  forces  under  your  command,  find  yourself  unable  to  make  any  resistance. 
Under  this  impression,  his  excellency,  the  Libertador,  commands  me  to  communi- 
cate to  you  what  follows,  which  is  to  contribute  to  the  liberty  of  Peru. 

1st.  Your  excellency  will  cause  all  the  corps  of  infantry,  without  any  excep- 
tion, to  commen.ce  their  march  to  this  place,  by  the  route  w hieh  you  shall  esteem 
most  expedient,  either  through  Chancay,  by  old  Frapiche  to  Retes,  thence  to 
Huawza,  and  thence  to  Pativilca. 

2d.  The  corps  of  cavalry  ought  to  form  the  vanguard,  and  the  guerilla  parties 
ought  to  be  nearest  the  enemy,  as  corps  of  observation. 

48 


378 


APPENDIX. 


3d.  Your  excellency  will  despatch,  at  any  expense,  some  confidential  and  daring 
men  to  Callao,  to  go  on  board  all  the  armed  vessels  there,  but  most  particularly  the 
armed  vessels  Guagas,  Venganza  and  Balcarse,  and  others  of  this  description,  with 
orders  to  bore  holes  in  them,  either  to  sink  them  completely,  or  render  them  use- 
less. 

4th.  His  excellency  commands  that  all  horses  and  mules  shall  he  taken  from 
the  capital  and  its  vicinity,  and  all  articles  of  war,  which  are  there  to  he  found, 
all  merchandise  which  may  be  employed  to  clothe  the  army ; finally,  all  that  may 
be  useful  to  us  and  which  would  assist  the  enemy. 

5th.  The  transportation  from  the  capital  of  these  articles  of  war,  clothing  and 
the  rest,  must  be  effected  in  any  way,  and  that  your  excellency  may  judge  most 
convenient. 

6th.  On  no  pretext  whatever,  should  any  thing  be  left  in  Lima  which  could  be 
of  any  use  to  the  Spaniards. 

7th.  To  this  effect  his  excellency,  the  Libertador,  empowers  you  (keeping  only 
in  view  the  safety  of  the  country  and  the  army,  and  the  necessity  of  removing 
resources  from  the  reach  of  the  enemy)  to  proceed  to  demand  from  the  govern- 
ment, and  from  individuals,  all  articles  of  war,  every  thing  useful  in  magazines, 
all  moveable  objects,  and  all  merchandise  which  may  be  applied  to  clothing 
the  army, 

8th.  His  excellency  authorises  you,  in  case  of  refusal,  or  any  resistance,  in 
giving  up  the  articles  asked  for,  to  take  them  by  force,  and  thus  prevent  their 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

9th.  Finally,  general,  his  excellency,  the  Libertador,  desires  that  your  excel- 
lency should  be  impressed  with  the  importance  of  this  commission,  and  that  it 
should  be  fulfilled  by  your  excellency,  with  all  the  zeal,  activity,  and  all-suffi- 
cient energy  and  skill  necessary  in  the  unfortunate  event  of  an  invasion  of  the  capi- 
tal, by  the  enemy’s  force,  which  is  to  be  feared. 

10th.  In  order  that  the  third,  article  of  these  instructions  may  take  effect,  your 
excellency  will  offer,  to  those  employed,  a great  sum  of  money,  which  must 
be  paid. 

11th.  For  this,  and  other  expenses,  which  art  absolutely  indispensable  under 
these  circumstances,  and  to  fulfil  many  other  objects,  his  excellency  empow- 
ers you  to  lay  a contribution  on  persons  of  property,  strenuously  exacted,  and 
see  that  it  is  immediately  complied  with. 

12th.  Your  excellency  w ill  publish  a proclamation  in  the  capital,  and  in  all 
places  through  which  the  army  will  pass  under  your  command,  in  order  that 
every  man,  and  every  slave,  who  may  wish  to  follow  the  army,  may  present 
themselves,  and  become  incorporated  into  it,  without  any  fear  of  being  return- 
ed to  their  masters. 

Your  excellency  has  nothing  to  expect  from  the  inhabitants  voluntarily ; you 
must  demand  and  take  everything  by  force.  This  method,  in  truth,  is  hard, 
but  in  the  present  state,  it  is  indispensable.  May  God,  &c. 

(It  is  a copy,  Espinar.)  (Signed)  Jose  de  Espinar. 

No.  22.]  General  Secretary’s  office,  Head-quarters,  ) 

Pativilca  8th  February,  1824.  $ 

To  the  minister  of  war.  Mr.  Minister — I send  you  a copy  of  the  note  under 
this  date,  which  I directed  to  Don  Henriques  Martinez,  by  order  ot  his  Excellency 
the  Libertador.  May  God,  &c.  To  the  minister  of  war,  from 

Jose  de  Espiner. 

No.  23]  General  Secretary’s  office,  Head-quarters,  ) 

Pativilca,  10th  February,  1824.  ) 

To  the  General  of  the  army  of  the  centre,  Don  Henriques  Martinez.  Mr. 
General — I send  you  a duplicate,  by  order  of  his  Excellency,  the  Libertador  of  my 
communication  of  the  8th  of  the  present  month,  charging  you  again  with  its  fulfil- 
ment. Callao  is  lost ; and  do  not  doubt  hut  this  is  a work  of  the  Spaniards.  The 
capital  will  share  the  same  fate,  and  you  are  exposed  to  be  involved  in  its  ruins. 
Your  Excellency  is  authorised  to  save  yourself,  and  to  save  the  remains  of  the 
army,  the  marine  of  war,  and  of  commerce,  for  all  which  his  Excellency  not  only 


APPENDIX. 


379 


delegates  to  you  the  ample  and  extraordinary  power  of  which  he  is  possessed,  but 
at  the  same  time  he  makes  you  responsible  for  any  omission  in  the  fulfilment  of 
his  instructions,  which  no  human  power  can  resist.*  Your  Excellency  will 
not  only  have  the  measures  executed  which  I communicated  to  you  in  my  note 
of  the  8th,  but,  also,  you  will  order  a communication  to  be  had  with  vice-admiral 
Guise,  in  these,  or  similar  terms ; that  vice  admiral  Guise  must  enter  Callao  with 
his  squadron,  seize  upon  and  take  out  all  vessels,  without  exception,  and  those 
which  he  cannot  remove  he  must  sink  or  set  on  fire ; and  all  those  vessels  which 
he  shall  succeed  in  removing,  shall  be  considered  as  enemies  property,  be  con- 
demned as  good  prizes,  agreeably  to  the  laws  on  that  subject ; and  that  he  shall 
proceed  afterwards  with  his  squadron  to  the  North,  to  receive  the  orders  of  his 
Excellency  the  Libertador.  You  will  endeavor,  general,  to  save  every  tiling  that 
is  possible  ; and  to  remove  from  the  capital  every  thing  which  may  be  of  use  to 
the  army.  Your  Excellency  will  proceed  as  a delegate  of  the  Liberator,  who 
invests  you  with  his  powers  to  do  every  thing  which  his  Excellency  would  do, 
were  he  present.  Your  Excellency  must  imagine  that  the  country  being  lost, 
all  the  ties  of  society  are  broken,  that  there  is  no  authority,  nothing  to  be  re- 
garded, that  you  must  deprive  the  enemy  of  the  immense  resources  of  which  he 
is  about  to  take  possession.  For  all  which  his  Excellency  has  received  sufficient 
authority  from  the  congress,  which  he  transfers  to  you.  May  God,  &c.  To  the 
general  from  Jose  de  Espinar. 

( It  is  a copy,  Hurrero.) 

No.  24.]  Lima,  February  12th,  1824.  Mr.  Minister — I have  just  received 
the  official  letter  of  his  Excellency,  the  Libertador,  a copy  of  which  I transmit  to 
your  Excellency  in  the  order  that,  placing  the  contents  of  it  before  his  Excellen- 
cy, the  President,  he  may  be  pleased  immediately  to  send  me  a reply,  that  I may 
in  consequence  guide  myself  by  what  the  said  most  excellent  gentleman  shall  de- 
termine. Henriciues  Martinez. 

To  the  minister  of  war. 

No.  25.]  General  Secretary’s  office  of  the  Constitutional  Congress  ) 

of  Peru,  Lima,  February  12th,  1824.  ) 

Mr.  Minister — Tbe  sovereign  congress  being  acquainted,  through  the  notes  of 
the  8th  and  9th  of  the  present  month,  directed  by  the  Libertador  to  general  Mar- 
tinez, have  resolved, — that  a committee  should  be  named  from  this  body,  who, 
with  due  instructions,  shall  proceed  to  his  Excellency,  the  Libertador  to  make  some 
necessary  representations  to  him,  in  order  that  proper  measures  maybe  adopted  for 
the  salvation  of  the  country  ; and  that  the  effect  of  the  said  notes  shall  be  suspend- 
ed, as  far  as  regards'the  security  of  the  capital,  till  a reply  shall  be  received  from 
the  Libertador,  the  government  still  continuing  to  remove  the  munitions  of  war ; and 
in  case  the  enemy  should  advance  upon  the  capital,  every  thing  which  would  as- 
sist them  to  the  prejudice  of  the  cause,  and  the  army  of  the  country. 

By  orders  of  the  congress,  we  communicate  this  to  your  Excellency,  in  order 
that,  having  the  goodness  to  lay  it  before  the  President  of  the  republic,  he  may 
cause  the  same  to  be  fulfilled. 

May  God,  &c. 

From  Joaguin  and  Araese,  deputy  secretary;  Jose  Bartolome  Sarate,  deputy 
secretary,  and  minister  of  state  in  the  department  of  the  government. 

Lima,  February  12th,  1824.  Let  the  previous  order  of  the  sovereign  congress 
be  observed  and  fullfilled ; let  a certified  copy  be  made  of  it,  and  let  it  be 
transmitted  to  the  minister  of  war  for  its  fulfilment  in  the  part  which  apper- 
tains to  him.  Tagle. 

(It  is  a copy,  Urnanua.) 


* What  respect  and  obedience  to  the  congress  ! What  consideration  for  the  Execu- 
tive power  ! When  this  was  said  from  general  Bolivar  did  he  think  himself  omnipotent  ? 
What  delirum  ! — what  sacrilege.  Note" of  Torre  Tagle. 


3S0 


APFEND1X. 


No.  26]  Department  of  War  and  Marine,  ) 

Lima,  February  15, 1824.  5 

H.  S.  Minister — At  the  request  of  his  Excellency,  the  President  of  the  re- 
public, I had  the  honor  of  transmitting  for  your  information  and  consequent  ef- 
fects, the  order,  which  under  this  date,  the  deputy  secretaries  of  the  congress 
have  directed  to  me.  The  sovereign  congress  being  informed  of  the  note  of 
the  Secretary  of  his  Excellency,  dated  the  11th  of  the  present  month  and  di- 
rected to  general  Don  Agustin  Gamana,  in  which  he  confers  upon  him  the 
powers  which  he  had  before  given  to  general  Don  Henriques  Martinez,  should 
the  latter  not  have  fulfilled  them,  which  note  was  presented  by  the  minister 
of  war,  the  congress,  have  resolved,  that  carrying  into  due  effect  w hat  was 
before  sanctioned,  in  consequence  of  the  commission  conferred  upon  general 
Martinez,  the  result  of  the  committee  despatched  from  that  body  to  the  Liber- 
tador  shall  be  received  before  any  innovation  is  admitted. 

By  order  of  the  same,  we  communicate  this  to  your  Excellency  that  by 
your  transmiting  it  to  the  President  of  the  republic,  it  may  have  its  due  ef- 
fect. May  God  preserve,  &c. 

Joagdin  de  Arrese,  Deputy  Secretary. 

Jose  Bartolome  Sarate,  Deputy  Secretary. 

I offer  to  your  Excellency,  the  sentiments,  &c. 

( It  is  a copy,  Unanue.) 

No.  27.]  General  Secretary’s  office,  of  the  Congress,  1 

Lima,  February  17th,  1824.  5 

The  congress  having  heen  duly  summoned,  and  only  twenty-seven  delegates 
having  been  assembled,  which  number  is  not  sufficient,  according  to  law , to 
constitute  a quorum,  the  said  gentlemen  formed  themselves  into  a private  junta, 
when  the  reply  of  his  Excellency  the  Libertador  w-as  laid  before  them,  and 
the  request  of  general  Necochea,  and  in  consequence  of  the  urgent  necessity  which 
connects  the  state  of  the  castles  of  Callao,  with  the  protests  of  responsibility  again 
repeated,  have  agreed — that  the  charge  thereon  being  accepted  by  Ins  excellen- 
cy, the  Libertador,  the  government  should  be  told,  that  the  moment  has  arrived, 
in  which  the  decreed' the  10th  of  the  present  month  must  be  published  ; and  if, 
by  that  authority,  any  chief  should  appear,  with  sufficient  credentials,  demanding 
the  civil  and  military  command,  in  virtue  of  which  it  shall  be  given  him,  the  said 
chief  must  be  informed,  that  the  congress,  to  prevent  the  abandonment  of  this 
city,  has  sent  a committee  to  his  excellency,  the  Libertador  ; and  it  is  hoped  that 
he  will  prudently  await  the  reply  before  carrying  into  effect  this  measure.  All 
which  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  communicate  to  the  president  of  the  re- 
public, for  his  information  and  consequent  orders.  May  God,  &c. 

Joaqfiade  Arrese,  Dep.  Sec’ry. 

Jose  Bartolome  Sarate,  Dep.  Sec’ry 

No.  28.]  — To  the  minister  of  state  in  the  department  of  the  government. 
Lima,  February  17th,  1824.  Observe  it  and  fulfil  it,  and  in  consequence,  let 
the  decree,  of  the  10th  of  the  present  month,  of  the  sovereign  congress,  be  pro- 
claimed ; and  afterwards,  let  the  civil  and  military  command  of  the  capital  be  de- 
livered up  to  Don  Mariano  Necochea,  on  whom  it  has  been  conferred  by  his  ex- 
cellency, the  Libertador,  after  having  accepted  the  supreme  dictatorship  given 
by  the  sovereign  congress.  (Signed)  Tagle. 

(It  is  a copy , Unanue.) 

No.  20.] — Pativii.ca,  January  29th,  1824.  My  dear  president — This  morn- 
ing I received  the  note,  from  the  government,  enclosing  me  the  proposals,  or 
rather  the  orders  of  general  La  l’uente,  that  despatches  should  be  sent  to  his  com- 
panions in  arms.  The  lone  of  La  Fuente  with  the  government,  has  shocked  me, 
though  previously  I had  reasons  to  be  surprised  at  nothing.  He  says,  very  plain- 
ly, tiiat  the  despatches  must  be  sent  ; that  is  to  say,  he  orders  it.  This  general, 
my  dear  President,  is  more  absolute  than  the  congress,  yourself,  or  I.  Will  you 
believe,  that  whilst  he  commanded  at  Truxillo,  he  retained  those  persons  in  the 


APPENDIX. 


3S1 


service,  whom  the  government  had  ordered  to  be  shot  ? Colonel  Devalos  com- 
manded the  day  of  the  night  of  my  arrival  at  Truxillo,  and  sent  to  me  for  orders. 
He  has,  furthermore,  set  Silva  Novoa,  and  Mancebo  at  liberty,  who  had  robbed 
the  state  of  more  than  a hundred  thousand  dollars  ; and  this  same  La  Fuente 
knows  it  by  the  declaration  of  Riva  Aguero.  I gave  orders  for  these  men  to  be 
arrested  ; and  I added,  in  conversation,  that  I would  set  them  at  liberty,  in  order 
that  they  might  leave  the  country  whenever  the  money  should  appear.  Silva  of- 
fered to  make  important  disclosures,  but  nothing  was  done,  all  through  the  man- 
agement of  La  Fuente.  He,  besides,  excites  jealousies  among  the  troops,  by  his 
unjust  preferences.  His  pride  is  such,  that  he  sent  me  the  countersign  by  his  aid, 
I being  with  my  staff  at  Truxillo  ; as  if  he  were  the  chief,  and  not  myself.  At 
the  dinner  table,  he  placed  himself  at  my  right.  He  came  no  farther  than  the 
door  of  the  drawing  room  to  receive  us  ;*  he  never  came  to  my  house  to  consult 
me  about  any  thing,  as  you  have  done  so  often,  the  minister  of  state,  and  others. 
I know  this  was  owing  to  your  excessive  goodness,  but  I also  know  the  distance 
between  yourself  and  him  is  immense.  I will  add,  that  these  things  made  no  im- 
pression upon  me  till  this  moment,  but  the  insubordination  of  La  Fuente  is  so 
great,  that  we  cannot  depend  upon  his  obeying  any  thing  that  is  ordered.  You 
must  understand,  that  I reproved  him  very  much  for  his  disobedience  to  the  gov- 
ernment, respecting  the  execution  of  the  criminals,  who  were  ordered  to  be  shot, 
and  I exhorted  him  to  submit  to  the  laws  and  the  authorities.  He  replied,  that 
he  was  commanded  to  commit  an  assassination,  since  the  order  was  for  the  se- 
cret execution  of  the  men,  without  trial  and  without  witnesses.  I replied  to  him, 
that  I did  not  doubt  that  this  all  originated  from  Berindoaga  ; and  that  you  were 
too  good,  and  too  much  of  a gentleman,  and  that,  occasionally,  Beriudoaga’s  ad- 
vice was  not  the  best,  as  in  this  case  ; for  a secret  execution,  without  trial  o( per- 
sons of  consequence,  was  a shocking  thing,  and  had  always  been  disapproved 
of.  Permit  me,  my  dear  president,  to  avail  myself  of  this  opportunity,  to  give 
you  my  opinion,  frankly,  on  this  affair,  Finally,  I have  many  reasons  for  be- 
lieving that  general  La  Mar  will  experience  much  disgust  from  general  La  Fuente  ; 
he  told  me  so  himself  before  leaving  that  place,  and  expressed  his  regret  that  there 
was  not  another  Prefect  to  this  department.  If  general  La  Mar  should  be  ap- 
pointed Prefect  of  this  department,  with  the  power  of  nominating  a Sub-Prefect, 
to  take  charge  of  the  Perfecture,  he  only  retaining  the  authority  and  title,  I think 
the  service  would  proceed  rapidly,  and  the  embarrassments  would  be  diminshed. 
If  this  idea  appears  good  to  you,  you  can  propose  it  to  the  congress  from  me. 
Let  Mr.  La  Fuente  go  to  Chili,  to  relieve  Mr.  Salazar,  and  every  thing  will  be 
right  (reserved  but  certain.)  General  La  Fuente  is  really  opposed  to  Riva 
Aguero  and  Herrera,  but  entirely  devoted  to  the  other  accomplices  of  this  con- 
spiracy. lie  loves  general  Santa  Cruz  passionately  ; so  much  so,  that  he  wished 
me  meanly  to  stoop  to  him.  The  purport  of  all  this  is,  that  the  altar  has  remain- 
ed entire,  and  that  the  idol  alone  is  wanting,  which  was  thrown  down  to  make 
room  for  the  successor,  who  is  expected.  This  successor  may  be  Santa  Cruz,  La 
Fuente,  or  any  other  ambitious  person.  The  altar  must  be  destroyed.  Adieu  my 
dear  president,  I am  cordially  yours,  Bolivar. 


"These  ridiculous  and  whimsical  t bscrvations  of  general  Bolivar,  show  plainly,  not 
alone  his  vanity,  but  his  mediocrity  of  mind.  A man  of  superior  talent,  even  general 
George  Washington,  would  have  never  made  these  remarks,  and  much  less  in  an  official 
letter. — Note  of  the  Author  \ 

Note. — The  originals  of  the  papers  which  have  been  printed  in  this  manifesto,  will  re- 
main in  the  secretary’s  office  of  the  city  council,  till  the  IStli  of  the  present  month,  in  or- 
der that  all  who  doubt  their  authenticity  may  be  convinced  by  occular  demonstration. 

Torre  Tagle. 


382 


APPENDIX. 


NO.  X. 

Extract  of  a letter  from  a communication  of  Senor  Manuel  Vidan- 
re,  published  in  the  Massachusetts  Journal  of  August  19th,  1828. 

Bolivar  called  a convention,  because  he  thought  he  should  have  a 
majority  in  it.  He  dissolved  it  by  the  scandalous  method  of  causing 
some  of  the  representatives  to  separate  themselves,  so  that  a quorum 
should  attend  the  sittings.  Brisenno  Mendes  was  the  commander 
of  this  disorganising  faction.  Brisenno  Mendes,  the  political  offspring 
of  Bolivar,  his  creature,  his  confidant ; he  who  with  very  little  re- 
serve discovered  in  the  congress  of  Panama  the  depth  of  the  ambi- 
tious ideas  of  the  American  Napoleon.  Let  the  impartial  judge.  Is 
not  the  case  of  Colombia  entirely  similar  to  that  of  Peru  ? There  he 
convoked  the  congress,  hoping  that  he  should  be  able  to  dispose  of 
the  deputies  at  his  pleasure.  His  success  was  not  commensurate 
with  his  intentions,  There  were  infamous  traitors,  but  the  majority 
were  sound.  He  impeded  the  installation  of  the  congress,  making 
the  ignominy  of  the  transaction  fall  on  those  pusillanimous  persons 
who  signed  apathetic  petition,  alleging  these  same  reasons  of  agita- 
tion and  disturbance.  He  protracted  the  dictatorship,  and  he  did 
so  in  order  to  give  a code  repugnant  to  the  will  of  the  people;  a 
code  which  deserves  to  be  called  the  energetic  expression  of  absolut- 
ism. Is  not  this  precisely  equivalent  to  the  resolution  of  the  house- 
holders of  Carthagena,  of  the  Canton  of  Ubate,  and  to  the  documents 
from  the  executive  departments  ? 

Enlightened  nations  know  that  the  powers  of  those  who  com- 
mand, are  not  enlarged  except  by  intrigue,  seduction  or  force.  It 
is  impossible  that  change  of  this  sort  should  proceed  from  a will 
that  is  free  and  regulated  by  reason.  Who  would  be  a slave  if  he 
could  be  free?  Who  is  not  satisfied  that  he  will  be  a slave,  if  he 
concedes  extraordinary  powers  to  a man  of  war  ? I ask  whether 
Bolivar  would  have  dispersed  the  convention,  if  a majority  had  been 
favorable  to  him  ? Would  he  have  thrown  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
the  Peruvian  congress,  if  a great  number  of  faithful  men  had  not 
manifested  their  sentiments  in  the  preliminary  meetings.  Brisenno 
Mendes  feigned  himself  oppressed  in  Colombia ; some  unprincipled 
Peruvian  alleged  the  same  in  my  country.  Oppressed,  they  who 
have  on  their  side  the  armed  force  ! Oppressors,  I called  them  and 
grievous  oppressors  ! enemies  of  order,  aspiring  criminals  against 
God  and  human  nature.  Can  men  read  with  moderation  and  suffer- 
ance, the  following  sentiments  in  the  Redactor  ? 

Carthagena  rests  the  entire  exercise  of  the  sovereignty  in  the  per- 
son of  the  Libertador. 

Ubate  authosises,  so  far  as  may  depend  on  her,  the  Libertador  to 
be  president,  in  order  that  he  may  take  upon  himself  the  absolute 
command. 

He  unites  the  three  powers,  and  proceeds  to  establish  absolution 
in  the  world  of  Columbus  ! and  are  these  acts  and  these  maxims  de- 


APPENDIX 


3S3 


tailed,  without  fire  flashing  in  the  eyes,  and  the  blood  leaping  to  the 
cheeks?  Be  Bolivar  absolute,  but  let  him  remember  that  all  the 
thrones  where  despots  have  seated  themselves,  have  been  stained  with 
their  own  blood.  There  was  a poinard  for  Henry  IV.  of  France,  the 
least  wicked  of  kings,  a dagger . 


XII. 

Origanical  decree  of  general  Bolivar  in  virtue  of  which  he  has  assumed 

the  supreme  power  in  Colombia,  dated  Bogota  '27th  August,  1828. 

Title  15th, — Of  the  Supreme  Powder. 

Art  1.  The  attributes  of  the  supreme  chief  are  to  maintain  peace 
in  the  interior  and  the  defence  against  foreign  invasions ; to  have  the 
command  of  the  land  and  sea  forces ; to  negociate  with  foreign  pow- 
ers, to  make  peace  and  declare  war,  and  to  make  treaties ; to  name 
all  the  civil  and  military  officers. 

The  supreme  chief  has  the  right  to  render  the  decrees  and  ordinan- 
ces necessary,  of  whatever  description  they  might  be,  to  modify  to  re- 
form the  established  laws  and  to  alter  them  entirely ; to  look  upon  the 
execution  of  the  decrees  and  ordinances,  as  upon  laws  to  be  main- 
tained. 

To  recover  the  taxes  ; the  administration  of  justice  the  execution 
of  judgments;  the  approbation  or  the  reform  of  the  sentences  of  the 
Court  Martials ; the  commutation  of  punishment  with  the  advice  of 
the  council  of  state,  and  upon  the  proposal  of  the  courts  or  after  hav- 
ing heard  them  previously,  the  right  of  amnesty,  or  to  grant  the  par- 
don of  public  or  private  faults,  always  with  the  advice  of  the  council 
of  state. 

To  give  commissions  to  privateers. 

To  exercise  the  natural  right  as  the  chief  of  the  general  adminis- 
tration of  the  republic  in  all  its  branches,  and  as  being  entrusted  with 
the  supreme  power  of  the  state ; finally,  to  preside  in  the  council  of 
state,  when  he  pleases. 

Art  2.  The  supreme  chief  will  be  assisted  in  the  exercise  of  the 
executive  by  the  council  of  ministers. 


Waitt  & Dow,  Printers Boston. 


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